Page II

Perception Of Open - Ended Time

 Discovery Of Dante

Falsification Of Classical Texts

Recommended Books

 
THE PERCEPTION OF OPEN-ENDED TIME
 by Dr. Yaroslav Kesler



 "One of the main achievements of 12th century scholarship proved to be that it made use of oral testimony and oral tradition.
Another great undertaking of 12th century historians, perhaps the most difficult, was the mastery of time. As a result of a hundred years of evolution, the entire West, finally, agreed to position every year in a continuous series from the birth of Christ, and everything, without exception, began finally to relate that very Christmas to one and the very same year - regardless of the doubts and hesitations they had. Then, after universal agreement had been established relative to the Christian Era, the historians had to resolve another complex problem: to indicate the year from the birth of Christ for various dates where the texts reported to them and to assign on one and the same chronological scale facts relative to which neither written sources nor human memory reported a precise time. Experts on church calendars, virtuosos in the area of chronology, and 12th century monks coped with this problem so successfully that even today it arouses amazement in us." (Bernard Guenee. "Histoire et culture historique dans l'occident medieval." Moscow, Yazyki Slavyanskoy Kul'tury (Languages of Slavic Culture), 2002, page 411).

 "In half a century of vigorous activity, Benedictine scholars salvaged, considering their capabilities, everything from the past that could be salvaged. It so happened that their successors did not find an incentive for new investigations in this area. They simply continued to talk about their own time. The 12th century historians were above all researchers. The 13th century historians were, first of all, witnesses" (ibid. page 412).

Much more profound information about the perception by mankind of such a notion, it is possible, as TIME is hiding behind these lines of the prominent modern French historian, Bernard Guenee. And about the essence of a chronology.
Two completely different things are understood by the term "chronology." (1) A chronology as a succession of events in time and (2) a chronology as a science about the measurement of time. At the same time, by "historical chronology" they understand a subordinate historic discipline which studies the systems of a method of numbering the years and the calendars of various peoples and states, and also helps to establish dates of historic events and the beginnings of historic sources.
A chronology (1) is a retrospective reconstruction, inasmuch as the only, sliding, point of counting time backwards -- present time, as a result, is conventional. This in full measure relates to historical chronology.
A chronology (2) is a natural science discipline, inasmuch as it is based on recurring measurements of oscillating and rotating natural cycles. This in full measure relates to astronomical chronology.
 
Observation of the surrounding environment does not give man an absolute "point for the start of time." The counting of time from the "Big Bang" is just as conventional as, let us say, from the "Creation." But an observation of the environment renders the ability of a comparison of ensuing events with natural cycles. And these observations also underlay the numerous variants of calendars long before the appearance of a chronology (1).
Which natural cycles has mankind been observing? The shortest - the daily cycle - of the rising and the setting of the sun. But this cycle, from the point of view of an observer from Earth, is uneven in the course of a day itself within the limits of one cycle (up to the Arctic Circle), and beyond the Arctic Circle the solar year generally degenerates into one day which consists of one day and one night.
Second in increase of relative duration is the "tidal" cycle (connected, as we now know, with the moon, but they didn't know this earlier.) The English word tide "flood" is the same as the German Zeit, the Swedish and Norwegian tid "time" (also compare the Dutch tij = flood and tijd = time), inasmuch as the coastal, and indeed, even more so, the island inhabitants, naturally, measured their activity with the high and low tides.
The somewhat prolonged lunar (monthly) cycle is most convenient because of the ability of counting two-week (English fortnight) intervals between the first and third quarters (the "growing" and "aging" moons) - phases of the moon, and also, considering the full moon and new moon - the determination of a weekly cycle and the establishment of a connection between daily and monthly cycles.
Still longer is the yearly cycle, subdivided into the "time of the year," it is settled only later - with the aid of devices which allow the determination of the equinox, and then also the solstice. This then relates also to the seasonal flooding of rivers (for example, of the Nile), and to the onset of a season of monsoons in the tropics.

The "Metonic Cycle" (19 years) and the "Solar Cycle" (28 years) are the next stage in the mastery of the natural cycles for a local, but more wide-scale, tie-in for time against the background of a starry sky. Observation of the planets is a qualifying factor of the second order relative to these fundamental cycles. (Weather conditions are a complicating factor, but which do not exclude observations of the heavenly bodies.)
All the cycles mentioned are observed over the course of a human life. But not one of them assumes the need of man in some kind of open-ended chronology (1), inasmuch as from an everyday point of view the tie-in to some kind of them simultaneously is both essential and sufficient.
The only irreversible process which may induce man to an open-ended chronology is life itself. Only two dates are struck on grave stones: birth and death. All the remaining biography is secondary. Yes, a definite continuity of generations exists, which is realized in descendants, but not one of them (not with the cyclical gene of protozoa) is a precise replica of an ancestor. And over the course of a lifetime, people confront situations when the everyday counting of time is difficult ("a prisoner in solitary confinement without windows.") But sunset even beyond the Arctic Circle is not so fatal for man as for a one-day butterfly. The most ancient words, which reflect the notion of some kind of a final segment of time, characterize the relativity of the notion "open-ended time" for a man absolutely.
 
I think hardly anyone will not see a clear connection between, let us say, the English year, the German Jahr and the Russian Yar(a) = spring (compare also with the Greco-Roman ora = "hour, time," and finally, era!) And so even the word, denoting a year in the Russian language ("god") began to designate the notion "year" only in the 16th century, and before that this word was connected with the notion "holiday," a "good (= suitable) time" (as the Serbs have now).
The Ukrainian "godina" means "hour" (in Russian - "chas") but the Czech "chas" means simply "time." English week, German Woche mean "week," whereas the Russian derivative word - "vek" - initially meant "some elapsing period" (compare, for example, "40 years is a woman's lifespan"), but now it also is "100 years."
That is, initially some period is implied, and therefore, in Ukrainian we have rik (plural roki, derived from "srok") which, again, now means "year," and so on. The Greek "chronos" still also means "time," and "year," and "duration" (compare also the Russian "krug.", and even English "ring" - from ancient "hring" ) The variety itself of the tie-in of words which reflect the notion of some defined time interval, for a CONCRETE period says in so many words that these notions have been fixed, according to historic measurements, quite recently.

In this connection, we turn attention to the fact that the Greek word ENH meant the "last day of the MONTH" (ENIAYTOC which has existed up to now means "year, a large time interval, a cycle, a period." But the Latin word ANN(US) = year and the Greek ENH - are twin brothers! Therefore, in OLDEN times, most likely, they counted by months (naturally, lunar.)
Here, for example, is what the Central Asian historian al-Biruni (traditionally dated to the 11th century) writes: "They say that when a warning of a flood came to Tahmuras, and this happened 231 years before the flood, he gave an order to select in his kingdom a place with wholesome air and earth. The people did not find a place more worthy of such a name than Isfahan. Then Tahmuras ordered the preservation of all knowledge and the placing of it in the safest place. This is confirmed by the fact that in our time in Jay, [near] the city of Isfahan, they have discovered hills in which they, when they excavated them, found facilities, full of stacks of wood bast called "tuz" with which they cover the swords and shields. The bast was covered with some kind of characters, and no one knew anything about these characters and what in particular was inscribed."

It is obvious that it is possible to warn someone about a catastrophe approaching in 231 years, but to expect practical actions in the near future in order to avoid grave consequences is senseless even in our time: if he who both listens seriously and begins to engage in this problem - of a future far away from the closest descendants, then there will be an insignificant minority of them - even if it is to create excitement artificially. But, let us say, a warning 231 months before, that is, approximately 19 years - that is a fully realistic period for a predicted determination of fate both at the given moment of the living and of the generation immediately following. And this does not require bringing in such a religious notion as "prophecy."
Those OLDEN times ended when annual counting replaced monthly.
 When, then, was this able to happen?
For designation of the calendar year, besides ENIATOC, the Greeks also have other words: ???NOC which already has been mentioned, and ETOC, the same as in the Russian "summer" for the designation of years in the plural. The presence itself of several words for the designation of one and the same notion (according to Emile Benveniste) says that in the past they had a somewhat different meaning. (But, as it is thought, in the works of Homer the words ENIATOC and ETOC were used as synonyms. At the same time, it is difficult to judge whether ENIAUTOC is connected with ENH-AUTOC - "this period, that same period," compare also he = that, or, let us say, directly with ENH-ETOC, that is period = year.)
Both that and the other respond to the notion "end of the counting." But it is important that the word ENH has one more, at first glance, meaning not connected with the first: "the day after tomorrow." We shall add that for the designation of a month there is the all-European MHN(AC). On consideration of the Russian "month" in the meaning of the "crescent of the moon," MHN takes on the meaning "rise of the moon after the new moon," in contrast to ENH - "the day before the death of the moon," that is, "the end of counting," "the end of the period" besides. Therefore, the meaning "the day after tomorrow," most likely, arose as "the night after the new moon."

We note that up to now not one religious basis for the motivation of the aforesaid has been brought in - there just had been no need.
Now we shall examine the evolution of such "historic" notions as "century" and "millennium," which have no direct relationship to the life or the natural cycles. (It is obvious that these notions were able to evolve only after the adoption of a universal decimal counting system.)
They translate the Latin word saeculum as "sort, generation, a human lifetime" and as "century." However, this word initially was in no way connected with the notion of a "hundred" (the number.) But a human lifetime and the change of generations, as we see, is connected directly with the notion "life cycle," in which connection the word "cycle" is considered everywhere as adopted from the Greek kyklos "circle."
 
In this connection it is somewhat logical to examine this "Greek" circle in comparison with the Slavic "kolo" = circle (cf. also with Eng. "coil"). (Compare "se kolo" with the Rumanian secol "century," Italian secolo, Portuguese seculo, French siecle, Spanish siglo, and also with the Spanish sequelo = consequence.) In other words - it is a GENERATION, a rotation of life in changing generations. A generation according to "Constantine's Indiction" is 15 years, the recurrent taxation on inheritance in an indicated order. The "Chinese," it is but the "Aztec" (!) period for a generation - 20 years (3 generations for a 60-year calendar cycle. We note that if the Chinese calendar is connected with the conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn, then it could not have been created earlier than 1323.)

For comparison: right now a change of regular generations in the military occurs approximately over 12 - 15 years (and even, for example, in the Osman military 500 years earlier from a beginning recruit to a veteran it was 2 generations: 25 - 30 years.) The elite bureaucratic civil system of a "progression to administrative bosses" is also approximately once in 15 years. Not only does life span play a role in the determination of an average statistical term of a generation, but also simply the onset of fertility (14 - 18 years). Then follows a period of personality formation, the mastering of professions and the acquisition of families (up to 30), the most productive, the "adult," period is approximately from 30 to 45 years, the "mature" period is 45-60, the "pension" is 60-75, and further there is only the gerontological. He who has advanced so far. But on average, the number which characterizes the change of generations clearly is close to that same 15-year "indiction" - that is, to some average conventional term, but defined by experience.
 
 "Constantine's Decree" is, per se, a consolidation of some statistical data which had been collected by the time of its appearance. And what is more, this is not religious, but fully "civil," that is a "worldly" rotation, that is a "secular age": a notion, which, probably, was being well preserved even under the circumstances of a religious demarcation and attempts at the establishment of a universal CHURCH calendar all the way up to the Gregorian of 1583. In other words: approximately to the end of the traditional 15th century, it is possible, there WAS NO accounting for centuries at all.

The word "seculaire" (the spelling since 1611) in the French language assumed the meaning of "centuries" for the first time in the form "seculare" in 1549. Before this, the word "centenaire" (from 1370) was used in the meaning of "centuries." The latter is derived from "hundred" (cent) and "a hundred" (centain). And "seculaire," as too "siecle" (century, epoch, the present) is not! And this is direct evidence that the introduction of the notion "century" as a chronological cycle is connected not only with religiously-based calendar reform, but also directly with "secularization" (secularisation, from 1567), that is, with the establishment also of new "worldly" (in French, seculier, from 1260) rules.

Here is what the historian Apollon Grigor'evich Kuz'min writes ("The Beginning of Rus." Moscow, Veche Publishers, 2003, page 201): "We note that the literal meaning of the word "vek" in ancient times is the age of an object, a phenomenon, a man. This is well known and confirmed by a large quantity of sources (Sreznevskiy, etc.). This word was most used for the designation of the life of one generation. The MAIN meaning of the Latin conformity to the Slavic vek is saeculum - exactly a "GENERATION," "a HUMAN age," (Anan'ev et al.) The Complete Latin Dictionary. 1862, page 761)." Further, Kuz'min talks about Russian sources in which it follows from context that "vechi" = generations and not centuries. (The same thing regards, for example, also the "ancient Icelandic" old - "generation, time, century" (compare with Russian leto = summer.)
Even more amusing is the English century, which is borrowed from the French, but centurie never meant "century" in French, but only a military element - "a hundred"! It is then the "Roman century" (noted for the first time in 1284). And the time of the appearance of English "century" which stands by itself as the designation of a hundred years is direct evidence to the time of the introduction of counting by centuries - simultaneously with the French seculaire, and with the appearance of the notions of Trecento and Quatrocento and the like. The likely time of the origin of the idea itself of counting by centuries is no earlier than the end of the 15th century and most likely - the first half of the 16th century.
 
It is important that the definition "century" (saeculum) = 100 years is axiomatic, that is, not requiring (and even not having) proof. The meaning of the word saeculum = "100 years" was not able to disappear from use after its legendary establishment for more than 1,000 years. There really are no natural reasons for maintenance of this axiom. And there couldn't be.
What is more, the maintenance of the meaning saeculum = "century" simply is inconceivable without the PRECEEDING notion "decade" in a denary system. The numeral 100 in a denary system occupies a wholly definite place in the hierarchy of this system relative to the base 10. The very word dekada "decade," which designates "decade," was noted for the first time only in 1385.
 (And the legendary "decennalia," supposedly introduced by Augustus and which came to light in 1540, has no relationship to the continuous counting of time.)
If one looks at the traditional dates enumerated above, then the oldest of them is 1260. This hardly is an accidental coincidence, as will be shown below.

Even the Greek notion of "chilieterida" as "millennium" is traced back no further than that time. Etymologists are trying to connect the Greek "chilia" = 1,000 with the word "chera, cheri" - hand, having in mind that one can look at both it and the other as a certain "end of counting." We note that the word "chilia" is in no way connected with the common Indo-European word "hundred" (Greek hekato.) Just as even the Greek "miriada" = 10,000 designates simply "many," and the Old Russian designation 10,000 = "t'ma." And the Latin mille - this is originally also simply "many," and only later is "thousand." In the Balto-Slav-German linguistic habitat the situation is completely different, inasmuch as the compound word "tysyacha" (English thousand, German tausend and the like) initially designates "a rich hundred," that is a "great hundred." Here, in contrast to the Greek and Romance languages, the reflection of a denary system of counting to a thousand is completely clear.

Chilia - the origin of this Greek word is just as vague in Greek itself as it is transparent in the Arabic: "The broad notion of guile (CHILIA) was used, in particular, for the name of techniques which we at the present time would relate to the category of applied mathematics and mechanics. Ilm al-khial - the "science of skillful techniques" (literally "the science of guile," author's note) is discovered in the medieval classifications of the sciences. To outwit God - and some medieval Moslems posed such a problem to themselves." ("A Comparative Study of Civilizations." A reader. Moscow, Aspect Press, 2001, pages 289-290. Aristotle, Omar Khayyam, Iskhak as-Sabani, Ibn Ketiba ad-Dinuri and Ibn al-Irabi developed "ilm al-khial." "Al-Mundji," Beirut, 2000). And the Jewish cabalists posed exactly the same problem to themselves, in which connection everyone developed their ideas in that same 13th century ("The Zohar"), and in the 16th century they were picked up even by the Protestant mystics (Jakob Boehme).

At the same time, the word "chilia" is fully comparable with the Baltic-Slavic-German words which reflect besides a certain interval, a cycle: Ukrainian khvilina "minute," Czech chvile, Polish chwila; Lithuanian valanda "a time interval," English while, Dutch wijl, German Weile; Swedish vila "a rest, repose, to lie, to rest", Norse hvil (rest), hvile "to rest;" English while, whilst "for the time being, meanwhile," Dutch wijl, German weil, and also wave: Ukrainian khvilya, Byelorussian khvalya, Bulgarian v"lna, Czech vlna, Latvian vilnis, Dutch zwalp, German Welle, Swedish svall, Norwegian svalk, English swell "choppiness, surge" and so on. We note again that in the Book of Psalms literally side-by-side is the referenced "millennium" as derived from "chilia" (90:5), and "flood" (90:6). We again draw attention to the fact that the word "wave" is now also used as a certain indication of time.
 
But what did "millennium" mean until the appearance of an open-ended chronology? From where in general was the interpretation by the Biblicists of the duration of the "day of creation" as a millennium? Or, if one follows the ilm al-chial, NOW could one just as successfully interpret "day of creation" as a billion years, while bringing into it, besides, the physicists, too? (This arbitrariness is the same type as "render unto God what is God's, unto Caesar what is Caesar's"... well, and unto the locksmith what is the locksmith's.)
What really happened in 1259/1260, actually, is known today to the one Lord God, but there is real physical and chemical evidence of the extraordinary NATURAL events of the time. The historians write that in expectation of the end of the world, people who had gone mad ran into the woods and committed suicide.
The traces of a catastrophic event are observed everywhere in the Arctic glacial core samples in the form of exceptionally powerful and keen (in the assessment of time) acidic and sulfate spikes in the investigation of samples of native ice which relate to this year. Over the course of 5,000 years before this, and also after this, up to now nothing of the kind has been noted.
As vulcanologists think, it was the hugest eruptive event, the discharge of which was transported from the source throughout the whole world. (Langway C.C.Jr., Clausen H.B., Hammer C.U. An inter-hemispheric time-marker in ice cores from Greenland and Antarctica /Ann. Glaciol., 10, 1988, p. 102-108.) In which connection, a sign of this eruption is noted in the ice cores both of the northern and of the southern hemisphere, which can are evidence not only of the great power of the eruption, but also of the fact that it happened more likely in the lower latitudes than in the middle or especially in the upper.
 
 Nonetheless, there has been no success in tying the sulfate and acid spikes of "1259" to a concrete volcano. There also is the opinion that this catastrophic event was able to act as a trigger for the start of the Little Ice Age owing to the pollution of the atmosphere with the solid and flying products of the eruption.
One can evaluate the catastrophic effect of the 1259 event in the power of the spewing of sulphuric acid into the atmosphere in comparison with the eruption of the Tambora volcano (1815), the total aerosol discharge of which into the stratosphere was then in the estimates of Rampino and others on the order of 200 megatons. [Rampino M.R., Self S., Stothers R.B. Volcanic winters.- Annual Review of Earth and Planetary Sciences. Lett., 16, 1988, p.73-99.]. The works [Raynaud D. The total gas content in polar ice core. - The climatic record in polar ice. Cambridge, 1983, p.79-82.; and Gerlach T.M., Graeber E.J. Volatile budget of Kilauea volcano. - Nature, v. 313, N6000, 1985, p.273-277] estimate the discharge into the stratosphere of aerosol sulphuric acid as a result of an eruption of the Toba volcano (nearly 75,000 years ago) to be from 9?10^14 to 5x10^15 grams, at that time as a total aerosol discharge, and according to Rampino for this eruption - from 1,000 megatons and higher. From this it follows (with an assumption of an equivalent proportion of the components of the discharge for Toba and the event of 1259), that in 1259 from 3.6?10^14 to 2x10^15 grams were discharged, that is, on the order of 1,000 megatons of aerosol, which contained not less than 100 million tons of sulphuric acid. Plainly speaking, so much sulphuric acid came out in 1260 that a little would show up even now.
Such an abrupt impact on the environment was not able to occur without very serious damage for the flora and fauna.
The fact that nowhere are there any records about a specific, gigantic eruption of a volcano (and it clearly should have taken place in the inhabited part of the Ecumene), speaks of the fact that this had to be NOT a volcanic, but an extraterrial event, that is, a catastrophe caused by an extraterrestrial source.

From the end of the 14th century a natural climatic fall of temperature actually began in Europe - as an undulating attenuation of a cataclysm, which was expressed in two minima - the Maunder, and afterwards also the Sporer. In the 14th century, seafaring in the Atlantic practically ceased due to constant storms. From that same time, people began to build levees and dams - as in Moscow, so it was in Holland. The tides in the enclosed Adriatic Sea were an order stronger than now. Traces of the so-called "Dunkirk Transgressions" are well preserved to this time in northern Germany - covered with the sand and silt of the woods and countryside. There is no Aral Sea on the maps of the 14th-17th centuries - it is simply an arm of the Caspian, which because of this is oriented length-wise not from the south to the north, but from the west to the east. (According to the information of the geographer A.V. Shnitnikov, the Caspian Transgression fits exactly at the 13-15th centuries.) And what is more, a huge lake existed at the location of the Baraba Steppe, and the present Karakum and Kyzylkum deserts were densely populated.

All of this may be explained by the consequences of the Earth's relaxation after an impulse excitation from the outside. The migration of rats and the spreading of the plague in the 14th century may be looked at as a direct consequence of the cataclysm. And not only one disease - the common plague, but also the bubonic plague, and tuberculosis, and scurvy and so on. The "Time of the Plague" - as a generalized description - ended in the middle of the 15th century.
In this connection, the designation itself of the Middle Ages is typical too in 15-16th century sources.
The Latin expression "media tempestas" (1469) is recorded for the first time, where the word "tempestas" means not simply time, but "a time of tempest, a time of cataclysms," (compare, for example, the English tempest - "storm"), that is, it communicates a clearly negative characterization of the events of this temporary interval. Later the formulation "media antiquitas" (1494) appears, that is, "middle antiquity, that is, an interval approximately from the middle 13th century through the middle 15th century is considered as the time of the "middle antiquity." Later the expressions "media tempus" and "medium aetas" (1531), that is, simply, "a middle time, a middle epoch," were noted. And in 1596 alone - "saeculum medium," simultaneously with "medium aevum" - as early as after the fact that the word saeculum "vek" was associated with the notion "century." However, the expression "middle ages" finally took on the modern meaning only at the end of the 17th century.

It also relates to the notion of antiquity. The word antique was noted in the French language in the 13th century. It is thought that it was made from the Latin antiquus. But in Latin, "antequos" means "until some kind of events." Until just which events? The Italian word antico came into use in the second half of the 15th century. And here is what Vasari (1511-1574), the greatest art historian and critic of the 16th century, who introduced in turn the term "Gothic" writes: "This style was invented by the Goths, because after that, as the ancient buildings were DESTROYED and wars ruined the architects, the SURVIVORS began to build in this style, raising vaultings on lancet arches and filling all Italy with the Devil knows what kind of structures."
 
A catastrophe caused by an observed extraterrestrial source, was unable not to leave traces too in the mentality of mankind. An earthquake or flood does not give directly grounds for connecting such natural cataclysms with "divine punishment" - for this a visual observation of cosmic and atmospheric phenomena is needed - that is, a sign. In which connection, the sign is perfectly unordinary: It is not lightning, the northern lights, solar and lunar eclipses which are observed not infrequently and do not bear perceptible harm. Comets and huge meteors come much closer to this role if their debris reaches Earth.
In particular, danger which occurs from the sky is the strongest religious motivation. In this connection a phenomenal occurrence of a prophecy is typical. If, let us say, the catastrophe was connected with the disintegration of a comet passing close by, then it was supposed to occur in not fewer than two phases, and this explains a lot: those who have survived a catastrophe and connected the appearance of a comet with it have told their children and grandchildren about it. One need not be a genius to grasp that a comet that is going behind the sun, which unfurls a tail sideways, opposite the start, has promised in so many words to return. But when it returned, there were no such catastrophic events as there had been the first time, although the sky grew red and once again a torrent of stone fell and so on. Therefore, the descendants decided that the fears of the ancestors were too exaggerated, and at the same time they simply put some prophets to death ("witch-hunts" and the like.)

When the witnesses to the catastrophe died out, the opinions of the descendants were divided: some considered that the coming of the Messiah had taken place, and they became Christians, others decided that the scale of the catastrophe was not that and they still had to await the Messiah - as the Orthodox Jews were educated. A third, the least literate, decided in general to do away with prophecy: they declared that the last of the prophets - Mohammed - will remain the last forever. But even subsequent generations continued to break off relations: Moslems split into Sunni and Shiite exactly on the grounds of prophecy, and part of the Christians preferred to have a permanently acting prophet in the person of the Roman Pope.
 The most paradoxical is that the "ancient Jews" were split last - in the 18th century the Hasidic movement arose, again on the grounds of the recognition of Saddic prophets! Such a model of development of present monotheism seems by no means groundless.
Purgatory is another religious notion, whose origin one may connect directly with catastrophe. The origin of the notions of "paradise" and "hell," as interconnected alternatives in the idea of what happens at the end of life, is fully natural. And here "Purgatory" is the idea of a procedure, with the aid of which the Supreme Being divides the "pure" and the "impure": he who has endured trial - they are the pure, those who have been lost were the impure, and for that they are punished. The traditional historiography says that the idea of "Purgatory" was born in the 3rd century: (Jacques Le Goff. The birth of Purgatory. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago, USA. 1984) in the works of Clement, Origen and Cyrprian. Saint Augustine (4th century) in the treatise "The City of God" uses the term "poenae purgatoriae" for the first time, from which also arose Purgatory.
However, after this - all the way up to the 12th (!) century - the topic of Purgatory disappears from the sources. in order to reappear for violent discussion by the "fathers of the church," a list of whom is extremely impressive and includes Albert the Great, Bonaventure and Thomas Aquinas. It is thought that the canonization of Purgatory occurred in 1274 at the Council of Lyons. (At the same time the Pope supposedly in fact recognized Purgatory as a canon as early as 1254 in his own correspondence.) The apogee of the development of the purgatory topic is Dante's "Divine Comedy." However, the doctrine of Purgatory was introduced only in 1439 (!) and was confirmed in 1562, inasmuch as Martin Luther resumed the polemics about Purgatory at the start of the 16th century. (At the same time, the Russian Orthodox Church never recognized the existence of Purgatory!)
It also is significant that at the turn of the 12th - 13th centuries, in a sense a "French Jesus" appears on the historical scene - Francis of Assisi (Latin Franciscus Assisiensis, traditionally 1181/1182 - 1226), the founder of an order of "destitute" monks - the Franciscans, an advocate of the ideals of the "early faith." The most zealous guardians of the teaching of Francis of Assisi are the so-called "Spirituals," that is, "non-money grubbers," who are called upon to feed on only the "Holy Spirit."
 The "Joachimites" - the followers of another teacher - Joachim of Floris (1132-1202) - also spread the "heresy" of the French Jesus. He advanced the following ideas:
1) The TRINITY as the triune of freedom, love and peace;
2) CHILIASM (from the Greek "chilia" = thousand, and not from the Latin mille!), that is the future coming of the "thousand-year" era of the "Holy Spirit." (Where a certain MILLENIUM appears for the first time as a measurement which extended traditional history, "chiliasm" itself later was ascribed to those 1,000 years backwards and was condemned as heresy!)
The economic "foundation of freedoms," in French Franchise Assise, fully was able afterwards to be transformed into the "father of the Roman Catholic Church," Francis of Assisi, whom they called an Umbrian monk from the town of Assisi (or this town was named after him later on), canonized and raised in honor of him a memorial complex (traditionally in 1228), however, the biography of Saint Francis was composed by the general of the Franciscan Order, Fra Bonaventure only in 1290, when the social movement of the "destitute monks" already had been placed under firm control!
The movement for the purity of the "early faith" reached its apogee in 1251 with the publication of a book by Gerard of Borgo-San-Donino with the title "Evangelium Aeternum." According to the calculations of the Joachimites, Franciscans and Spiritualists, the fateful 1260 was supposed to arrive soon. Somewhat later the works of Peter John Olivi (1248-1298) appeared, who understood the history of Christianity thus: on the 13th day, the child Jesus was shown to the three wise men, in the 13th year he left his mother and appeared in the temple, and in the 13th saeculum (cycle, generation, epoch) after the death of Christ, Francis, who established an "Evangelical order" was sanctified.
 
In parallel with this, repressive structures arise which are created by the advocates of a strict hierarchical church authority. The fathers of the Roman Catholic Church, Albert the Great (1206-1280) and Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) become the ideologues of this trend, which prevailed in the second half of the 13th century.
Let us enumerate some other events which are ascribed to the 13th century according to the traditional historiography. In Western Europe they smash the Cathars, who were damned in 1215: in 1216, the order of militant "God's Dogs" - the Dominicans - is created for the struggle with the "heretics" (the aforementioned Albert and Thomas have left the bosom of this order.) The church's hirelings cruelly punish free peasants who do not wish to pay tribute to the clergy (for example, the Steding slaughter of 1234.) In response, in 1260 the militant "Apostolic Brethren" headed by Gherardo Segarelli appears which speaks out against the church's authority. In Paris, Siger of Brabant preaches the teachings of Ibn-Rushd (Averroes), generally denying God as Creator (he was killed as a heretic in 1284.)
In 1261, the "Latin Empire" fell, and in the same year Prince Daniel is born, starting from whom Moscow started to rise in Rus. In that same interval, the "first parliament" (1258-1264) appeared in England.
 
Before the middle of the century, the Jews who had appeared on the islands in approximately 1210, enjoyed the patronage of the king, which is why practically all England was in hock to them by the middle of the century, but in 1290, they banish them completely from the islands. for 350 years!
 
In Northwestern Europe the "new" Hanseatic League of self-governing cities is formed (finally formed in 1370.)
In the south in Egypt, the Mamelukes came to power, the "Reconquista" were victorious in the Pyrenees, and the Arabs left Europe (except Granada).
In the East, with the death of the "heathen Khans" Batu and Mongke, a struggle begins in the Horde for church influence on the military leadership, which ends with the introduction by Uzbek of Islam in 1317, after which the Horde began to fall apart and underwent other fundamental changes.
It is obvious that everywhere a change of ideologies is occurring. Religious monotheistic structures assume real power. For example, Pope Boniface VII (1235-1303, ruled from 1294) at first used to the maximum the Franciscan movement, and afterwards destroyed their ideologists: in particular, Segarelli was burned at the stake in 1300 - exactly, as the Roman Catholic Church historians write, in the first "jubilee" year declared in history by this same Boniface. (Let us note that "1300 A.D." is an elapsed 13 hundred years, that is, their number is not too precisely equal, and especially, is not "apostolic." Further below, dates from the "birth of Christ" are cited inside quotation marks," except for dates in references.)

All these events have some central temporal point, a turning point - all that same year "1260." Despite the fact that traditional dating of these events was established much later than the 1260 catastrophe, the coming into being of dating was vastly drawn out in time, and the change of the nature of the events described BEFORE and AFTER the catastrophe cannot fully conceal the fact itself of the catastrophe.
"1260" is a key year which, per se, can be the start of counting the modern chronology. According to Joachim of Floris, exactly 12 saeculi = indicta = generations, that is 15x12 = 180 years from the ascension of Christ were supposed to pass and the 13th started, that is, the first in the coming thousand-year reign (era) of the Holy Spirit, universal freedom, peace and love. (At the same time, the "Passion" relates to the end of the "11th" century.) Moreover, in "1260" the third era-wave-"chilia" was supposed to set in, inasmuch as the first two were characterized according to Joachim of Floris as the "Era of the Father" and the "Era of the Son." In other words, before "1260," conceivable history had been continuing only 24 (= 2x12) generations, that is, 360 years from the start of the "first wave" - approximately from "900."
 
As an illustration of the defined chronological gap of 100-150 years after the catastrophe of the 13th century in the geographic and demographic plan (in the "Time of the Plague"), we shall examine the appearance in the sources in the French language of references about people who lived up to the present (according to "Le Petit Robert.") It is extremely noteworthy. For example, at the 1080 level, when the French traditionally had become aware of themselves as French (Français, see that Gallic they became much later: Gallican - 1355, Gaulois - since the 15th c.), are referenced: Allemand, Flamand, Normand, Danois (the Danes), Saisne (Saxons), Romain (Romans), Arabe, Judeu, Sarassin, Pers(ien), Espan (now - Espagnol, and at that Hispanique is only since 1525). The "Easterners" are Levant (but Levantine is only from 1575, and Arameen is only since 1765!) Further: Hebreu - 1119. Anglais, Maure (Mor), Dalmatique - 12th century. Grec - 1165, Latin - 1160. Bourguignon is the end of the 12th century. Roman(s) = a common language - 1135. Mamelukes: mamelos - 1192 (but mameluk is 1611, the modern mamelouk is 1808.)
The Bolgars also are mentioned in the 12th century. - as the Bogre (1172, Bougre is 1450, Bulgare is from 1732!) And the inhabitants of Crete are the Cretoise (1165). At the beginning of the 13th century - Egyptien (in which connection, this word is also used in the designation of Gypsies) and the Venetien are the Venetians. In the 13th century, the Druide (they will call them Celts much later), Brabançon, Macedonien and Tartarin appear. And right here the word "antique" - "ancient" also appears. Then there is Italien (1265), Assyrien and Indien (1284). The Albigensians-Albigeois and the Dutch-Hollandais are known from the 13th century (but at the same time, the word Hollande is only from 1598, and the "ancient" Batavi are from 1740!) In 1300, the Turks are mentioned for the first time - Turc. And here for the first time the Phoenicians also are noted: as Punicians (Punique, as Phenicien is only in 1557!) The Scots (Ecossaise) are in the 14th century. (1350).
 
Further, after a large gap: the Goths are Gothique - 1440, the Serbs in the form Serve - 1441 (in the 16th century - Servien, now - Serbe.) The Catalans (Catalan) - 1452. The Hungarians: Hongre - 15th century, Hongrois - 1470. Inhabitants of the modern Czech Republic, earlier Bohemia are Bohemien and Morocco (Maroquin) - in 1490. Here too is Suisse (the Swiss, in which connection the "ancient Helvets" - Helvetique - is only in 1636!) The main mass of medieval peoples are in the 16th century: Basque, Portuguese (the Portugese) - in 1500 (in which connection, the more "ancient" Lusitanians-Lusitanien are only in 1584!) The Austrians (Autriche) in 1515. The Castillians (Castillan) in 1517, the Frisians (Frise) in 1520, the ancient Belgie-Belgians - in 1528. Etruscans in 1534(!) "The Lithuanians are Lithuanien" (that is the Russians of that time) together with the Prussians (Prussien) and the Georgians (Georgien) - in 1540. Napolitain is 1549, Sicilien is 1550. Ib'ere is in 1552, at first in reference only to the aboriginals of the Caucuses and North Africa. At the same time, the Armenians are Armenien (one of the peoples who are considered the most ancient!) only in 1575. The Genoese (Genois) are in 1567. The inhabitants of Slavonia are Slavon - 1575, and the Savoy are Savoyard - in 1580. (It is interesting that in particular at this time the word which designates both the notion "Slavs" and the notion "slave" - Slave - 1575 is noted in the form Sclave - 1573. That is, slavery as a concept, from the point of view of the French - this is in the 16th century!)

In the second half of the 16th century the rest of the northern and eastern community also appear: Czechs-Bohemien (1558), Irish - Irlandaise (1567), Norwegians-Norvegien, Chinese- Chinoise (1575), Japanese-Japonaise, Swedes-Suedois, Muscovites-Moscovite (Russian - Russe only in 1715! At the same time the Scyths-Scyhien - 1580, in the form scytic - somewhat earlier in the same century), Poles-Polonais - 1588. At the same time Hellenes and Chaldeans came to light (1580).
Somewhat later the Sardinians-Sarde - 1606, the Albanians-Albanais - 1612 and the Uzbeks in the form Usbeke - 1613, Uzbec is from 1765, and now Ouzbek. In the middle of the 17th century - Croatians-Croate. Algerien - 1677, inhabitants of Siam (Thailand) - Saimois - 1686. Ethiopians - Abyssin - 1704 (although the word abysse "chasm" is from 1080). The Congolese-Congolais in the form Congois - 1721, the Ukrainians-Ukrainien - 1731, the Czechs in the form Czekhes - 1762 (Tcheque - 1842), Finns- Finnois - 1772, Koreans-Coreen - 1797. Estonians-Estonien - in 1819, Slovenes-Slovene - 1825, Rumanians- Roumain - 1836, Slovaks-Slovaque - 1841, Latvians-Letton - 1845.

It is typical that the affiliation of peoples with parts of the world in the modern meaning (besides Australia) is noted in the 16th century: Asiatique, African, Americain - 1556, Europeen - 1563.
The vanished 100 years from the point of view of the appearance of new references is clearly striking: from the middle of the 14th through the middle of the 15th century. If the reference itself of the Scots is considered an isolated point (having in mind a possible delay with their reference relative to the English), then two groups are formed: those mentioned through the 13th century inclusive (ending with the Turks) and the rest, mention of whom appears from the middle of the 15th century. And it is significant that the mention of some "predecessors" of today's peoples appears later than the mention of them themselves - the Batavi, the Frisians, Helvets, Etruscans, Phoenicians, Aramites and so on.
 
Now about the religious and monotheistic component. The word "catholique" is noted for the first time in the 13th century in the form "chatoliche"! It really had to be used in order to reflect the Greek "katholikos." And the word "orthodoxe" - in 1431. And this is similar to the truth - it is the time of the Ferrara Council. It is funny, however, that "chatoliche" has something suspiciously in common too with château (castle), 1175 (from castels 1080), that is "one sitting in a castle"or in a tent, that is châtelain, 1190 - "castellan" - a stock keeper who controls property. The Polish name of a Catholic temple also is typical - kosciol, that is, the same as "castle-castel."
And with which "non-believers", infidels, did the French crusaders fight? They did not know the word "mosque" (musquette, from the Arabic Masdjid, that is, a place for prayer) before 1351 (today's mosque'e generally is from 1553). It is typical that in the Rumanian language "mecet" not only is in essence a mosque, but even a Turkish cemetery and a spiritual consistory (!) in general, that is, an administrative and housekeeping service in the institution of any Christian Church. They did not note minarets (minaret) until 1606, muezzins - in the form maizin - until 1568 (today's muezzin is from 1823). Imam (in the form iman) is from 1559. And even the notion itself of a "Musulman" appeared with the French only in the 16th century (from the Arabic "muslim" = true believer, fidel).

It already has been said that the word "Saracen" (sarrasin) was noted in the French language simultaneously with the word "synagogue" (1080), although, according to traditional history, these same Saracen-Moslems (!) intruded on the territory of France as early as the 8th century. At the same time, this word from the Arabic is "charqiyin," that is, literally: "eastern". that is, Saracens are EASTERN people with regard to the Arabs themselves!
 
Now we turn to how the presently adopted dating was formed. Here is a fragment of history of the papacy (S. Lozinskiy): "Owing to internal dissensions, Rome from the end of the 9th century went through a time of severe crisis, during which the papal crown went from one pope to another, depending on who was the stronger. In "877," Pope John (VIII, traditionally pontiff in "872-882") was even in the prison of one of the feudal rulers, and after his freedom he left Rome and tried to convoke a council in France for the punishment of his "oppressors." It did not happen: The pope wrote "we expected. the light, but received the darkness." This John, according to a chronicler from Fulda, became a victim of his own personal policy: they gave him poison, and since he didn't die right away, the blow of a hammer on the skull put an end to his mortal existence. That was the first in a long line of murderous events in the middle ages of "God's deputy on earth."
We note that during this time, there is not in a single source any mention about the start of a new "Great Indiction," according to which the Roman Catholic Church now lives and which was supposed to begin exactly in "877" - if they had known by that time that the preceding, "Constantinian," had begun in "345." But they clearly still didn't know this then. But you see, this is the basis of the calculation of the Easters!
 
The further history of the papacy with its depravity and murders by no means reflects neither the earnest piety ahead of the future, it would seem, great holiday - the "millennium" (that is, the 1,000 years from the birth of Christ), nor the awe of the coming of a new "thousand years of Christ" - all the way to the selfless devotion of the hermit Pietro Damiani ("1007-1072") and the Pope-Reformer Gregory (VII, Hildebrand, traditionally pontiff in "1073-1095). But the distain for the "millennium" is typical not only for the Roman Catholic Church: the "newly converted" Kievan Rus (traditionally, Christian from "988") also in no way celebrates this event.
Here is a characteristic example. A Papal Bull dated by historians and archivists from 1002 after the birth of Christ is considered the oldest original document of the richest archive of the city of Dubrovnik (Croatia). However, the year after the birth of Christ in the text of the Bull is not entered - there is only "indictum." In that way, the direct dating of the Bull is absent, inasmuch as the indicta are repeated every 15 years, and the Bulls, which traditionally relate to the 11-13th centuries, are dated in accordance with the Popes of Rome. And, for example, the referenced Bull is date according to Pope Benedict VIII. But the point is, that there is no number "VIII" in any form in the text of the Bull - there is just some kind of pontiff Benedict, and the circumstantial dating "according to the Popes" was done much later than the writing of the Bull itself. If one is to date the Bull according to material in comparison, let us say, with materials on which are written papal documents of the start of the 15th century which are found in that same archive, then the Bull can relate successfully not to the time of Benedict "VIII," but to the time of Benedict "XIII." (True, in 1409 this Benedict was deposed at the council in Pisa, but the deposed "antipope" resisted for yet a long time, until they finally dismissed him in 1417 - at the council in Constance.)
And the English churchmen already are using the "Dionysius tables" and the first date after the birth of Christ in England appears right at "675"! And the chronicler, the Venerable Bede, in "731" already is using dating from the birth of Christ, and the fist document of the papal chancellery with dating from the birth of Christ appears only in "1431"! Thus it turns out that the English are more pious than all the Roman popes in 700 years combined.
 
 It is thought that the first official document in France with dating from the birth of Christ appeared in "742." But from the end of the 9th century until the second half of the 11th, there were no such documents anywhere! And no kind of millennium is noted besides. They begin to compile lists of the kings and registers of popes only in the 14th century. The numbering which appeared at the same time of those of the same name often is confusing - look at one story alone of "Pope Joan" (supposedly a former pontiff either in the middle of the 9th or at the start of the 11th century), who emerged, as is thought, in the middle of the 13th century: this pope herself was still happily counted among the popes in the lists of the 16th century too, until in the 17th century the humanists forced the Roman Catholic Church to remove this shameful page from their and in any case sham history.
At the same time, no one had yet mentioned this female pope in the 10th-12th centuries. However, according to the traditional history, in the first half of the 10th century a certain "Marusia" ran the affairs of the Roman Catholic Church - Morozia Theophylact, who lived with Pope Sergius and gave birth not only to the future Pope John (XI) from him, but also Alberic, the son of whom, that is, Marozia's grandson, was named. Octavian, and he afterwards is also a pope, John (XII). This isn't just a joke - it is simply an adventurous romance: that is, literally, "Roman history."
 
The hijra era of the Moslems, as is thought, was introduced during the time of the Caliph Omar near the middle of the 6th century. In the 20th century they suddenly discovered an Egyptian papyrus with dating of the 22nd year of hijra ("644/645" A.D.) and an epitaph with the date of the 31st year of hijra ("652/653" A.D.) That is, the datings preserved according to the hijra are earlier than the datings according to the birth of Christ! At the same time, the written fixation of the first suras of the Koran is the start of the 14th century (according to N. Morozov - in "1318." According to an assumption of V. Polyakovskiy - in "1321," during the coordination of the calendars, inasmuch as the start of the lunar and solar calendars practically coincided in this year in particular.)
Leonard da Vinci directly writes in his diary at the start of the 16th century that Mohammed prayed. to Jupiter, that is, at first he was a heathen. Then, according to the chronicle of Giovanni Villani, published in that same 16th century, Mohammed sides with one of the Christian sects and only later with the aid of a certain apostate monk, Sergius Georgius, organized his own spiritual pursuit. The historian Mikhalon Litvin writes approximately the same thing in the 16th century.
And in the Koran there is a direct reference to the Gospel (Sura 57:27): "Then We sent other messengers to follow in their footsteps; and We sent Jesus, son of Mary, and GAVE HIM The GOSPEL; and We filled the hearts of his adherents with kindness and compassion. But MONASTICIM THEY PRACTISED." In other words, the apostles (= those who followed Him) are noted in the Koran, but their "Acts" are not. There are fragments of the Protogospels and the Apocrypha, but not of the canonical Gospels.
According to traditional history, the monastic orders arose not earlier than the turn of the 11-12th centuries. (the St. John, Cistercians, Templar, etc.)
 All the history of the Benedictines, the order of which is considered in existence since the 5th century, is imaginary, the order's structure was defined only in "1128.") Per se, until the 12th century there was not even a notion of "order" as a structure. (The word "order" itself designates "sequence," just as does the word "horde." It is not an unorganized crowd.)
Further, in that same Sura of the Koran: "We ordained it not for them - We ordained only seeking Allah's accord, though they did not foster it as they should have." What does it mean here? The quoted sura of the Koran is called the "iron." The only monastic order which was destroyed officially before the middle of the 14th century  is the order of the Knights Templar (that is, the keepers of the Temple) in "1312" (in fact - in "1307"): for refusing to submit both to the kings and to the Pope of Rome. Namely, all metallurgical and weapons production was under the control of the richest order of the Knights Templar (according to the official version founded in "1118"), which had a branch ("brotherhood") around all of the Ecumene. The Temple of Solomon, alongside of which was situated the headquarters of the Knights Templar - is today the Mosque of Omar. The very same during the time of which, as is thought traditionally, the hijra was introduced.

We see that immediately after the destruction of the Knights Templar in the "14th" century in the traditional historiography there follows also the appearance of the Islamic Vulgate (the prototype of the Koran) in the time of Sultan Osman, and the acceptance of Islam in the Horde in the time of Khan Uzbek ("1317".) And immediately after this follows the "Avignon Captivity of the Popes" ("1309-1377") with all the popes and antipopes, a multi-papacy muddle - all the way until the real appearance of the papal chair in Rome in "1377," not at the Vatican, as it still didn't exist, but at Lateran! (By the way, Petrarch openly called this captivity not "Avignonian," but Babylonian.) Pope Pius (the Second) called himself Roman Pope N 9 - and he was right...
A universal struggle for power with strong religious overtones breaks out also at the same time - here too is the destruction of the Capetians, and the coming to power of the Osmans in Turkey, and the insurrection of the Zealots in Greece, and the Hundred Years War, and the insurrection of Wat Tyler in England and the "Ciompi" in Italy, and battles at Kulikovo and Kosovo Fields and so on. And all this occurs against a background of that very universal plague. Naturally, in such conditions the acceptance of a single open-ended chronological scale and the coordination of calendars in the 14th century was difficult.
In this connection, the legendary story is curious of "Cola di Reinzo" - Nicola di Lorenzo, who at first opposed one of the popes and led an uprising of the "popoplano" - in "1347," that is, at the height of the Plague (!), and then on behalf of another pope, in "1354," they welcomed him to Rome as a victor and there and then. they put him to death. We note that "Nikolai" is Greek, and is a "victor of the peoples," so it is possible the legendary "Nicolaites," who are denounced in the Gospel, are in actual fact followers of "the popular tribune Nicola". And we shall add that Petrarch in his own sonnets numbers 3 and 78 speaks about 6 April "1327" as the date of the Crucifixion.
It is significant, one and the same interval of time - 430 years - is indicated in the Old Testament as a time of the "Egyptian captivity" before the Exodus of Moses (Exodus 12.36) and in the New Testament (Galatians 2.12) - as the time from the Exodus of Moses to Christ. It is not inconceivable that between Moses and the Christ-Messiah there was no particular difference, and the figure cited simply reflects the continuance of history, which really is known by the middle of the "14th" century. In the Koran it speaks about the fact that Jesus on his mother's side was the nephew of her brothers Moses and Aaron, that is, one generation separated them. And they called Moses' father-in-law, a priest of the "Midianites," that is of the "inlanders," Jethro (Exodus 3.2), that is in Greek "God bearer." Approximately at this time the demarcation of the recognized and unrecognized "coming of the Messiah" begins.

And only approximately by "1430" does a series of events occur which consolidate society. Firstly, the rights of the popes were limited by the council after the stormy administration of John XXIII ("1410-1415"), true, since "1958," the Roman Catholic Church no longer considers him a pope.
Secondly, the Roman Catholic Church made short work of the "Hussite Heresy" (we note that now the Russian Orthodox Church no longer finds any ideological differences between the Protestant teachings of Huss and Orthodoxy.)
Thirdly, Sultan Mehmet (I, Mohammed), finally was through with his rival brother Musa (Moses, "1413"), by which in fact the construction of the Osman empire was begun.
In China the great and powerful emperor Zhu Di, who had destroyed the authority of the "Mongols" and who gathered for his coronation, according to the Chinese chronicles, all who had earned his attention (from the Persian shah to the Eskimos). besides the remote kings of England, France Spain and Portugal, the Roman pope and the Byzantine emperor, was crowned.
Subsequently, no less impressive meetings of the world's strong took place: On the one hand, in the East of Europe - in Trakai, on the jubilee of Vytautas-Alexander, on the other hand, in the West - at the wedding of Philippe Le Bon and Isabella de Portugal, where the founding of the Order of the Golden Fleece was announced (on the pluvial of the order were embroidered the portraits of all of its cavaliers - sovereigns from Japan to Gibraltar.)
The apogee of the temporal consolidation is the Ferraro-Florentine ecumenical negotiations (from "1431") and the creation of the union ("1439.")
 In the West, this became the real basis for the production of a single open-ended method of counting the years and the beginning of the expression of a traditional history. Only at this time did the Latin notion of Anno Domini finally absorb into itself the idea of chiliasm. And instead of "from the coming of the Lord's thousand-year era" there appeared "the year from the incarnation of the Lord a thousand. such-and-such." Thus the idea of chiliasm gave birth to more than a thousand year space for the writing of history.
Here is what Bernard Guenee writes, referring to the works of Jean Mielot (Jean Mielot, ibid., pages 369-370): "In 1409 at the end of the 'Golden Legend,' which he had completed several years earlier, Nicola de Custura, a canon in Senlis, outlined in Latin on the reverse side of a sheet 3 decades of chronological inscriptions, to which, very likely, for him all world history had been reduced. At that same moment, Thomas Marest, a former student of a Paris university. cites the continuance of some time segments which mark the history of the world from its creation to the birth of Christ. This somewhat chronological data show how the knowledge of the clerics who were somewhat interested in history, was restricted.

In the Orient, the lunar calendar remained popular, in which Mohammed's flight from Mecca to Medina was adopted for the counting point - the same as the Old Testament exodus of the "true believers."
There simply was no term "Julian calendar" before the 16th century. The "Byzantine" accounting, as also other attempts at a method of counting the years "from the Creation" continued to compete with the "new eras" (from the birth of Christ and hijra): the "Byzantine" accounting lasted in Russia until "1700"), the "Usher" Judaic calendar existed in England along with the Christian until the middle of the 18th century. The concordance of the "Byzantine" accounting with the Christian calendar (which Kepler in "1601" still called the "era of Dionysius"!) happened even later than the Gregorian reform - approximately by "1620," inasmuch as only then was the present difference of the years from the Creation until the birth of Christ adopted - 5,508 years, and not 5,500 as it was before this.
The unified "Julian cycle", proposed by Joseph Scaliger and named by him in honor of his own father (Julius Caesar Bordoni, the founder of classicism) represents the product of the duration of the lunar cycle (19 years), times the duration of the solar cycle (28 years) and times the length of the indictum (15 years) 7,980 = 19?28?15 years. This cycle begins 706 years before the Creation, and even now has not ended. But this artificial technique has allowed the expression of the traditional chronology's framework by means of a compromise between the interests of the church and secular authority which were struggling for supremacy as early as the whole 17th century.
The restoration of real events earlier than the "17th" century and the extension of a continuous chronology represents deep down an extremely not-simple problem. But a partial reconstruction, nevertheless, seems possible if the catastrophic year of "1260" is taken as a reference point.
The 12 cycles-generations-indicta, counting backwards from it, give the "time of the Lord's Passion" "1260" is 12x15 = 1,260 - 180 = "1080." However one counts the "birth of Christ" from here, it would not fit either at "0," or at the year "1000," because there still is neither a "first millennium" nor documents with dates "from the birth of Christ" around this point UNTIL the assumed birth of the prototype of the Savior near the real year "1050," and the imaginary documents with the earlier datings "from the birth of Christ" are absent more than 100 years before this.

Now is the very time to recall "Zhabinskiy's sine curve." Aleksandr M. Zhabinskiy ("Another History of Art, Moscow, Veche, 2001) has shown convincingly that graphic art was developed continuously from the "9th" through the "17th" centuries, with a single glitch - right in the "13th" century, and "ancient" art is the result of an imaginary chronological reflection of the middle ages in the past. The "starting" level of this "sine curve" is exactly the traditional "9th" century. The extent of the fundamental ascending half period of the "sine curve" is from the "9th" through the "17th" centuries. According to the "Byzantine" sharp curve, the "sine waves" of the "9th-11th" centuries duplicate exactly the real "13th-15th" centuries (the remaining offshoots - the "Egyptian," "Roman," Indochinese," "Ancient Babylonian" - are derived from these two key positions.) In other words, all "ancient" history of our civilization, which is reflected in graphic art, numbers only 300-400 years to the middle of the traditional "13th" century.
The history of the written language also is confined to this same period: according to the equation of civilization's pace: hieroglyphic writing is the turn of the "9th-10th" centuries (according to the interval of a civilized event - the year "900" ± 100 years), writing in letters - the end of the "11th" century (according to the interval of a civilized event - the year "1080" ± 80 years.) In other words, there simply were no written sources of OUR civilization earlier than the "9th" century.
In the real history of our man-caused civilization (the Technogenesis epoch) two stages, in the first approach, can be examined: The "pre-catastrophic" approximately from the traditional "9th" century through the middle of the traditional "12th" century, and the "post-catastrophic" - from the second half of the traditional "12th" century and up to the present time.
Thus, below the "12th" century it simply is not suitable to talk about a Technogenesis epoch. Any civilization before this could only be "naturally economic." Essentially, we even see this in the example of the aboriginals of South America, Africa, Australia, Oceania and the Far North.
One may conceivably connect the turn of the "9th" century with the "Dardanelles flood," that is the bursting of the Dardanelles strait and the flooding of the Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea. This correlates with the conclusions of the work of the hydrobiologist, V.V. Polishchuk, regarding the changes of the flora and fauna and the deposits of the Black Sea. On the basis of the analysis of a sharp change of the nature of the sedimentary deposits, Polishchuk concluded that the level of the Black Sea before this catastrophic wave was approximately 12 meters lower than now, then the water rose by 80 - 100 meters and stayed thus for approximately 20 years, after which the level of the water began to do down to the modern level. In accordance with the traditional chronology, this event was dated as the 8-7th centuries B.C. (V.V. Polishchuk. On the Significant Late Holocene Rise of the Level of the Black Sea and the Origin of Northern Elements in its Fauna. Hydrobiologic Magazine. Volume XX, No. 4, 1984; V. V. Polishchuk. On the Boreal Elements of the Fauna of the Black Sea Basin. Hydrobiologic Magazine. Volume 14, No. 4, 1978). Some archaeological data also support this hypothesis (M.I. Artamonov. The Role of Climatic Changes of the 8th-7th Centuries B.C. in the Transmigration of Cimmerites and Scyths to Asia and their Return to the Steppe of Eastern Europe in the 6th Century B.C., in the book: "Ethnography of the Peoples of the USSR. Leningrad, Science, 1971, pages 45-60).) Datings in these works are naturally traditional and not absolute. Taking into consideration "Zhabinskiy's sine curve," according to which the "8th" century = the "11th" century, and the "7th" century = the "10th" century, the Dardanelles Flood can be ascribed to the "9th" century.
The proposed concept allows a somewhat different interpretation also of the results of the mathematical and statistical work of Anatoliy T. Fomenko, leading to the construction by him of the "Global Chronological Chart." Tradition history according to Fomenko up to the "13th" century is composed of a combination of six main elements, which are duplicated with shifts of 330 - 360, 1,000 - 1,050 and 1,750 - 1,800 years. One of the main elements of the Global Chronological Map (T) in principle is distinguished from the rest by the fact that it marks the "splicing" of the others. In light of the concept being examined, this is not a wave, but a catastrophe - "1260."
All three chronological shifts discovered by Fomenko are not astrological, which confirms the conclusion made by A.B. Verevkin about the fact that "astrological" shifts do not have a real prototype. A shift by (330)-360 years reflects a real continuance of "pre-catastrophic Technogenesis"): the years "900" - "1260." A shift by 1,000-(1,050) years is a creation of a "chiliastic" concept, finally adopted in the "15th" century (the "1439 Union"). A shift by 1,750-1,800 years is the total of the chiliastic shift and the fundamental ascending half period of Zhabinskiy's "sine curve" (the "Scaliger-Petavius" scale.)
Arabic numerals and the ability for complex calculations appeared at the turn of the "12th-13th" centuries. (Fibonacci, "1180-1240".) Those very calculations of open-ended time began only after the catastrophe: not earlier than the "14th" century. There could not be any dating "from the Creation," "from the birth of Christ," or "from the hijra" before this. To go beyond the limits of the continuance of a real "pre-catastrophic" stage of the development of our civilization (approximately 360 years) with the comparison of the various undated chronicles without additional contrivances (the "chilia") was simply impossible. And this forced the chroniclers of that time to the acceptance of the chiliastic concept.
Apparently, the "Diocletian Era," fortified by the change of ideology from pagan to monotheistic, became the first attempt for the creation of an open-ended design taking into consideration the added "millennium" (in the traditional history, the Diocletian/Constantine change, the real prototype of this change - is at the turn of the traditional "11-12th" centuries.) And the letter "i," which stands before the subsequent figures with the designation of the year fully could designate from the beginning the abbreviation from "initio" (that is, start), later it is an abbreviation for Jesus, and from the "16th" century - simply "1," that is, the chiliastic "thousand years."

The "third chilia is the era of the Holy Ghost," that is 12 generations from the catastrophe of "1260," terminated exactly at "1440." And the transition of Western Europe to dating from the birth of Christ with the inclusion of a millennium occurred in "1400-1440," in which connection it was caused exclusively for political reasons. This marked a new stage in the creation of a traditional chronology, which received the strongest means of asserting the ideology: its circulation in the form of printed works. The introduction of the Moslem "hijra era" occurred even later, most likely during the time of Suleiman (I, "Kanuni.")
This stage ended approximately in "1520," with the formation of the new western "catholic" empire of Charles V and with the coming to power of Suleiman (I), who united, per se, the whole eastern part of the former empire. After this, an intensive process of the formation of national states and the writing of their own history begins. This also required the creation of an open-ended universal chronological scale, which was put together by the middle of the "17th" century.

Further, the historiography has redacted all sources in accordance with the already established chronological framework. Naturally, at the same time, the historiographers both were besmirching that which did not conform, and they fabricated that which was lacking, and they repeatedly re-wrote anew that which was fabricated by the predecessors. At the same time, real events both of the "pre-catastrophic" and of the "post-catastrophic" stages either were expunged or were dispatched to the distant past. The main thing that the traditional historiography did by the "18th" century in the creation of a universal open-ended chronological scale:
1) it tried to erase the catastrophe of "1260" fully from the memory of mankind, isolating it as the "Great Plague," seeing that epidemics broke out repeatedly;
2) it concealed the lack of any kind of chronological information about our civilization until the traditional "9th" century. At the same time, the Great Flood was ascribed to very remote times and became completely legendary.
The fear of God was placed above the fear of natural phenomena. And the open-ended chronology assured both the legitimization of the powers that be as "anointed by God" and the "historical antiquity" of this very authority.
The very real consequence of the religious events of the Technogenesis epoch can look approximately thus:
1) the "pagan times" the turn of the "9th-10th centuries- the middle of the "12th century. It includes the conventional "pagan period of the Ecumenical Empire" - that is, the assimilation of the Ecumene and the establishment of relations between groups of people, who were assimilated both the same way as the adjacent territories, and the origin of the idea of "God" as the supreme judge - approximately from the middle of the "11th" century;
2)  "monotheism": after the catastrophe of "1260." This is the appearance of the "Mosesites," the "Apostolic Brethren," the "Melchites-true-believers-Orthodox" - that is, of the early Christian sects, the origin of the Moslems is the start of the "14th" century, the Roman Catholic Church is the end of the "14th" century, the struggle for the predominant religion in the Empire is conditionally to "1453," the religious demarcation and split of the Empire and the formation of "nationally religious" states is the end of the "15th" - start of the "17th" century.
At the same time, "Protestantism" is a movement against the appropriation by the clericals of the supreme authority. From this point of view, the seizure by Mehmet (II) of Tsargrad is a victory namely of "Protestantism," the Moslems at that time were an ordinary sect. Religious tolerance in the eastern part of the Empire was maintained fully until the middle of the "18th" century, despite the introduction of Shariat in "1630," but in Siberia and the Far East it is maintained to this time. It is typical that the notion of "Jew" in the New World appeared for the first time only after the purges of the Inquisition with the second wave of emigration at the end of the "16th" - start of the "17th" centuries (inasmuch as "non-Christians" did not have the right to emigrate to America as free people), and, for example, beyond the Volga - only in "1634" with the first settlers from Poland and Lithuania, that is, after the formation of the "Philaret Russian Orthodox Church" in "1627."
The catastrophe of "1260" initiated the rapid scientific and technical progress of our civilization. The maximum to which this catastrophe, having disrupted the continuous chain of civilized events, could extend in general our history is nearly 250 years in addition to the interval of approximately 7,500 years, which was cited in the previous article ("Civilizing Events"). This, by the way, coincides with the glacial data about an even earlier powerful global "acidic" catastrophe nearly 7,800 years ago.
And it is no accident that the civilized development of America, which was separated from contact with the Old World approximately for 200-250 years and "once more was opened up" to Europeans in the "15th-16th" centuries, remained, per se, agrarian. And it is no accident that Western European medieval giants of thought - the fathers of civilization of the type of Albert the Great, Bonaventure, Roger Bacon and Thomas Aquinas appear immediately after the catastrophe in the traditional history. A "New Time" in the history of civilization is coming according to the classical concepts of H. Weiss.
At the same time, a chronology (1) also is starting, according to which up to now mankind has been living.


 

New Tradition  , 2003. Toronto

Reproduced with permission from New Tradition

 

 

 

 

  THE MEDIEVAL EMPIRE OF THE ISRAELITES
(The project started on May 2003.)
 New Tradition  , 2003. Toronto

By Vladimir Ivanov

The International University. Moscow.

  The Discovery of Dante

Dante is one of the most enigmatic and mystic figures of world history and culture. Despite the fact that in the middle of the 19th century they began to call him the Central Man of the World, as early as the end of the 18th century he remained practically unknown not only to the reader at large, but even to specialists. Voltaire's skeptical exclamation in the "Philosophical Dictionary," that, per se, no one reads Dante, is well known.
At the end of the 18th century, he was considered a little known, medieval Italian poet, the author of a composition under the name of "Satire" (Filip Nereusz Golanski, "On Articulation in Poetry," 1808.)

He had neither predecessors (in the 13th century, needless to say), nor followers all the way to the 17th century, when Milton, as they think, inspired by the "Divine Comedy," created his own immortal "Paradise Lost."

    The "discovery" of Dante for mankind occurs only at the end of the 18th century, in the epoch of romanticism.  And the Italian romantic poets Vittorio Alfieri, Vincenzo Monti and, especially, Ugo Foscolo discovered him. In the period of the desperate struggle for Italy's freedom, Dante became a symbol of the independence and dignity of man.

 He ended up just at the right time and was a spokesman of national aspirations and a prophet of the country's unity and a freedom.

At the same time around the world Dante comes into fashion, which transitions into Dantophilia. The vague style of the numerous historic allusions which are present in "The Comedy," gave birth to an avalanche of explanations and interpretations, not one of which one may consider definitive.

But before speaking about them, we will concentrate on the riddles connected with the poet's death.

According to the official version, Dante's course of life ended in 1321. It is considered that he wandered a lot, having been cast out from his native Florence. At the age of 56, while passing through the swampy lowlands of the Po River, he became ill with malaria. The endless journeys, disorder in life, longing for Florence, and finally, work on a poem, which demanded the exertion of all spirit and physical strengths - all this weakened the poet's organism. The illness became more severe with every day, his heart did not endure, and on the night from 13 to 14 September 1321, Dante Alighieri died.

Further, the traditional historiography says that the great poet was buried "with great honors." They write, in any event, his official biographies in full contradiction about what Voltaire and other universally recognized authorities told us. Guido Da Polenta supposedly adorned Dante's crown with a laurel wreath, about which the latter had dreamed during his life. The most honorable citizens of Ravenna bore the coffin with the remains of the author of "The Divine Comedy" to the church of the San Francesco monastery where the funeral mass took place.

Everything ceremonious and extremely noble. Impeccable finishing touches were put on the poet's appearance. And it is completely not understood how to combine it with the following fact.

In 1329, 8 years after the poet's demise, the pontifical legate Cardinal Bertrando del Pogetto demanded from the Ravenna authorities the surrender of Dante's remains.  for public cremation. It turned out that Dante had been involved in the notorious Knights Templar affair and had been found guilty of secret ties with the Order. The ruler of Milan, Galeazzo Visconti as early as 1319 introduced Grandmaster Dante Alighieri (Dante Aleguiro) from Florence as a Magus.  He had achieved the highest degree of initiation in the Knights Templar Order!      And more mysticism: this degree was established only in the 17th century, when the Order was going through a period of its own revival. How 3 centuries earlier Dante was conferred with a high honor is inconceivable to the mind.

 In the poet's official biography it is revealed further that as early as the end of the 14th century, Florence authorities had begun to realize what a deadly error their predecessors had committed when they condemned the great poet to banishment. Thus, they had deprived their own city of the honor to be the place of his burial. Florence, and she loved her sons only after their departure for the other world, requested the remains from the citizens of Ravenna.

But for some reason they did not give up the remains.  In the beginning of the 16th century, the Florentine Leo X put on the papal crown in Rome. Since Ravenna at that time had entered into the Vatican's domain, the Florentines decided to turn to the Pope with a request to permit them to transfer Dante's remains to the homeland. It was not possible for the Pope to refuse, and Ravenna invited the poet's countrymen to take possession of the remains.

The grave, however, turned out to be empty!

The citizens of glorious Ravenna assumed that the remains were stolen or that Dante himself had come for them and took possession of them after his own demise. The Pope refuted the first hypothesis with indignation and was inclined to the second. The idea of the poet's return for his own remains appeared more ponderable to him.

It seems everyone was content at this. Another 300 years passed.

1865 arrived. Italy became, finally, a nation and, as is expected for any country that respects itself, became involved with the search of the great forefathers whose activity had enabled its birth. Without predecessors, founding fathers and ancient history, it is somehow unsound to speak of the grandeur of your own people.

 In May of that very same year, Italy prepared solemnly to note the 600th anniversary since the day of Dante's birth. For this event, they began to repair the monastery complex of San Francesco and to put in order the adjacent structures. During the restoration operations, an ancient box, which was buried at the entrance to the small Braccioforte chapel (not far from the cloister) was discovered by accident. When they cleaned it of earth and mould, on the cover appeared the inscription: "The Monk Antonio Santi placed Dante's bones here." Thus Santi had kept the poet's remains from the encroachments of Florence and of the Pope! What could be done, he didn't love the Pope, and the slave of God turned out to be altogether undisciplined.

    In the box, actually, were found a skull and parts of a human skeleton. The ministry of education sent an archaeologist and anthropologists to Ravenna for identification of the remains. When the scientists confirmed that these were the remains of the great man of letters, the remains were placed into a walnut box, then into a leaden coffin and placed in a sarcophagus in the mausoleum. They are located there even up to the present time.

      But this still isn't everything.

      On 19 July 1999, in Florence's National Central Library, among the rare books of the 17th century, an envelope was discovered by accident in which was contained. Dante's remains. Clearly no one understood from whence the envelope had appeared.  It measured 11.5 by 7 centimeters, was filled with several grams of a gray matter and inserted in a black frame with seals, which attest to the authenticity of the relic.

    Francesco Mazzoni, head of the Italian Dantesque Society and a professor of Dantesque philology at the University of Florence declared that the find put him into a state of shock. In his authoritative opinion, the term "Dante's ashes" is absolutely meaningless, inasmuch as the poet's body was not cremated. Is it possible, in the envelope are the ashes from a carpet on which stood the coffin with the deceased? 

     A proposal which is not bereft of reasons. The fact is that when they tested the contents of the box in that memorable 1865, they placed it on a small carpet. At the end of the ceremony, the sculptor Enrico Pazzi collected everything that remained on the carpet and the rug itself, thinking that there still might be some particles of the remains. Then he consulted a notary, so that the latter officially confirmed that the remains belonged to the great poet in particular. The notary Saturnino Malagola, not hesitating a second, exclaimed:  "These are the remains of Dante Alighieri!" and applied the seals. Everything, as it is said, honest and above board. Once the notary had pressed his seals, there could be no more doubts. Pazzi himself divided the remains into six envelopes and sent them to the director of the National Library.

 Since that time, there had been no information about the envelopes. Until 1999.

It is as if everything fell into place. However, just where are the poet's remains, anyhow? Is it possible the monks, people who believe deeply and obey the Vatican unquestionally, were able to dig up his skeleton and conceal it in some kind of box? To conceal them in such a way that no one knew about them for over a century? It is not unlike the divine people there and then had killed the grave diggers, and they just stole the skeleton from the grave. And then Antonio Santi bumped off too the accomplice monks so that they didn't spill the beans.

   All this, of course, is unlikely, a sort of worthless detective story. If one adds the strange story to the remains found among the books, then a seditious thought arises: Antonio Santi is pure before the Lord. He also was not able to dream that his descendants would attribute such a sinister sacrelige to him. Everything is much simpler: we have an imaginary affair, created by traditional histiography.

  Dante Alighieri actually lived on this earth and, perhaps, wrote his own poem. But only not in the 14th century, but significantly later. Simply, the adherents of the Scaliger Chronology sent him to live further in ancient times. They wanted very much that the history of the Italian nation looked longer and more solid. Therefore, even the poet's official grave turned out to be empty, and the box with the skeleton appeared at the necessary moment, exactly by the 600th anniversary, completely whole, even with a clear inscription, although it had lay in the earth supposedly 300 years. What you would do for the sake of the glory of the fatherland!..

    It is considered that "The Comedy" was incredibly popular in Italy. Despite Voltaire.

   Almost immediately after the start of printing, (the Gutenberg Bible - 1455) in 1472, three editions of Dante's "The Comedy" appear immediately (Johann in Germany, and also in Mantua and Venice), then in the 15th century several more editions - Naples 1477 and 1479, Venice - 1477, and Milan - 1478. But the commonly accepted version of the text of "The Comedy" appears only in the first Florentine commented edition of 1481.

At the very beginning of the 16th century, another series of "Comedy" is issued.  Moreover, even before the beginning of printing there existed numerous illuminated manuscripts of Dante's "Comedy," many of which survived to our time.

In 1462, the Florentine cathedral - Santa Maria del Fiore - which was started as early as the end of the 13th century by Filippo Brunelleschi was completed. Not very far from the center of the temple was situated the portrait of Dante created by Domenico di Michelino - of the poet-demiurge robed in scarlet. In one hand, the demiurge holds an open book (one may guess easily which one), and with the other hand he points to the walls of Hell. Glancing at this majestic figure, it is difficult to believe that only 140 years before this, Dante, who was damned on the soil of his native Florence, was banished from here and spent the remaining years of his life in wandering.

   And again there is a discrepancy with the official version of the poet's biography. Despite the majestic portrait at Santa Maria del Fiore, the person Dante gets by with full and absolute silence from the humanists of the 15th century. Lorenzo Valla, Marcilio Ficino - the founder of the Platonic Academy in Florence, and the great Florentine poet Poliziano, all these pillars of humanism are silent and not only about Dante. They are silent too about those who did so much for Dante's popularization - Boccaccio and Petrarch.

     Again, one can explain this somehow - nevertheless the style and, mainly, the coarse native tongue (volgare) of Dante are too far from the ideals of high Latin, in which the humanists of the High Renaissance wrote and spoke.

     But what did the Church think?

     For you see, Dante calls it an undisciplined harlot (puttana sciolta, Purg. XXXII, 149) and a thief (fuia), he roasts the Roman Popes on the fire. The church itself portrays him on the walls of cathedrals.

      Protestant views of Dante are well known for 300 years before Protestantism; however, the Catholic Church in the 16th century, struggling with the least manifestation of Lutheranism and Calvinism, modestly closes its eyes at the wrathful anti-papal critic of "The Divine Comedy," who is, in the opinion of many specialist Dantologues, a harbinger of the Reformation.

Here is a curious picture of the appearance of the printed editions of Dante:
 

1472, Foligno: JOHANN NEUMEISTER
1477, Venice: WINDELIN OF SPEYER
1481, Florence: NICOLO DI LORENZO DELLA MAGNA
1484, Venice: OTTAVIANO SCOTO
1487, Brescia: BONINO DE' BONINI
1491, (18 November) Venice: PIETRO DI PIASI CREMONESE
149[2], (3 March) Venice: BERNARDINO BENALI AND MATTEO DI CODECA DA PARMA
1493, (29 November) Venice: MATTEO DI CODECA DA PARMA
1497, Venice: PIETRO QUARENGI
1502, Venice: ALDUS MANUTIUS
1502, [Lyons]: BALTHAZAR DE GABIANO AND BARTHELEMY TROTH
1506, Florence: FILIPPO GIUNTI
1507, Venice: BARTOLOMEO DI GIOVANNI DA PORTESE
1515, Venice: ALDUS MANUTIUS AND ANDREA TORRESANI DI ASOLA
[1515], [Venice]: [GREGORIO DE' GREGORIIS DA FORLI]
1512/1520, Venice: BERNARDINO STAGNINO DA TRINO
[1527/33], [Toscolano]: PAGANINO AND ALESSANDRO PAGANINI
1529, Venice: JACOPO DA BORGOFRANCO FOR LUCANTONIO GIUNTA
1536, Venice: BERNARDINO STAGNINO FOR GIOVANNI GIOLITO
1544, Venice: FRANCESCO MARCOLINI DA FORLI
1545, Venice: AL SEGNO DELLA SPERANZA
1547, Lyons: JEAN DE TOURNES
1551/52/71/75 Lyons: GUILLAUME ROVILLE
1554: Venice: GIOVANNI ANTONIO MORANDO
1555, Venice: GABRIELE GIOLITO DE' FERRARI
1564/1578/1596 Venice: GIOVANNI BATTISTA & MELCHIOR SESSA AND BROTHERS
1564, Venice: FRANCESCO RAMPAZETTO
1568, Venice: PIETRO DA FINO
1569/1578, Venice: DOMENICO FARRI
1572, Florence: BARTOLOMEO SERMARTELLI
1595, Florence: DOMENICO MANZANI
1613, Vicenza: FRANCESCO LENI
1629, Padua: DONATO PASQUARDI
1629, Venice: NICOLO MISSERINI

1716, Naples:
 FRANCESCO LAINO

 

It is unbelievable:  mankind forgot its own Titan and genius for 100 years, and they even forgot him in his native Italy! What's going on?  Most likely, a time shift also happened here. The editions which appeared in the 17th century were attributed to an earlier period.

    The great enlighteners of Italy of the first half of the 15th century - Cardinal Nicolai Cusanus (1401 - 1464) and Lorenzo Valla (1407 - 1457) do not mention one a single word about Dante.  Niccolo Machiavelli (1469 - 1527) quotes the poet for the first time, as his contemporary.

In his "Comedy," Dante mentions the mysterious "515, the Messenger of God," which incomprehensibly is explained by the commentators as being a rearrangement encoded by the words of the Roman numerals DXV (=515) in the word DVX, by which he has in mind some kind of "leader" (Italian: duce).

As a matter of fact, it is a question, most likely, of the year 1515 - of the Lateran Cathedral and of Pope Leo X Medici, having introduced total European censorship. Even Dante himself suffered from it. Thus, the likely date of Dante's death is approximately 1520.    

The name Dante is unique and can be translated as the nickname "accursed and forbidden by the Catholic Church (Italian: dannato)," which was given to the author for "The Divine Comedy" by the Inquisition at the end of the 16th century. We note that Dante's wife Gemma is from the family of Donati, and that it too is close to the nickname Dannati (= accursed);

Boccaccio published the works of Dante Alighieri, which were created before "The Divine Comedy," which he already had written while in exile, just as too his biography, for the first time after Dante's death.

And what is more, Boccaccio was the first commentator of "The Divine Comedy." Boccaccio writes (supposedly in 1360), that Dante placed Homer above all poets, although he didn't read him, inasmuch as he didn't know the Greek language, and there still were no translations of Homer to Latin. Such translations (and, most likely just the written works of Homer) appeared only after the traditional date of Dante's death - not earlier than the end of the 15th century;

Dante refers to the red cardinal's cap; however, such caps for cardinals were introduced once again after the traditional date of Dante's death.

Dante is often linked to his friend Guido (Italian: Guido). The nickname Guido in Italian means Tutor or Leader (according to Boccaccio - Guido Cavalcanti, which means Leader of Singing Horsemen, that is, a Poet of Poets.) And even Dante's biography, according to Boccaccio, just abounds in benefactors with the name of Guido. Guido de Columna wrote a book in Latin about the Trojan War from which Dante also was able to derive numerous details of this war. This book became well-known not earlier than the end of the 15th century in printed form.

Guido de Columna belonged to the famous Colonna family in Italy (Italian:  Colonna), who keenly competed for power in Italy in the 14th - 16th centuries with another family - the Orsini,  the founder of which, Count Orso, Dante mentions. From the traditional history it is known that the rivalry of these two families was the reason for the dual papacy (diarchy) in the 14th century, which ended with the election of Pope Martin V from the Colonna family in 1417 and the subsequent split of the church.

Dante mentions Spain and Austria in the "Divine Comedy," names of which appeared for the first time only at the end of the 15th century.

Another biographer of Dante and Petrarch was named Leonardo Bruni (traditionally he lived in 1374 - 1444), and he himself wrote the 12-volume "History of Florence," which was published supposedly in 1439, that is, before the start of printing, and in actual fact, most likely, not earlier than the second half of the 16th century. It also is significant that in "The Divine Comedy" a certain "Sir Brunetto" figures as one of Dante's tutors. (In the "ancient Roman" history written in the 16th century, an imaginary Latin scholar predecessor and dissenting bishop Donat Eli is found in Dante, who supposedly wrote 100 years earlier than Dante, in the 14th century, the first Latin grammar.)

We shall add that Boccaccio and Petrarch lived around 60 years according to traditional history, but there is no real evidence of their contact between them in the 14th century in Italy.

    Between the times of Dante, Petrarch and Shakespeare in the traditional historiography there exists an artificial 300-year gap. Meanwhile, in "The Divine Comedy" there are lines which speak about another.  They are found in the 33rd Canto:" The Empyrean." - "the Rose of Paradise" (conclusion)-
                 
94 One moment is more lethargy to me,

95 than five and twenty centuries to the emprise

96 That startled Neptune with the shade of Argo!

   The translator Mikhail Lozinskiy explains the meaning:
94-96.  The meaning: "In the very immediate moment, which follows after this vision, it became more deeply conscious in my memory than the trip of the Argonauts succeeded in becoming conscious in the memory of people for 25 centuries when Neptune wondered at the shadow of the Argo, the first ship."

But when and who for the first time in worldwide literature mentions the Argo? Shakespeare.

Forms: 6 ragusye, arguze, 6­7 argose, 7 (rhaguse, ragosie,) argosea, argosey, argozee, 6­9 argosie, 7­ argosy.

 [App. Ad. Italian Ragusea, plural  Ragusee, i.e. una (nave or caracca) Ragusea, a Ragusan (vessel or carack), best repr. by the earliest form ragusye; the transposition in argosea, arguze, argozee, etc., is no doubt connected with the fact that Ragusa (in Venetian, Ragusi) itself appears in 16th c.  English as Aragouse, Arragouese, Arragosa.  Cf. also the prec. word, in which Argosine seems to represent It. Ragusino, synonym of Raguseo,

That argosies were reputed to take their name from Ragusa, is stated by several writers of 17th c.; and the derivation is made inductively certain by investigations made for us by Mr. A. J. Evans, showing the extent of Ragusan trade with England, and the familiarity of Englishmen with the Ragusee or large and richly-freighted merchant ships of Ragusa, 'Argosies with portly saile, Like Signiors and rich Burgers on the flood [which] ouer-peere the pettie Traffiquers That curtsie to them, do them reuerence, As they flye by them with their wouen wings.' (Shaks. Merch. V. i. i. 9.)

     No reference to the ship Argo is traceable in the early use of the word.

 Before Shakespeare (17th century) there were no references to the ship Argo in the whole world. Traditional historians will have to answer how Dante was able to guess about the ship Argo before Shakespeare.

 However, if Dante in reality was creating at the turn of the 15 - 16th centuries, and his student Petrarch - in the 16th century, then there is no stylistic gap in Western European poetry: the head of the "Pleiades," the Frenchman Pierre Ronsard (1524-1585) and the Italian Torquato Tasso (1544-1595) rightfully are considered students and followers of Petrarch.  And in the '90s of the 16th century, Shakespeare's sonnets already were being published.      

It is typical that in such an approach the ruler of Florence and poet, Lorenzo Medici (the Magnificent, 1449 - 1492), the poetry of whom is incomparably inferior to Dante's poetry, turns out to be the only predecessor of Dante himself.

The cited example of a chronological shift is typical for all art of the "Renaissance" epoch, and, per se epochs of brilliant "remakes," that is, the creation of "ancient Roman" and "ancient Greek" art in the 15th - 19th centuries.

      In Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519), for example, a double also is discovered in the 13th century,- the founder of European mathematics, Leonardo of Pisa, he himself is a Cadmean (= Florentine!)- Fibonacci, who gave Europe Arabic numerals. Apparently, Leonardo da Vinci in particular also was the real founder of the "reborn," and as a matter of fact the genuine new Italian culture. 

When much later, in the 18th century, French poetry flowers, suddenly in the monasteries here the works of the trouveres, French singers of the early Middle Ages, are discovered, and a collection of Vagants' songs "is discovered accidentally" with the Bavarian Benedictine monks generally only at the start of the 19th century, during Goethe's time, and there and then dated to the 13th century!

    And later a religious brotherhood - the fraternitas - makes its own contribution to the muddle with dates and centuries in the traditional historiography of Dante's times. They appear in Italy in the 14th century, but they acquire most development in the 15th century when more than 400 of them were counted in Northern and Central Italy.

In Florence, the brotherhoods were called by the beautiful word "company" (compagnia.) Members of the brotherhoods establish in private residences collective praying, hear sermons, celebrate religious rituals, and sing religious chants.

     The Magi brotherhood (Compagnia del Magi) became the most significant. And the incomprehensible example of Dante, who lived supposedly more than 100 years before this, was its member.

    You ask, how the Church was concerned about the fact that religious ceremonies were celebrated not in the premises of the churches, but heaven knows where? It was in no way concerned, as if there weren't any of them. There was nobody to react: only in 1487 is the "Hammer of the Witches" of Jacob Sprenger and Heinrich Institoris published, in 1480 the Inquisition is established in Spain, and in 1542 - in Italy that is only in the middle of the 16th century. In 1559 the "Index of Forbidden Books" is introduced.

    The charters of the brotherhoods are approved by the secular authorities, and the secular authorities govern and control their activity. The Brotherhood of the Magi availed itself of the special patronage of House of the Medici.

Thus, Europe's religious life proceeded again within the framework of spontaneously organized formations, and the mysteries from the life of Christ were played out on the streets as plays, which the people loved very much. These plays bore the name "Comedy," and were not yet hammered into the walls of the temples. By the way, the Gospel words that the curtain was torn in two, still bear the traces of these popular medieval public activities.

 Dantologists exploit the subject of "Dante and astrology." A multitude of research has been devoted to it. Even we will dwell on it.

PURGATORYCANTO I     

To the right hand I turned, and fixed my mind

Upon the other pole, and saw four stars
Ne'er seen before save by the primal people.

Rejoicing in their flamelets seemed the heaven.

O thou septentrional and widowed site,

Because thou art deprived of seeing these!


         In the opinion of Dantologists, "the four stars symbolize the four 'main' ('natural') virtues of the ancient world:  wisdom, justice, fortitude, and temperance
." 
  
But it is no more than, as musicians say, "a fantasy on a theme by." It is a question of the real four stars of the Southern Cross (Crux), the most well known constellation of the Southern Hemisphere. The long "cross bar" of the Cross points almost precisely at the South Pole.

       The whole point is the fact that while being in the Northern Hemisphere, we are NOT ABLE to see it. But, according to astronomers (because of the phenomenon of precession), 2,000 years ago the ancient Greeks (who else?) and the ancient Jews (on the territory of modern Israel) were able to observe and describe it.
     However, in those days, the Southern Cross WAS NOT CONSIDERED AN INDEPENDENT CONSTELLATION. It was part of Centaurus (the Centaur). It, Centaurus, was shown in Ptolemy. Who picked out the Southern Cross as a separate constellation is where the opinions diverge.
        Some think that Johann Bayer did it in 1603 in "Uranometria," having used for it the data and not very precise observations of travelers and sailors who had visited the Southern Hemisphere. One of them, Pieter Dirckszoon Keyser (Latin name - Petrus Theodori), it is probable, provided reports about new constellations which were situated near the South Pole. According to other information, there is no Southern Cross in the number of new constellations that were introduced by Bayer.
      Other sources indicate that Louis de LaCaille introduced the Southern Cross constellation, having compiled the first large catalog of southern stars - "Coelum Australe Stelliferum" (1763.) Although, on the other hand, among the constellations of the southern sky, about which they usually say that de LaCaille introduced them, again there is no Southern Cross.
    They also say that the French astronomer Augustin Royer singled out this constellation in 1679, and also one Mollineux of England as early as 1592, from where Bayer took it too.
   On the whole, the situation is rather muddled.
   In order to muddle it even further, we will add the list of "discoverers." As usual in the traditional history, the constellation supposedly was "again discovered" in the 16th century by seafarers who visited the Southern Hemisphere and used the constellation as a reference point. Amerigo Vespucci wrote that he had seen "the four majestic stars" in 1502, and Antonio Pigafetta, sailing with Magellan, wrote about the "fine cross, the most glorious of all the constellations in the heavens."

 There exists a serene, "pastoral" engraving, which depicts Vespucci who is observing the Southern Cross in the still of night, while his crew sleeps, and alongside the image of Dante, who is rigorously motioning that, it is said, "I foresaw and described this several centuries ago."

  But - How? How was he on the whole able to know about the Southern Cross from that century in which he supposedly lived?

And now is the time itself to remember about THREE stars. Dante supposedly also saw them from his distant century.

. . . It was late at night, in the sky the stars twinkled: there appeared, approached and disappeared the Southern Cross, there appeared and disappeared the Three Marias, and the morning start also ascended.

. . . The Three Marias ("Las Tres Marias" is a constellation in the Southern Hemisphere)


Oh, high - high,

To where the eye is not enough,

for the call of those native windows

These three stars which burn.


Note:  The Southern Triangle constellation (TaA). Introduced by Bayer in 1603. It contains 32 stars which are visible to the naked eye.

    The Southern Triangle is very beautiful.  Dante renders it its due:
  To the right hand I turned, and fixed my mind upon the other pole

and saw four stars, (the Southern Cross)

Ne'er seen before save by the primal people.

Rejoicing in their flamelets seemed the heavens;

O thou septentrional and widowed site,

because thou art deprived of seeing these! (it is not visible in the Northern Hemisphere!)

When from regarding them I had withdrawn,

turning a little to the other pole, (that is to the north)

There where the Wain had disappeared already; (Ursa Major)

And he to me: "The four resplendent stars thou sawest this morning,

are down yonder low;

And these have mounted up to where those were." (The Southern Cross has set, the three stars of the Three Marias have risen.)  

      One would think everything is clear. The four stars of the Southern Cross, which is not visible in the Northern Hemisphere (the admiring author, not keeping it to himself, describes the Southern Cross, where Purgatory is located), are replaced by the bright Southern Triangle.
     Traditional historians do not agree with this.  If in the first case, as we already know, it is a question supposedly of the four virtues, then in the second, no more, no less, arise in the sky... Truth, Hope, and Love.
Figure 1.  Jan Gevelius' atlas of the starry sky. Map 48 - The Peacock , the Altar, the Southern Triangle

 

 

Figure 2.

On the left of the Octant is the tail of the Southern Hydra, on the right is the Bird of Paradise, beyond is the Southern Triangle and the Altar, above is part of the Archer constellation and the Southern Crown. On the left side is the head of the Toucan and part of the Crane. In the center are the constellations the Indian and the Peacock.

  

       However, the verses themselves do not leave the slightest doubts of the fact that Dante is describing the southern starry sky. And there is no allegory here.

      The last time one was able to observe the Southern Triangle at the latitude of Jerusalem was just about 2,700 years ago. Ptolemy does not have it. The Arabs also were not able to see it from their time and territory. It is mentioned by the Europeans for the first time in the 16th century. Today one may observe it only south of 20 degrees north.

And he to me: The four resplendent stars
Thou sawest this morning are down yonder low,
And these have mounted up to where those were.

The original, for reference (Canto 8 of Purgatory):


E io a lui: «A quelle tre facelle
di che 'l polo di qua tutto quanto arde».
Ond'elli a me: «Le quattro chiare stelle
che vedevi staman, son di là basse,
e queste son salite ov'eran quelle»

       That's it, the Southern Triangle has risen there where the Southern Cross was earlier.      We note that nowhere does Dante call the Southern Cross a cross directly, but the Southern Triangle is a triangle. This means that, apparently, he already knew about these constellations, but how they were named - no. It is logical to suppose that this is the end of the 16th century, when they already had seen these constellations, but were not yet introduced into scientific use.



 

The Forged Dante



 
"The Question of Water and Earth." Such is called Dante's treatise which also is worth looking at in order to determine at last just when he lived.

   The author writes:
  
"Dante Alighieri, the Florentine, who is the least among those who genuinely are philosophical, greets in the name of He who is the source of knowledge and light each and everyone who shall see this writing."
    Further, Dante argues what is higher - earth or water:

   
"...A more noble place befits a more noble body. And since the more noble the place, the higher it is, since it is closer to the sky.
. . . "The premise is proven on the basis of the experience of sailors, who, being at sea, see the hills are lower than they: and they prove, referring to the fact that they see these hills, having climbed the mast, but from the very deck of the ship they do not see; and this, it need be supposed, results from the fact that the earth is significantly lower and does not reach the crest of the sea."
   Dante created such a remarkable philosophical work. From it, in particular, it follows that the poet still did not know that they usually use the adduced fact as an argument in the version about the earth's sphericity.
    The treatise concludes with the phrase:
     "This philosophy was set forth with the government of the invincible ruler, Sir Can Grande della Scala, governor-general of the Holy Roman Empire, by me, Dante Alighieri, the least and so on. . .  in the year since the birth of the Lord our Jesus Christ one thousand three hundred twenty, on the day of the Sun, the seventh after the January Ides and the thirteenth before the February calends."

     Comments as regards this treatise of Dante's are categorical in the extreme. Specialists are disturbed: the author of "The Comedy" has one system of the universe, and the author of the treatise - a principally different one (the Northern Hemisphere is chief in the author's treatise, and the Southern in the author's of "The Comedy.") This means in no way is this Dante.
     "We are coming, thus, to the conclusion that the treatise 'Question of Water and Earth' is simply a counterfeit, a forgery of some home-grown scientist of the 14th century, who was striving to support the theory of the swelling of the inhabited part of the earth. If the forger had not ascribed this booklet to Dante, it long ago would have been forgotten.
  "We do not know one work, the author of which is acknowledged as Dante, where the style would be so tedious and not one phrase be found, worthy of Alighieri."

   
The commentator concludes:
   "One has to be surprised that as yet Dantologists are found who do not want to make note of this."
  
 One need be surprised most of all at the persistent reluctance of the traditional historian to look soberly at the facts. The researchers Franticelli, Giuliani, Schmidt, Biagi, Madzoni, the adherents of the treatise's authenticity, are resting on the conformity of the treatise to the spirit of the epoch, and even on the reality everything was written out absolutely clearly.

 They refer to Dante, once again, as the author by the direct text. As regards the INTERNAL dating, it, most likely, is true - 1320.

  So about which Dante are we talking, then? All the data coincides with the fact that a certain Dante, author of a workaday treatise, actually lived at the turn of the 13th - 14th centuries.

  And "The Divine Comedy" was written after several centuries, which was ascribed to him, having been transformed thereby into a great poet.  The reason was valid: It followed to have in Italy's past at any cost a rising country's agent of freedom and grandeur.
 
It is not said above  for nothing that Dante, perhaps, wrote "The Divine Comedy." A thin thread connects him with the work.  It is the well-known letter to Can Grande della Scala. In it, Dante is called the author of "The Comedy." But the authenticity in particular of this thread is over the course of 2 centuries a subject of violent disputes. Such visible Dantologists as Giosuè Carducci, Scartazzini, Bruno Nardi and many others consider the letter spurious.

     In their opinion, that part of the letter in which is contained a comment on "The Comedy" with the interpretation of it in four senses, "was written not by Dante, but some idle priest in the 15th century." The letter had reached the records in the 15th - 16th centuries  - earlier ones do not exist.

     The well known Russian man of letters and historian, Eduard Radzinskiy writes:

 "One day there was a flood in Florence.

And there in some kind of cathedral Donatello, Ugo Foscolo and, it seems, Dante, and perhaps Michelangelo are buried - in short, a large number of well-known deceased. So, this flood played a merry prank on us: all the ashes of the great men of genius rose as one along with the graves.  And when the water went away, their bones lay every which way on the floor.  Thus, we had to separate them by graves in a very arbitrary way. And now, it is possible, Ugo Foscolo's jaw rests together with the phalangeal bone of Donatello's fingers and the pelvic bone of Michelangelo."

          And altogether it is called Dante.

 

© Copyright 2003 New Tradition. All Rights Reserved 

                                       

New Tradition  , 2003. Toronto

Reproduced with permission from New Tradition

 

 

 

 


Falsification of the Classical Texts
by Vadim Cherny
 

   The historical references to the events of Jesus' mission do not necessarily negate the hypothesis that they were fabricated. Doubts as to the authenticity of classical texts arise not only in relation to religious writings--historical literature also may be unreliable to a much greater extent than it is commonly supposed.

Only a small number of works by early authors are extant today. Could some of those works, with significance for Christians, have been tampered with? Quite possibly.

There were workshops specializing in forged texts. How can forged texts be identified? By font? But it was easy to find the one matching ancient manuscripts. Binding? It was easy to replicate. Cross-references to other books? Creative scribes could make insertions step by step in different texts, and the changes were then passed on. Style? Some gifted writers were involved; remember the vague claims that Petrarch ran a large forgery shop. Basically, it is extremely difficult, sometimes impossible, to uncover a good literary forgery. We must not suppose that all forgers were as clumsy as the author of the Gospel of Pilate (which, by the way, many people considered authentic), whose story of Pilate's repentance  may have been useful to the Church but was totally unbelievable.  It was easy in those days with a minimal circulation of books for scribes to supplement the texts with paragraphs, episodes and entire chapters, introducing the required content into earlier texts. Thus, much of the historical literature supporting the Christian story may be inauthentic, inaccurate or just an outright forgery.

Much of early Christian history depends on the writings of the Jewish historian, Flavius Josephus, which are often the only source of our knowledge of Judaism in the first century CE. First, let us look at the man himself. Who was he? How credible? His biography is puzzling. In The War and the Life of Josephus, he gives varying accounts of his career. Moreover, providing a detailed narration of one's own life is very unusual for an ancient author. It might have been used in order to bolster the "historical reality" of a pseudo-author. Josephus makes some mistakes in his own genealogy in his Life. He first relates his Asamonean descent by his mother's lineage and then proceeds to prove it by his father's descent. Considering that his Life was written as a polemic against critics of The War, we would expect that Josephus would clear up earlier errors instead of heaping on new ones.

This mistake in genealogy is curiously reminiscent of a similar problem with the life of Jesus, whose Davidic descent in Matthew is built upon his father's, who theoretically, according to the Virgin Birth myth, was not related to him. Luke, correcting Matthew's error, established his messianic lineage through the mother. The correlation between Josephus and Luke's Jesus does not end there. As was the case with Jesus in Luke's Gospel, Josephus lectured the rabbis even while in childhood, although this is implausible.

Josephus claims that Vespasian captured him and  took him as a captive to Rome. Why would he do that?  Josephus asserts that Vespasian didn't believe in his prediction that Vespasian would be emperor and even forgot about this prophecy. Did he keep Josephus for triumph? But this action was a revolt more than a war and he could not anticipate a triumph. Moreover, Josephus wasn't noble enough for triumph as a special captive.

If Josephus had been held for ransom, perhaps not by Vespasian but by a soldier of lesser rank, he would not have been held for long. This is an important point: according to Judean Law, captives should be ransomed on a priority basis. Josephus was supposedly from a well-off family and, not being important for triumph, he would have been bought back quickly.

Although Vespasian and Titus were the most famous members of the Flavius clan, there were undoubtedly other branches of the family as well from whom Josephus could have acquired this surname in circumstances other than what he depicted. Later he might have connected his story to Vespasian. Quite possibly Josephus' affiliation was made up after that of Tacitus, who owed his status to the Flaviuses: Vespasian, Titus and Domitian.

Also note that Julius Caesar disposed of a certain tribune Flavius. As a tribune represented the people, it seems that this clan wasn't aristocratic. On the contrary, Vespasian Flavius would probably have been of noble birth in order to receive command of an army.

There is not a single reference to Josephus in the Talmud, although it mentions Roman emperors, sectarians and apostates, and the rabbis hardly would have omitted Josephus from their list of apostates out of sheer hatred as someone they considered a military traitor. The rabbis could have considered him to be yet another invention of the Christians.

Josephus gained popularity in the tenth century when Jews became acquainted with his works in a Hebraic edition. Significantly, this edition, Josippon, included only 16 books of The Antiquities of the Jews, omitting its historical section. It wasn't that history approximately contemporary with the life of Jesus was not interesting to Jewish scholars, they read, for example, The War in the same collection. It may well have been that the rabbis had doubts about the authenticity of Josephus' writings. It is a challenge to find another explanation for omitting such a large part of Josephus' works in the first Hebrew edition.

Josephus' Jewish credentials are very doubtful. Contrary to the available evidence of the existence in the first century CE of the Greek translation of the Scriptures (which Paul regularly cites, for example, and which was needed for proselytes), Josephus, in The Antiquities, asserts there was none and closely narrates the Scriptures. This act by an educated Judean is inexplicable. To be sure, the Scriptures' narration might have been interpolated into The Antiquties later. But perhaps the author simply didn't know of the Septuagint and other translations.

Let us now consider Josephus' manner of writing history and some of the mistakes he makes. Josephus describes the Herod family in detail. Many scholars believe he was largely drawing on a source, perhaps Nicolaus of Damascus' Universal History. But is it possible that an educated person from the ruling elite was not familiar with his country's history  of the preceding hundred years? This era was at a time when there were fewer disciplines and local history was an important subject alongside religion and philosophy.

Josephus writes that millions of Jews gathered in Jerusalem at Pesach.[i]  Such a number is neither confirmed by the excavations in Judea nor, more importantly, by the size of the area defined today as ancient Jerusalem. This number even exceeds the current population of the city, which lives in multi-story buildings in an area much larger than in antiquity. The impossibility of such density is clear not only from the archeological finds but for many other reasons; for example, given the absence of effective medical treatment, any epidemic would have destroyed the whole population.

Generally, such preposterous exaggerations regarding population are characteristic of ancient authors and some medieval ones, but usually in describing foreign territories. Josephus, on the other hand, should have been acquainted with Jerusalem firsthand. His Against Apion confirms the existence of critics. Romans, who had just won the war in Judea, would hardly have believed that this city was so much larger than their own, so, the exaggerated population could not have been produced by a contemporary author knowledgeable about Judea and in a work intended for Romans.

In the foreword to The War, Josephus asserts that the Aramaic original (in my opinion, non-existent) was written for the Parthians and Babylonians. However, the contemporary history does not indicate that they had any interest in the events in Judea. It is odd that he would write for such a minor audience--if it existed at all --while this saga was evidently so useful as Roman propaganda. Note that the Roman Empire depended on cultural appeal to a great degree, and there was state propaganda, though perhaps not as a conscious concept.

Then there is the question of Josephus' style. It does not make sense to assume that the first edition of The War was addressed to anyone except a large Greek-speaking audience. Would not his poor Greek, for which the euphemism original was employed, shock the aristocrats and philosophers for whom Josephus was writing? Can the story about a translation of the Josephus' original into Greek have been invented in order to explain its rough language? Really, is it possible that highly educated Josephus was unable to judge the Greek translation of his own book? Is it not odd that the writing style veers  repeatedly from sometimes reasonably good literary language to a primitive one?

Supposing Josephus wrote for Roman audience, why in Greek and not Latin? He claimed he read many Roman sources; thus, he knew the language well. Why was the Latin translation not done immediately? It is hard to agree with many historians that ancient Romans, at least the upper classes, were sufficiently educated to read Greek easily, especially considering that at the time literacy itself wasn't widespread.

Josephus' repeated use of the pronoun "their" concerning Judeans ("their holy scriptures," "their country," etc.) also raises doubts about his origins. If this usage were a means to distance himself from Judeans, who recently staged a revolt against Rome, he wouldn't have written as an apologist of the Jews. Of course, third-person address was common, but it might also mean that the author was a Gentile.

With a less significant text, scholars might have conceded long ago that work such as Josephus' was a compilation from various sources. Could the writings of Josephus in whole or in part be pseudepigrapha from the second and third centuries? In that case, we would know practically nothing about Judea in Jesus' times. This lack of knowledge would be odd, for we know of other provinces from many independent sources.

The modern view that Josephus borrowed extensively from the extant writings of others indirectly confirms the hypothesis that his texts are spurious. He need not have been an eyewitness, and the author of books attributed to Josephus just as well have could been writing in the third and fourth centuries, if not even later. A few references by Christian authors of the second and third centuries, even if not forged, do not allow us to ascertain whether the text of Josephus, which existed then, is the same as the modern one. The earliest extant copy of his writings dates from the ninth century.

Moreover, Josephus' attitude towards the Zealots and other rebels who led Jews into the catastrophic rebellion against Rome has been the accepted rabbinical opinion, as expressed in the Talmud, from only the third century onward.

One should note, too, that Eusebius hardly would have taken the risk of creating such significant interpolations as the Testimonies, if Josephus' works had been as well known as they should have been among early Christians. Scholars are in agreement about the existence of numerous interpolations in the Slavonic version of Josephus, using the present Western edition as a benchmark. But is it plausible that no one in Christian Europe wanted to amend Josephus? Likely there were quite a few takers. We just lack a redaction with which to compare the standard text in order to reveal the fabrications. Stylistic analysis does not always pinpoint small insertions in a poorly written, inconsistent narration. Besides, Josephus' various stylistic peculiarities could have been borrowed from lost prototexts and, therefore, do not reflect the insertions by scribes.

Josephus' attitude towards many figures is radically different in The War and The Antiquities. Ancient historiography was largely about moralizing; the accounts served to exemplify certain maxims and to present their authors' views. Since the  writer's convictions are usually relatively constant, his opinion about historical personages doesn't normally vary a lot. We know from the autobiographical Life  that Josephus had critics who should have immediately picked up on this and numerous other discrepancies.

Josephus' contradictions exceed even the loose standards  of Greek historiography. Although we admire the reasonably rigorous Thucydides, in fact, most ancient historians fit the facts, their explanations, and especially speeches to their own views and to the purpose of narration. (This practice is also the reason why it is foolish to honor Gospel speeches, dialogues and sermons, at least those longer than one sentence, which could have been passed on independently through the oral tradition.) However, such massive inconsistency in the same writer's books is quite unusual.

Josephus's aim evidently is to rehabilitate the Jews in Roman eyes, through ascribing the revolt and tumults to the cruelties of Roman prefects. However, the repressions that he depicts are not excessive by Roman standards. One needs only recall the charges laid down by Cicero against Verres, Roman viceroy of Sicily. Cicero argued in Milo's defense that robbers' attacks in Roman suburbs were common. We have no reason to suppose that things changed for the better towards the end of the first century CE. However, Josephus, who supposedly lived in Rome long enough while writing the books, bitterly describes the conditions in Judea, where-he claims-things became so bad that gangs appeared even in rural areas. Certainly, this explanation of the unrest in Judea wouldn't find much sympathy with Romans.

Josephus claims that 8,000 Roman Jews once approached Emperor Augustus.[1] Rome at that time was a small town by modern standards. Jews weren't a large portion of the local population. There is no doubt the figure of 8,000 is entirely mythical.

This figure leads to the wild supposition that Josephus didn't know the details of the Judean War. To put it another way, the author of the pseudepigrapha did not know of the situation in the backwater Roman province. And the real author of Josephus didn't know of the situation in Rome, either; he was accustomed to some safe area, perhaps a small Greek town.

Josephus almost justifies the Romans, treating the military intervention as a campaign to restore peace in a province whose inhabitants tended to unrest. This treatment is a standard explanation which morally justifies the aggression and to which many ancient historians resorted. Thus, Strabo lauds Roman aggression against Gaul, thanks to which the latter's inhabitants were able to live in peace.[2] It may be supposed that Josephus' attitude reflects the facts even less than this prevailing moral-historian convention. Even the title of his book, Judean War, seems to be chosen by analogy with the famous Gallic Wars, attributed to Caesar.

Early references to Josephus are almost entirely missing. The possibility cannot be dismissed that references to Josephus by Christian authors of the second and third centuries were interpolated to support his authority. In any case, the citations of Josephus by Origen and Eusebius are defective, which confirm his lack of contemporary reputation since, otherwise, readers easily would have spotted the mistakes in the quotations. For example, consider the probably distorted rendition of the execution of James, the brother of Jesus. According to Origen and Eusebius,[3] Josephus said that the destruction of Jerusalem was a punishment for James's death. However, there is nothing of the kind in Josephus. Curiously, it contradicts another statement by Eusebius, that the misfortune of the Judeans started with the execution of Jesus.[4]

Even the fourth-century official Latin version of Josephus, attributed to Hegesippus, extensively misrepresents the facts and judgments of the author. Evidently, no other edition was known, since the contradictions would have been noted. It is odd that variant manuscripts were not destroyed after the appearance of Hegesippus. This fact undeniably confirms Josephus' lack of influence and the absence of the commonly accepted version.

Eusebius asserts that he knows of Josephus' statue standing in Rome, but this scholar's accounts are not credible. Moreover, he had good reason to argue for Josephus' existence, since so much of the Christian story depended on him and since his testimonial accounts, which directly relate to Jesus, Eusebius in all probability forged himself.

The immensely learned Origen seems to be unacquainted with Josephus. Thus, he asserts in Contra Celsum that 42 years had passed between the death of Jesus and the destruction of Jerusalem. However, from 33  to 70 are 37 years, not 42. Significantly, Origen's statement appeared in a highly polemical tract, where any mistakes of this kind would have been immediately spotted.

Hyppolitus includes a description of Essenes,[5] agreeing with Josephus' text (extending it a bit), but without referring directly to him. Hyppolitus had no reason to leave out such reference, as it would add credibility to his account. Perhaps he either didn't believe in Josephus' authorship or he used the same anonymous source from which a parallel interpolation of Josephus was made.

Significantly, Tacitus, describing the Judeans in Histories V, at first does not reveal any knowledge of Josephus' works, although the latter wrote just a few years before him and was supposedly famous in Rome. It's not clear whether Tacitus' sources for the Judeans' historical origin are rumors or the works of other authors, but his views certainly are in accord with Manetho and critics such as Apion. Tacitus' pathetic anti-Judean rhetoric is suspicious. For all we know, Judaism was very respected in those days, with proselytes flowing to it. This ((respect?  influx?)) is probably because it closely resembled philosophical notions of Stoics, with an abstract God and rigorously organized life. There is not a single hint of his acquaintance with the extensive rebuttal by Josephus. A rampant critique of Judaism better suits a Christian editor who was interpolating text into Tacitus.

In commenting on historical events, Tacitus mentions what is otherwise found in Josephus, but takes these data from elsewhere. Thus he writes, "The kings were either dead, or reduced to insignificance, when Claudius entrusted the province of Judea to the Roman knights or to his own freedmen," i.e., he doesn't know whether there were kings in Judea alongside  the prefects, something that would be obvious to him had he been acquainted with Josephus' corpus or with any other Jewish author, for that matter.

The description of the Judeans in Tacitus is very unusual. Formally, he describes Titus' military operations, but the style is radically different from his normal one. Thus, the next episode--of Civilis' actions in Germany is literally crammed with details. Titus' actions, on the contrary, are not elaborated upon, but rather sketched in a few general strokes. At the most, only the first paragraph is devoted to Titus. The balance is a description of Judea, Jerusalem and the war with specific details mentioned by Josephus:  prophecies of the destruction of Jerusalem, Josephus' own predictions about Vespasian, and Titus' ascent to power, etc.

What is exceedingly important is that, if we remove this odd and seemingly forged short account, the Roman historian Tacitus says almost nothing of the supposedly famous war in Judea, so glorious that an arch was built for Titus in commemoration of his triumph.

A description of Judea is included in the fifth book, although it would naturally fit before: Judea as a military theatre is mentioned already in the second book. The topic should have been of considerable interest to Tacitus, who writes in Histories I that he owed his social status to the Flavius family-- Vespasian, Titus and Domitian--exactly as did Josephus. So, the actions of Vespasian should be extensively depicted, and Tacitus would not have forgotten to describe Judea in the second book. As he did not do so, the description of the province must have seemed unimportant to him.

Characteristically, digressing from his discourse on Titus, Tacitus writes that he is about to relate "the last days of a famous city," Jerusalem. This narration is far too high-flown a description for the Roman who deprecates foreign cultures. More importantly, how could he know that these were the last days (an apocalyptic idiom in itself) of the city? When he was writing, Jerusalem, although destroyed in 70 CE, had existed-and, probably, had been rebuilt, as was customary with cities of antiquity which were frequently destroyed. It was finally (in antiquity) destroyed later, after suppression of the Bar Kochba revolt, and even then continued as Aetolia Capitolina. The days of the city ended only from the Christian viewpoint; for both Jews and Romans it continued.

We may conclude that Tacitus or even his late Christian interpolator didn't know of the events depicted by Josephus, at least not of the events of any significance. Nor did he know of Josephus or his works.

Add the evident parallels between the Gospel of Luke and his Acts of the Apostles , and Josephus' works, as described in the analysis section of this book, and the similarity of style, the literary historiography, and the similar aims--praise of Judaism and Jews (in Luke's case, to establish a respectable basis for Christianity). It seems that the historian and the evangelist have more in common than mere incidental resemblances. Could they be the same person or could the same editor have extensively amended both? This would explain why the "Josephus" texts, although supposedly extant in the second century, were not known to the Romans but respected by Christians.

Today, Josephus is the main and in many instances the only source of information for us about the Judea of those times. Had we alternate sources, numerous errors would be detected immediately in his works. Nonetheless, oddities can be spotted. One of the strangest is his account of the defense of Masada. In the narration, the Jewish heroes, entrenched in a well-fortified stronghold, opted for suicide instead of death in battle. Josephus apparently was striving to show the Jews to the best advantage, but the Romans would have considered this behavior cowardly. Even in the effete modern world, where sparing oneself pain of battle lacks the ancient tint of dishonor, Israeli historians describe such behavior during the 1948 Independence War with considerable contempt. The books of the Maccabees affirm that death in battle was an honor for Jews. Many people were doubtful about suicide, considering it an unreligious act.

The story of Masada has numerous parallels in Greek history: thus the Xanthians committed suicide during the siege of their city by Marcus Brutus. A still more precise parallel (although attributed to the later period) is the siege of the unassailable mountain fortress of Montsegur in France, where the army of the Inquisition besieged Cathar heretics after destroying their strongholds in Languedoc. They, too, committed suicide--quite contrary to reason. The story of Masada might be literary fiction; in any case, the historical record was heavily edited.

Committing suicide when faced with imminent death or losing one's honor was, of course, known and respected (recall Cato or Seneca), but for philosophers and non-military people. Applying this logic to the inhabitants of Masada, we would have to conclude that Josephus or his editor didn't think of them as militant zealots but as religious sectarians, perhaps modeled after early Christians, and the behavior Christian martyrs might have been displayed in this situation.

Having taken possession of Masada about 70 CE, the Siccarii[ii] found the stores of Herod the Great full and fresh, including oil and wine that had been kept for a hundred years.[6] This is an important point in Josephus' narration, proving the defenders' ability to survive for an exceedingly long time. However, Masada is not located high enough to provide for the aseptic storage of food.

Another strange fact is that mesad in Hebrew means fortress. The word is employed commonly with some geographical or other name, for instance, Mesad Hashavyahu. Knowing Hebrew, Josephus hardly would employ a common noun as a place name. It seems that the author of the Masada episode didn't speak Hebrew and took this word mesad, fortress, for the geographical name.

In connection with Masada, let me express puzzlement about Josephus' account of how easily the Romans constructed an earthen rampart to get into the fortress. Even under the less challenging conditions of Jerusalem, without steep mountains on every side, Titus with much larger forces didn't even attempt this task.

In this regard as well as others, Josephus' account of Jerusalem's destruction poses questions. He relates how the Romans surrounded the city with a siege wall. Significantly, a detailed reference to this episode is present in the Gospels in the form of Jesus' prediction of future destruction.

Even disregarding the obviously exaggerated description of Jerusalem by Josephus as a city with a population of a few million, it was still a large place. It would have been impossible to erect a wooden wall around it in a short time. Moreover, the construction could not be guarded effectively, especially considering the Roman practice of not posting a night watch outside the camp. In rare instances, Romans employed not a wall, but an embankment--as Antony did when besieging Phraata. Significantly, Plutarch stresses the huge effort needed for its construction.

Greeks commonly employed this tactic in their campaigns against small towns in the vicinity. Quite possibly, the description of the wall was derived from accounts of Greek wars. The analogy was found in a Biblical text popular with Christians, Micah 5, which begins, "Now you are walled around with [a wall]; siege is laid against us; with a rod they strike the ruler of Israel upon the cheek." This military tactic was reasonable against the very small fortresses of Micah's time but not against the relatively large Jerusalem. The process of forgery seems clear: a Christian scribe found a suitable prophecy in the Bible, incorporated it in the Gospel as a prediction made by Jesus and it was supported by historical proof in Josephus.

According to Josephus, Romans employed a large army in Judea, strengthened with reinforcements from the neighboring protectorates. They normally did not resort to such force. For example, in Britain, Romans employed a single legion. A still smaller number would suffice for the siege of a city with a starving population and small-scale local operations. Actually, a long siege with numerous troops was perhaps economically impossible in a distant province.

The Roman tactics described by Josephus are unusual in the extreme. The Romans employed long sieges only a few times in their history, and only against strategic enemies. They considered it beneath their dignity to win through starvation rather than by force of arms. No other contemporary account mentions a siege of this magnitude.  

A siege several years' long is surely unrealistic. Even a well-prepared city could not stock food for more than a few months, and Jerusalem lacked any reserves. Non-agrarian townsfolk, not keeping significant reserves in households, earned their living through trade and had to buy food regularly. And many pilgrims were trapped in Jerusalem without any food whatsoever.

Josephus' account of the starvation during the siege does not make sense. Josephus explains it as the result of the strange action of the Zealots, who burned food reserves to force the city's inhabitants to fight the Romans. However, the Zealots also locked themselves in the city without trying to assemble a sufficient force for a decisive fight. Additionally, if hunger led to cannibalism, then it did not make sense to enslave the population: not only were they unfit for work, but also most of them probably would have died soon.

In fact, the Romans did not need to wait for the Jews to starve. Jerusalem depended on water delivery through aqueducts. Wells, if any, were insufficient for a large population. The Gospel mentions people bringing water to Jerusalem in jars. The Romans only had to stop water trafficking to finish the siege in a few weeks.

All these facts bring us to another oddity: How is it possible that, only some 60 years after the decimation of the Jewish population during the war and the enslavement of many of the survivors, Bar Kochba was able to raise a force large enough for a protracted revolt? It would be extremely difficult for any nation, in only two generations, to assemble the will and forces for a major new fight after an excruciating defeat such as that described by Josephus. Some people still would have remembered the power of Roman army, and it would have been next to impossible to convince the population of the importance of the new effort. It is plainly wrong to say that Bar Kochba relied on a non-Jerusalem population. First of all, Josephus relates that many of the rural people, who had come to celebrate Pesach, were trapped inside Jerusalem during the siege. Second, if some villagers survived the war, it probably means that they were uninvolved politically, so there is no reason to suppose they would have become more active by the time of the revolt. And there is the issue of the Judean leaders whom Josephus generally describes as shrewd people. As a group they opposed the war, but despite the experience, they sanctioned the revolt, which is truly unaccountable. I am under the impression that Josephus' account of the war is largely fabricated.

Josephus' appeal to the inhabitants of the besieged Jerusalem[7] is simply a literary convention which is encountered regularly in Greek literature.[iii]  The only reason he gives for the war is taxes. He says that, after resuming tax payments, the Romans would retreat, leaving everything intact. There is not even a hint of the other reasons for the war that he cited previously: the destruction of Cestius' troops by the Jews, local unrest, the resentment of prefects, and the refusal to submit to a mortal ruler. Moreover, the issue of taxation wasn't emphasized in the earlier text as a cause of the revolt.

Quite certainly, the Romans would not be content with a regular tax, at a minimum, imposing additional tribute on the Judeans, which was clear to the contemporary reader. Then why did Josephus specifically mention  taxes? Possibly the author based his account on established tradition, the one reflected in Jesus' answer on taxation.[iv] Recall that Jesus significantly parallels Judas the Galilean, who was mostly remembered for his appeal to abrogate Roman taxation.  If a Christian forged Josephus' speech, he might naturally have mentioned taxes as the most urgent issue. This is not to say that taxation isn't just as plausible a reason for the war as all the rest mentioned by Josephus, only that the account in The War is unbelievable.

The Spartan king Nubis started a fire in the city to prevent its takeover by Romans. Josephus notes that the Romans captured the burning city. To do so would have been impossible at that time. Besides, it is not clear how so many people remained alive to be subsequently enslaved if the city, crammed with wooden buildings, was set on fire and no large-scale attempt was made to extinguish it.

How was it possible for the Romans to swiftly and fully demolish the city walls and a tower made of huge blocks, as well as the gigantic temple made mainly of stone? To add to the confusion, the huge dimensions attributed to the temple by Josephus do not coincide with archeological discoveries.

Josephus mentions the signs predicting Jerusalem's destruction: a star in the form of a sword and a comet hovering in the sky for the whole year,[8] although there are no eyewitness accounts of them. Josephus' version remained unchallenged, however, as probably  no witnesses to these occurrences were still alive by the time Josephus' book appeared. These astronomical phenomena would be inconsistent with the traditional dating of the book. In fact, astronomers cannot identify any comet prominent in the skies over Jerusalem around the years 69-70. Moreover, a comet is not visible over the course of a whole year.

Were Christians interested in a book about the Judean War? Surely they must have been: the war was a watershed event for them, demonstrating the death of old Israel and clearing of the place for the supposedly new Israel of the Christian community.

Josephus is strangely convenient for Christians. For example, he demonstrates an enmity toward Herod the Great in The Antiquities for no apparent reason, while he writes with much respect about him in The War. In the former book, he criticizes Herod for disregarding traditions while in the latter he praises his adherence to the Law. This position is natural for a Christian scribe who would want to derogate Herod for his attempt to murder the baby Jesus, as is narrated ridiculously in Matthew. Disregarding tradition is a breach of ethics, which establishes a pattern of behavior for Herod which in turn supports the allegations of murder. Praising him for observing the Law gives Josephus the appearance of objectivity. In leaning towards Herod, Josephus adds credibility to his criticism in The Antiquities. But for Christian readers, observing the Law has no value and doesn't reinforce the notion of Herod's inherent evil.

Oddly enough, Josephus in The War mentions only a few of the Roman prefects of Judea. He mentions Coponius in passing (whom Luke also mentions only in passing) but omits the next three before writing at relatively great length about Pontius Pilate, the prefect[v] of greatest importance to Christians. He devotes significant description of those Romans appointed after 48 CE when they again become of interest to Christians in connection with Paul.

The interpolation of Judas the Galilean and the census provided support for Luke's account of Jesus' birth. Luke placed the birth in the context of the census to explain why Joseph and Mary went to Bethlehem. If Luke drew upon Josephus' account, however, there remains the question of why the details of his references are usually incorrect. It is hard to believe that someone could be so inattentive, although the ancient custom of using scrolls, not books, means that it was harder to find the right place in a text to verify one's recollection, and thus episodes were cited more often by heart.

It cannot be ruled out that Luke reflects an earlier version of Josephus, which existed before Christian editors, attempting to improve them, distorted these episodes. Their corrections possibly survived in the few copies of Josephus that existed,  but not in the Gospel of Luke, which circulated in numerous copies so that it would have been impossible to correct all of them..

There are a number of  unusual elements in Against Apion. To begin with, it concerns a certain Egyptian Apion who moved to Rome in the 30s of the first century where he criticized Jews living in Alexandria. Such criticism would be irrelevant to his audience in Rome. The local population probably didn't care much about Jews, who in any case weren't as important a community in Rome as they were in Alexandria. Against Apion was written about 100 CE, some 70 years after Apion's criticism. Could it be that nobody rebutted Apion in all this time or that Josephus hadn't encountered more recent anti-Semites? The reaction clearly looks tardy.

The same unnaturally belated response is evident in other authors as well, notably in Origen, who wrote his famous Contra Celsum after a delay of more than a century. Significantly, neither Apion nor Celsus seemingly had many (if any) followers who regarded them as authoritative teachers. There was no literature built on their writings. Thus, such a delay in responding to critics already forgotten can't be readily explained.

An important probable forgery is contained in the thoroughly falsified chapter on the Essenes: "Archelaus' estate was turned into a province. .In his [Coponius'] ruling, one known Galilean by the name of Judas declared that it was a disgrace for Judeans to put up with being Romans' tributaries and adopt, besides God, also men of [mould] as their lords. He urged his countrymen to leave and organized a special sect having nothing in common with the others."[9] It is easy to see a parallel with of the actions of Jesus in this text, especially considering many other similarities between the rebel Judas the Galilean and Jesus, who was even from the same place.

The term philosopher, used positively by the author, actually has connotations of freethinking outside the Scriptures in Judaic tradition. When he wrote, "He urged his countrymen," could he have been thinking of the Galileans as the other people (otherwise he would have written "Judeans")? How could Josephus, a Judean, write that one sect had nothing in common with the other ones? Such description is natural only for a Christian scribe opposing his own sect to Jews at large.

The Judas account is repeated twice more in the same book, which is puzzling for the normally scrupulous Josephus.[10] At least one description is inserted inappropriately when he recounts the history of Masada, which was considerably removed in time from Judas' revolt. If Josephus was so concerned with this story, why are there almost no details? It is very probable that the same (necessarily short) fabrication was included in several places as a  result of different editors' efforts or to mitigate the risk of the interpolation being discovered. But the forgers needed a very good reason to insist so much on Judas' story.

Josephus mentions the census in 6 CE after Archelaus was exiled and Judea was turned into a Roman province.[11] After recounting these events in a single sentence, he writes, "as we noted before." There is no detailed description of these events in The War, but only several brief references, so the clarification is meaningless. Considering Josephus' penchant for accuracy, such a blunder is improbable.

Another account[12] doesn't relate Judas' activity in opposing the census but shows him opposing paying taxes to the Romans. The War (2:17:8) mentions Judas' struggle against Rome. The War (7:8:1) is about his opposition to registration. The War (2:8:1) describes his resistance both to paying taxes and to submitting to Roman rule. The authors of 2:17:8 and 7:8:1 possibly drew on 2:8:1. Quirinius is called either a ruler[13] or a census taker.[14] These were different offices, which Josephus would have known.

Altogether different is Josephus' attitude to Judas in The Antiquities (18:1:1): he is characterized as a self-interested rebel, sowing discord among the Jews with false arguments. This attitude suits Josephus' overall view extremely well, since he was very negative regarding all rebels. Other accounts,  which commend  Judas, are at odds with Josephus' attitude.

Yet another feature of The Antiquities (18:1:1) supports the belief that other accounts of Judas in the works of Josephus are forged. Here his origin is stated as Gamala in Gaulonites. There was a town with the same name in Galilee. A Christian scribe, modeling Jesus' image after Judas, would naturally prefer Galilee to Gaulonites, and hence Judas became the Galilean, never mind that the Galilean has nothing to do with Coponius' census in the neighboring country of Judea, which Judas supposedly opposed.

In the midst of bitterly criticizing Judas for political fraud, Josephus suddenly adds that he set up a fourth philosophical school of Judaism, and that he will describe it shortly. And, indeed, in a few paragraphs we encounter the description--but it is all praise by now. The tone suddenly changes and the author extols Judas and his followers to an extent encountered only in his account of the Essenes.

One must be blind not to acknowledge that these are interpolations: a short phrase in The Antiquities (18:1:1) and a whole paragraph conveniently inserted at The Antiquities (18:1:6), at the end of chapter, probably where the scroll ended, thus leaving space to write. There is also no doubt that only Christians had the desire to amend the text and the ability both to do so and to protect the forgery over the millennia.

Accounts of Judas' sect[15] are clearly foreign to the context. Josephus specifically relates there are only three schools in Judaism: the Essenes, the Sadducees and the Pharisees. But he lists Judas' along with them; he notes that it is both significant and reputable, thus making its omission from the main list curious. Significantly, Judas' sect was not ancient and, therefore, could not have been considered authoritative.

Notably, both times the fourth sect is mentioned it is in close connection with the description of the Essenes. Indeed, the author emphasizes that both groups shared the ability to endure torture, a feature which is not essential to their religious views.[16]. This relationship makes a lot of sense, however, when for other reasons we connect the Essenes with Christians, and Judas with Jesus. More specifically, as we believe that Christians were a fringe group of the Essenes, they indeed should be described along with them, but separately. Thus, the interpolation concerning Judas is significant chronologically. The initial Christian scribe was content interpolating one account of the Essenes. Later, when the division between the Essenes and the Christians grew, another scribe thought it necessary to distinguish the fourth school from the Essenes.

Curiously, attempts to situate the fourth sect among the others proved an impossible feat for Gentile scribes, unacquainted with doctrinal trends of Judaism. In The Antiquities,[17] Judas' sect description is exactly like that of the Pharisees, something that the scribe easily could derive from the synoptic Gospels. At the same time, their teaching is so remarkable that the author won't even talk about it. In The War,[18] the fourth group has nothing in common with the others. The lack of detail is compensated for by praise of the fourth sect's goodness and for its founder who was "a well known teacher of the Law," an epithet for the Galilean, which would have made Jews laugh, as Galileans were almost synonymous with theological ignorance. Everything related about this incredibly good fourth sect and its founder is either trivial or contradictory.

Special ties between early Christianity and the Essenes are evidenced by the unusually detailed narration about the latter. Out of fourteen paragraphs of the chapter, dedicated to the Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes,[19] twelve deal with the Essenes and only one (sic!) with the other sects. It is wrong to suppose that Josephus' audience was acquainted sufficiently with the Pharisees and Sadducees that it was unnecessary to devote more than a paragraph to their description, as he was writing for Gentiles who didn't know anything about Judea.

The description of the sects is misplaced: it is inserted into the account of unrest in Judea, where a reader might expect the details concerning the heirs of Herod the Great. It conflicts with our understanding of Judaism of that time as full of factions, sects, and heresies, rather than limited to only three major groups. In addition to the Essenes, the author mentions only the Pharisees and the Sadducees, who also are mentioned in the New Testament. Other classifications of Jews in the New Testament (scribes and lawyers) are general definitions not connected with particular sects. Thus, there is a suspiciously close parallel between Josephus' narrative and the New Testament. Significantly, the description of the Essenes coincides literally point by point with that of the Christians.

The description of the Pharisees also raises questions. "In their opinion. souls of the good people move after their death to other bodies, and souls of the evil are doomed to eternal tortures."[20] The Pharisees compiled the Talmud where their views are amply presented. For all we know, this doctrine of reincarnation was not common, if it was current at all[vi]. The author of this account is probably mistaken, wrongly recording something he knew  from hearsay, an act we do not expect from Josephus who was writing about the things intimately familiar to him.

Josephus' description of the sects closely correlates with the Gospels' account. Writing about the Pharisees and Sadducees, he emphasizes their views on fate and resurrection. He plainly accuses the Pharisees, the largest and most respected Judean sect, of hypocrisy.[21] Overall, he demonstrates respect for Pharisaic knowledge of the Law, while personally distancing himself from them. Josephus also harshly criticizes the Sadducees,[22] to whom he probably was related by birth, in the higher stratum of society and their relationship to priests.

Josephus extols the Essenes as compared to the Pharisees and the Sadducees. A Christian author, creating a pseudepigraphic insert in Josephus about his own group (mentioned as the Essenes), would do exactly this. Josephus, on the contrary, as a Judaic apologist,  wouldn't denigrate the two main sects who were bearers of the Law, which he admires. It seems highly probable that it was a Christian author who later ascribed the story of his sect to Josephus. To make the text look  more trustworthy, the author mentions not the Christians, but the Essenes, their Judean prototype. He might think that their similarity was evident to the audience, though later it was forgotten. Still, in the fourth century, Epiphanius was of the same opinion, believing that Philo mentioned Christians as Iessaei--Essenes. Characteristically, Hyppolitus named the Essenes the first, before the Pharisees and the Sadducees.

Arguments about Josephus being close to the Essenes and for that reason paying them special attention are absurd, as the Essenes admitted no strangers into the sect. The initiation requirements were demanding, and to leave the sect was practically impossible since the Essenes swore not to accept food from the impure (that is, anyone else). Thus, Josephus' claim of personal acquaintance with the Essene creed is a fabrication. Besides, however small his attachment was to the other sect, a single paragraph on the Pharisees and the Sadducees together is clearly disproportional.

His study of Essene doctrine is rebutted by another account. He claims to have begun a thorough study of the sects at the age of 16 and finished it when he was 19, for a total of 3 years. But he supposedly spent the same time  only with the Essenes.[23] Alternatively, Josephus relates[24] that by the age of 14 he had lectured the rabbis and thus supposedly was well educated in Pharisaic doctrine. Either he lied habitually or his claim of studying for three years with the Essenes was created to give weight to his testimony about them.

In Life 12, he writes that studying with the hermit Bannus (who suspiciously resembles the Gospel's description of John the Baptist) lasted for three years after his acquaintance with all the sects was completed. Josephus asserts that he was led to the anchorite by his utter dissatisfaction with traditional teachings. However, he praises the Essenes beyond measure, writing that the Essenes are so good that everyone familiar with them finds their sect attractive.[25]

A reference in The Antiquities (18:2) to the sects having been already described in The War is certainly unnatural. These are different books, intended for different audiences. Already the length of The Antiquities presupposes a more inquiring, somewhat more academic reader than of The War. In those times of limited circulation, authors didn't commonly refer readers to other books. Josephus repeats himself numerous times in the two books, and even in the same book without referring to the other text. A reference would be characteristic of a forger who was writing while recalling the other interpolation in The War, his complete attention being devoted to this small account.

Josephus writes that the Essenes' virtue was unparalleled among Greeks or barbarians.[26] But he was writing for Jews and Romans who were inevitably dismissed as barbarians. Josephus was an experienced writer, and there was no need for him to extol the Essenes by comparison. But this is what an unskilled falsifier, rapturously depicting his sect, would do. More importantly, it seems that this author lived in a Greek province where Roman influence was not felt and the Romans routinely were not remembered; thus he lumps them together with barbarians. Perhaps he was even writing late enough  that the culture  was no longer identified with Rome.

Josephus recounts the  curious reasons that Essenes did not marry or have servants. Contrary to the description in The War and to common sense, the reason for celibacy is not to observe ritual purity but to avoid household quarrels. It seems like a Christian interpretation. Certainly, the editor faced a dilemma: although Paul praised celibacy, Christianity, as any large-scale religion must, accepted marriages for practical reasons. To admit that the Essene predecessors of Christians considered not [?] living with a woman to affect ritual purity, it would have been necessary to explain why Christians abrogated this concept, which was, after all, quite similar to the then prevailing teaching of Stoics. Accordingly, an absurd reason was invented, one never used before to justify such an important constraint as celibacy. Now it was enough for a Christian to claim that he would abstain from quarreling with his wife to defend his decision to marry.

It is quite the same with servants: the Essenes were forbidden to have them because servants inclined a man to injustice. But the Essenes were allowed to buy goods from non-members of their sect. Accordingly, there was no reason to forbid their buying the services of hired workers. Moreover, since the Essenes practiced some sort of specialization of labor, they could specify functions for servants as well. The Essenes didn't have servants, of course, for reasons of preserving the ritual purity of a closed community. Maybe they encouraged work with the same rule. But worldly Christians didn't accept such asceticism. Because it is hard to find arguments to invalidate this rule or declare it outdated, the editor resorted to creating a deliberately flimsy reason, which was accordingly easy to ignore by pretending  to act just towards  servants. However, this is only conjecture. Perhaps both Josephus and Philo[27] mean not servants in general but slaves in particular, the treatment of whom is unjust by definition.

Josephus' main attraction for Christians lies in his two references (commonly called the Testimonium[vii]) to Jesus. They are so blatant in praising Jesus that almost all modern scholars recognize them as a forgery. The final argument of their defenders is that a Christian editor would not have written about Jesus with such restraint. However, a falsifier would do just that in trying to ascribe the testimony about his god to a Jew.

A version of the Testimonium in the Arabic edition of The Antiquities is much less of a panegyric, imitating the supposedly objective style of a Jew writing about Jesus. He is called simply by name, although pursuant to Judaic tradition Josephus uses a name and a nickname, surname, or locality. Josephus refers to Jesus as "the so-called Messiah." However, this statement does not conform to the theological and political orientation of Josephus who avoided any messianic allusions, as they could provoke a conflict between Judea and Rome. Surely, Josephus, a Jewish apologist, wouldn't write that a certain Jesus performed many miracles and was resurrected on the third day after his crucifixion. "And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct to this day" clearly points to a later date. The interpolator was removed from the events by a long time, not some dozens of years, as Josephus was.

An important argument by the apologists in favor of the authenticity of the Testimonium is that Josephus blames the Romans and not the Jews for Jesus' execution, although Church tradition maintains the contrary. But even the Gospels recount how Pilate was complicit in having Jesus crucified. The tradition of accusing Jews became fixed quite a bit later, after the episode already was interpolated in the Josephus text.

It is absurd to describe an evidently messianic figure in one short paragraph. Doubtless, Josephus would have devoted a reasonable space to the story. The abbreviated nature of the account leaves no doubt that it was inserted; the forger wanted to add more information but had only a limited space to do so.

The Slavonic version of Josephus so transparently ascribes Christian views to Josephus, so thinly covers glorification of its sect's leader, that we don't need to repeat here the many studies querying its authenticity. Of course, Josephus wouldn't call Jesus "more than a man." He wouldn't write that a man, who neglected the Law and the Sabbath, had "done nothing shameful."

What is interesting in the Slavonic version is that the story of Jesus' execution is altogether different from the  one in the Gospels. The Judean leaders go to Pilate, fearing the political clout of the nameless hero of the episode. Pilate interrogates him and refuses to condemn him, finding no fault with him. Afterwards, rabbis, full of jealousy, bribe Pilate with 30 talents to let them condemn the hero. Having obtained Pilate's approval in this manner, they crucify Jesus. The absurdity of the description is obvious, as the Sanhedrin didn't have the right to sentence someone to death by crucifixion, at least not for a religious offence.[viii]

The personage repeatedly referred to taught at the Mount of Olives. No Gospel account places Jesus there for a meaningful period. The number of disciples, 140, doesn't agree with versions in the Gospels, nor is it likely to be true, being just one of the standard biblical numbers.[ix] Listing the apostles' occupations (in the other fragment), the author mentions only artisans, although the Gospels insist that almost all of them were fishermen.[x] Consider also the odd silence regarding this prominent figure's name, a reserve unusual for an otherwise bold falsifier.

Is it possible to conjecture that Jesus is not meant here but a leader of some other sect, of which there were a multitude? There are substantial arguments supporting the position that the author of other inserts in Slavonic versions of Josephus was a follower of John the Baptist. In the absence of firm data concerning John's execution and the oddity of his being sentenced in Galilee, where he didn't preach at all, this description might refer not to Jesus but to John. Otherwise, we have to be content with the truly bizarre assumption that the scribe, who carefully studied the monumental work of Josephus in order to make interpolations, didn't bother reading the Gospels, which these inserts were to support. This fact [?] leaves us with the hypothesis that Jesus' followers appropriated the popular story of John the Baptist's execution for Jesus, and John was allocated a different account in the Gospels.

The absence of clear definitions commonly plays tricks with parties to the discussion. Thus, some scholars demonstrate that the Testimonium breaks the narrative, while others think that it reasonably fits the context. The question becomes one of what to consider as a context. Certainly, on a macro level the Testimonium, like the adjacent paragraphs, deals with a description of the events of Pilate's rule. However, at the micro level, the preceding paragraph ends with "And thus an end was put to this sedition," while the next one (after the Testimonium) begins, "About the same time also another sad calamity.." So, the text seems obviously interrupted by the interpolation.

Now, many apologists agree that this is a digression but believe that it is a common departure from the subject, like a modern footnote. But this argument is not persuasive, for in other places Josephus clearly marks beginning of an aside, and after it--with another phrase--returns to the narration.

A similar ambiguity  in terminology is employed in discussing the style of the Testimonium. Thus, apologists assert that the style corresponds to that of Josephus. Certainly his primitive Greek was easy enough to imitate. But there is a more important peculiarity of the style: Josephus categorically avoids messianic descriptions in contemporary Judea. His aim was to present the Jews as peaceful people, not looking for a military leader. In this sense, the style of the Testimonium radically differs from that of Josephus.

The Testimonium is not mentioned by the early Christians, not even by Justin Martyr in his polemic against Jews who asserted that Christians invented Jesus. The Testimonium is first referred to by Eusebius, known for his fabrications, and more than a century passed before it was quoted again; perhaps the amended copies had to be disseminated. The style of the Testimonium is similar to Eusebius' style, not that of Josephus.

Certain caution in formulating the all-important Testimonium is evidenced by the absence of an established version for some time. Thus Jerome, who lived in the fourth and fifth centuries, substituted "believed that he was the Messiah" for the Testimonium's "he was the Messiah," and again in the tenth century Agapius stated, "he was perhaps the Messiah."

The absence of a credible reference to Jesus by Josephus, who scrupulously lists anyone worth noting, is, no doubt, damning for the historical credibility of the miracle-worker, the supposed Messiah Jesus.

Significantly, the most important references for Christians, those to Jesus, his brother James and John the Baptist, are present in The Antiquities (18-20). These books, which largely lack Josephus' special coherence, are mostly a collection of facts and stand-alone episodes. It is hard to imagine a better place for interpolations. Without attempting to recreate numerous studies here, I shall sketch only the main issues.

James is called the "brother of Jesus, who was called the Christ."[28] Josephus clearly understood the meaning of word Messiah, of which Christ is the Greek translation. He refrained from employing it in relation to his contemporaries, viewing in the expectation of the Messiah the reason for rebellions from which he tried to dissuade the Judeans. Josephus supposedly wrote here of current events, whose participants were the members of the contemporary sect. Accordingly, he hardly would have employed the past tense "was called." But a later editor, attributing his thoughts to an ancient Jewish writer, might well have used it.

Apologists believe the equivocal wording of the phrase[xi] proves its authenticity. In their opinion, a Christian author would glorify Jesus much more. But we reviewed a similar argument in connection with the Arabic Testimonium. The editor was not writing freely, since he was impersonating a Jewish author with a known anti-messianic attitude. Thus, he was restricted in the extent to which he could indulge in the glorification of his topic. These constraints led to an absurd position, when the meticulous Josephus mentions the supposedly famous Messiah without comment whatsoever. The mention of Christ without any comment only makes sense if the reader is acquainted with the Testimonium, which is recognized as a forgery. Thus, it is likely that the James episode was written even later and could not possibly belong to Josephus. Rather curiously, hard-line apologists reason quite the opposite way: because Josephus wrote about James (in what they want to believe), and the James story refers to Testimonium, then the latter is true at least in some form.

The episode, however, is not without its peculiarities. As we understand it, the Sanhedrin consisted mainly of Pharisees. But Josephus attributes  the sentencing of James to death to the traditional cruelty of the Sadducees (to which sect the high priest belonged). Besides, attaching responsibility to the cruelty of the Sadducees at large seems to undermine Josephus' point of there having been a specific violation of Roman law by a particular person, the high priest. Many of the Sanhedrin were aristocrats and obviously the majority were reasonable people. They wouldn't violate Roman law even at the instigation of the high priest, especially since he had been appointed recently and was probably not a highly authoritative figure. The Christians, however, hated the Sadducees, who rejected the resurrection, and the editor found an opportunity to smear them.

The zeal of Judeans who sent a delegation to the newly appointed prefect (he had not even arrived yet) to inform on the high priest's violation (sentencing without Roman approval) is puzzling. The execution of a sectarian would hardly have prompted such a fuss. It is also incorrect to explain the problem by saying that the Jews hated Ananus and thus informed on him. Ananus' father and four brothers served as high priests in their time, which points to the respectability of this family. Moreover, according to Josephus, it was worthy citizens who informed on Ananus, because they didn't like the violation of Roman law. In that case, they would like even less the violation of the Judaic Law by James.

It seems that James's name is inserted in place of someone else's. In this case, Josephus criticizes the actions of the high priest in sentencing someone to death in the absence of a prefect, because they are illegal and display disloyalty to Rome. Such an interpretation agrees with the context.

It is not really credible that Ananus would have condemned James for violating the Law[xii]  when even Jesus, the founder of the sect, was sentenced for other reasons, namely, for state treason, especially since James is depicted as frequently praying in the Temple, presumably in mainstream fashion. Moreover, the Judeans considered him righteous, which would have been impossible had he preached the strange teaching of a small sect. Modern Christians easily can imagine that James declared Jesus' divinity, and this claim of divinity was his crime of blasphemy. However, Jesus was deified much later. The impossibility of this accusation is further evidenced by the fact that no one had prosecuted James before in the thirty years (in 64) since Jesus' death.

Unlike Jesus, James couldn't call himself a son of God, because this term was reserved in his sect for Jesus. Besides, there is no direct prohibition in the Law against calling another person a "son of God." For instance, this is how Honi, a famous Jewish wonder-worker, was addressed. Calling Jesus the Son of Man was hardly a major concern for the high priest, who, being a Sadducee, didn't believe in the texts of the major prophets, let alone the suspect Daniel.

Note also that the persecution of sectarians was virtually unknown in Judea; few incidents, like the crucifixion of the Pharisees, were attributable to political motives. The high priests were more likely to take revenge on their actual opponents, such as the Samaritans, whose version of Judaism clearly contradicted the Law. Contrary to the belief of many apologists, Jesus' sect wasn't unusual and a target for persecution. The leader of another Christian sect, John the Baptist, was executed, but not for his religious beliefs.

Still another argument against Josephus' authorship is his mentioning James as "the brother of Jesus." Writing about James, I argued against his genealogical connection with Jesus. Josephus hardly would have used the technical term, "brother of Jesus," accepted only inside the sect and certainly atypical for a Jew.

The Josephus text claims that the destruction of Jerusalem "seemed for Judeans as retribution for the murder of James the Just. for Judeans murdered him, disregarding his great righteousness." Although James was pious, there are many similar examples in Josephus. It is important for Christians that James is specifically chosen, moreover with reference to "his great righteousness," evidently opposing him to other simply righteous (non-Christian) Jews. This phrase is added to the account. Actually, Josephus is emphasizing the illegal actions of the high priest, and Judeans at large are not  blamed. Josephus wants to attribute all immoral acts to lone evildoers and to depict the Jews themselves as a law-abiding people.

Of course, Josephus would not have been sympathetic to the view (presented as his own) that the Judean holocaust and the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple are retribution for even the illegal execution of a single righteous person. The object of Josephus' disapproval is not so much the sentence as the trickery of the high priest, who took advantage of the prefect's absence and exceeded his power in executing James. Josephus felt that this behavior displayed disloyalty to Rome and could lead to a conflict.

James's story is very important for Christians, since it helps to explain the role of both the Sanhedrin and Pontius Pilate and, by analogy, to open the possibility that there had been a gross violation of the judicial procedure at Jesus' trial. It also implies loyalty to the Romans, submission to their judgment and hope that their attitude toward Christians will be tolerant. There is almost nothing in the episode, aside from what is beneficial to Christianity. The whole text serves to confirm the Gospels and Christian tradition. This fact is very suspicious.

Josephus' account seems to have become known sufficiently late, so that Eusebius cites another version of Hegesippus: James was lynched when he called Jesus the Son of Man during Pesach, attributing Daniel's apocalyptic prophecy to him.[29] Amazingly, apologists often claim the versions by Josephus and Hegesippus are not substantially different. In fact, they have almost nothing in common. The mere fact that Eusebius offered both versions may or may not point to his being the author of Josephus' account (e.g., Eusebius wanted to gain credibility for the interpolation in Josephus by pretending to be the honest reporter of the available evidence, even if it is contradictory) but the important thing is that there was no accepted story even as late as the fourth century.

Let us turn to the description of John the Baptist's execution. The Antiquities' (18:116-119) opens with, "But for some Judeans the destroying of Herod's army looked like divine retribution, and certainly just retribution for his treatment of John, nicknamed the Baptist." It is unnatural for Josephus to commend the death of many Jews because of Herod's sins. One theory is that Antipas' army consisted mainly of the inhabitants of Iturea and other non-Jews, so Josephus had no pity for them. However, they actually were converted to Judaism, and were technically indistinguishable from ethnic Jews. In many places, Josephus is clearly sympathetic with neighbors who thus converted. In fact, in those times the ethnicity of most Judeans couldn't be traced effectively. In particular, the inhabitants of Galilee, where Josephus held military office, also weren't ethnic Jews.

In his works, Josephus often cites examples of the immoral, lawless behavior of Judean rulers, saying that they are the cause of the calamities. This tendency is somewhat curious, although it is often encountered in the Bible. But in biblical times, the rulers were legitimate, at one with their people and sharing their fate. Herodian lineage was by any measure illegitimate, and it is inconceivable that Josephus, a Jewish apologist, would make his compatriots responsible for the evil acts of usurpers.

In saying that John's execution was the reason for Antipas' military defeat, Josephus parallels the connection, which Origen and Eusebius give for the destruction of Jerusalem, which "happened to the Jews to avenge James the Just, who was the brother of the so-called Christ, for the Jews killed him in spite of his great righteousness."[30] Considering that Josephus does not draw this conclusion in his testimony on James, where it appears to be a Christian invention, it is hard to deny that the same reasoning applies in the case of John. Curiously, even in the fifth century, the destruction of Jerusalem wasn't commonly thought of as punishment of Jews for Jesus' murder.

As with many other of Josephus' narrations discussed in this book, John's account here is suspiciously close to what the Gospels say about him. From John the Baptist's teaching, both Josephus and the Gospels draw upon only the necessity of repentance and of turning to righteousness before being baptized. Besides, the description of John the Baptist closely corresponds to the description of Essenes which probably was interpolated as well.[31] Josephus exhibits obvious, if not excessive, exaltation of John, even though he is usually critical of popular leaders. Their very existence contradicts his aim of presenting Judeans as a peaceful nation, not prone to rebellions or disloyalty to Rome. From his point of view, such people are immoral because they endanger other Jews with their messianic and apocalyptic dreams and extreme behavior.

Josephus relates approvingly that in John's opinion baptism is acceptable to God because "the soul had already been purified by righteousness." But, unlike Christians, Josephus did not believe that the people who came to John for baptism were righteous or that they even had repented truly. He is generally skeptical of the prevailing morality of Judeans and doesn't easily hand out the title "righteous." Secondly, he believed he was an authority on theology; and he would have offered his opinion about this important issue rather than mentioning John's opinion without comments.

Josephus is certain that he is right about causes. "For some Judeans. it looked like" is an atypical phrase. It resembles the admittedly falsified Testimonium in its evasiveness and in casting the author's opinion in third person ("for some Judeans. looked like"). Probably the Christian editor attributed this phrase to Josephus, apparently including Christians in the term "some Judeans."

Josephus uses an unusual nickname for John, the Baptist. It is problematic to prove the Christian (late) origin of this term, but the occupational sobriquet is not normally found in Jewish culture. A name commonly was accompanied by the family reference, such as bar someone. But in the Greco-Roman culture, individual  nicknames (derived from appearance, profession, achievements, etc.) were commonplace. Curiously, Christian scholars often agree that the epithet the Baptist was inserted later, however, insisting on the authenticity of the episode as a whole. But, outside the epithet, what connects the John, as mentioned by Josephus, with the charismatic John the Baptist of the Gospels? It isn't a question that the story of his execution is the link, because it probably was inserted in Josephus by Christians.

There is an enigmatic phrase, "Now since the others were gathering themselves together-for indeed they were delighted beyond measure at the hearing of his [John's] sayings.." My knowledge is insufficient here, but it seems that the Greek logoi (sayings) refers to an oral or recorded collection of a famous man's precepts, not to his speech. If this is indeed so, then the author evidently was used to operating with a set of precepts of John the Baptist and most probably was his follower--a Christian.

Josephus declares that "he [John] was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I mentioned before, and was there put to death" on the grounds that others came to him. The phrase cannot be explained in the context of the events, for if others freely came to John, they had no reason to be afraid of Herod, and thus didn't constitute a threat to him. The phrase gains meaning in retrospect, as the author understands others as a group, which--he knows it for sure--later entered into conflict with Herod or Jews in general. The author didn't notice how he imposes his contemporary situation on the one he is depicting. From the Christian editor's point, these others could be the fellow sectarians. As viewed by Josephus, such a distinction between various Jews is meaningless. This contradiction is explained so that those other than Herod's loyalists are implied. But it is ludicrous to suggest that the original followers of John (not others) were only Herod's associates. Moreover, if his political adversaries congregated in this fashion, Herod wouldn't have missed the chance to do away with all of them at once, not with their leader only.

What does "the first" mean when Herod didn't have much reason to be afraid of John, having obtained his office in a relatively legal manner? Moreover, he was under Roman protection, and Romans regularly restored kings who lost their thrones after a revolt. The Gospel's explanation that John annoyed Herod by criticizing him doesn't hold much water: unlike Greek democracies, Galilee had no concept of the freedom of speech. John wouldn't have taken the risks of publicly accusing the ruler.

The phrase "Macherus, the fortress I before mentioned" is atypical of Josephus. Indeed, he mentions many places but he did not refer to them in this fashion. However, the forger has one place in mind, and he accentuates that it is not some imagined location but the one he took from Josephus' narration.

Why does Josephus mention an insignificant detail, "sent a prisoner"? This action was injurious, bringing with it the strong possibility of unrest aimed at releasing John. By the custom of the time, Herod would have been better off killing John, for example, while breaking up his followers' gathering. Josephus attributes such tactics to Romans. It seems that "sent a prisoner.and.put to death" are divided in time, specifically to create pause for the Gospel's events of Herodias' intrigue against John.

The factual side of the narrative does not hold, at least not when compared to Matthew's version. Thus, Herod Antipas' first wife ran away shortly before his second marriage or immediately afterwards. As soon as she did, her father, an Arab ruler, drew Antipas into a war over an old land dispute. John was executed before the end of the war; otherwise, there is no connection between his death and Antipas' defeat. There is no time otherwise for John to criticize Antipas for his unlawful marriage and spend some time in prison.

As a matter of fact, Herodias's plot is totally irrelevant to the execution of John the Baptist and not mentioned in Josephus, although it occupies central place in the Gospels. Now, consider that in Josephus, the accounts of Herod's marriage and John's execution are placed together. Though I believe this is evidence that John's story in Josephus is an interpolation, it is possible that the evangelist mistook two independent accounts for a single story.

The problem of John's execution[32] for no apparent reason was clear, and the editor of the Slavonic Josephus attributes to him political ambitions: as a kind of proto-anarchist, he urged people to reject any authority other than God's, just as Judas the Galilean . On the other hand, it is asserted in the same Slavonic text that John was popular only in Judea near Jerusalem, which is incompatible with his persecution by the Galilean tetrarch. To be sure, John later moved "beyond Jordan," but even then, probably moving west, he wouldn't have come into Herod's domain.

The war story is very doubtful. This territory was included in the pax Romanica,[xiii] so that dependant rulers would not fight each other. Josephus asserts that the Romans sent a punitive expedition against the Arab ruler, Aretas, for waging the war. However, he wrote, "they [Herod and Aretas] raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves," and so both sides were guilty. The last phrase probably is interpolated to align Josephus with Matthew, who places Herod in the palace at the time of John's execution. Of course, the evangelist does not mention this war and his Herod naturally attends the banquet in the palace. But in Josephus' story, it is inconceivable that a ruler would send his whole army under the command of a general and not participate in the operations himself.

The defeat in the war is depicted by the interpolation as divine punishment of Herod for the execution of John, which is inconsistent with the context, where Herod in fact triumphed over the Arab with the help of the Romans.

The episode ends with "The Jews, however, believed that destruction befell the army to avenge him, God willing to afflict Herod." But this statement was written two paragraphs above: "Some of the Jews thought that Herod's army had been destroyed, and indeed by the very just vengeance of God, in return for John the Baptist. For in fact Herod put the latter to death." Such repetition is unusual for the otherwise precise Josephus. Moreover, the trailing version of the thesis is considerably re-enforced. The author is cautiously arguing at the beginning, "and actually correct vengeance," but in the end he has no doubts, "vengeance." "Some Jews" in the beginning becomes "Jews" in the end. The author of a huge work such as this would hardly "warm up" in a single paragraph. But an author of a short interpolation could do so. It seems to me, although I'm not sure of it, that the phrase "actually correct vengeance of God" is atypical of Josephus.

The paragraph on John is too short a description for such an influential leader as is represented in the text. The paragraph diverges from the narration. Before it, "Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria." After it, "So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas."

Johannine testimony differs in meaning. In the surrounding text, Josephus attaches blame to Aretas, who illegally attacked Herod on the flimsy pretext of the latter's divorcing Aretas' daughter. This judgment of Josephus is proven correct by the Romans' attitude to the conflict. If Josephus granted that the actions of Aretas were divine retribution for John the Baptist's execution, he wouldn't unequivocally blame Aretas.

Luke, while heavily drawing on Josephus, mentions the arrest but not the execution of John. It is impossible to explain why Luke would omit so important a detail, if Josephus had recorded it. Consequently, it is only natural to suppose that the episode concerning John the Baptist's execution was inserted into The Antiquities later.

It is commonly noted in support of John's testimony that before it appeared in the text of the well-known forger Eusebius, it already was mentioned by Origen. But wasn't Origen edited to begin with? Next, the argument makes sense only if we suppose that Eusebius made up John's reference. But another editor, before Origen, could have inserted it. This approach is not without logic: the interpolation started with a relatively minor forgery about John. The episode was extremely helpful in substantiating the Christian story and at the same time it was plausible that it should appear in a text by Josephus, a Jewish writer, who thus related about the famous national preacher. Seeing that the insertion was well accepted, a later writer ventured forth with testimony about Jesus, hoping that this forgery would be accepted, too, especially when supported by an existing account of John's execution.

Before discussing Pliny the Younger, Suetonius and Tacitus (all who wrote at the beginning of the second century), it is worth noting that when they mention Jesus or Christians, they reflect only the rumors they heard or what they learned from Christians themselves rather than historically verified information about the origin of this religion.

The letter of Pliny the Younger, governor of Bithynia, to Emperor Trajan, written about112 CE, is considered important proof of the early spread of Christianity. It is amazing that one preserved letter--out of the huge volume of the correspondence that has been lost--was exactly what the Christians needed.

To start with, it doesn't prove much. Pliny writes about some Christians. But there were many such sects, such as the followers of John the Baptist. Pliny doesn't mention Jesus. The Christian teaching he describes-to refrain from deceit, stealing, and adultery--could have been attributed to just about anyone. The author is clearly sympathetic with these values, although he tortured and executed Christians who adhered to them. Pliny mentions how they glorify the divine Christ nightly once a year, and partake of a communal meal at that time. The late origin of the letter is revealed by the fact that at the beginning of the second century Jesus was not yet generally considered a god.

Pliny enumerates some bizarre details: for example, that conversion to Christianity had became so popular among all classes that even temples were deserted, and there was no demand for sacrificial animals, although it is fairly well established that Christianity did not spread among the upper classes. The author is careful to explain that these crowds of Christians disappeared when Pliny forbade political meetings-- although they were preaching only religion--and returned to the old rites under the threat of punishment. Pliny's insistence is inexplicable, as Romans were tolerant of cults in the provinces.

The account of the temples' desolation may be modeled upon Acts 19, which describes how the silversmiths of Ephesus attempted to lynch Paul, whose teaching caused them to lose orders for making jewelry for the temple of Artemis. Acts19:26 extends this problem to the whole of Asia.

Curiously, apologists take the reference to martyrs, who didn't deny their faith in the face of execution, as a proof that they were convinced of Jesus' historicity. On the contrary, it might be easier to die for a deity than for a human--at least, the former provides for admittance to the kingdom of heaven. Throughout history, religious martyrs have gone to their deaths not caring in the least  about the historicity of their deity.

Pliny the Younger asks Trajan what he is to do with Christians because, "Who is more capable of guiding my uncertainty or informing my ignorance." But, of course, Pliny himself had lived in Rome before. If he didn't know of Christians either from Rome, or from Bithynia, he had no reason to assume that Trajan knew anything about them. Accordingly, there was no conclusive evidence established and Pliny had no reason for persecuting them or even for asking the emperor for instructions, especially without their having violated Roman law. Possibly a Christian scribe unconsciously assumed that Trajan knew about Christianity and, proceeding from this premise, forged Pliny's letter.

Speaking of Pliny's letter, it is worthwhile mentioning what is claimed to be Trajan's response. It seems that the forger wasn't sure how emperors might write letters. It is insultingly short and it lacks the usual salutations and compliments, which were standard in that epoch.

Trajan suggests that those Christians who deny their faith "shall obtain pardon through repentance." This concept of forgiveness through repentance, typical of Christians, wasn't significant in Roman law, which is only natural, as repentance doesn't lessen the responsibility for the wrongdoing.

Trajan's test for repentance is that accused Christians should worship "our gods." In order to write this, Trajan would have had to possess extensive information about Christians, though even Pliny, who was acquainted with them, knew almost nothing of their teaching. The point is that Gentiles were polytheists. They would have had no problem bowing to Roman deities, too. Thus, the test would not prove their abandonment of the strange faith. Trajan would have had to know that Christians refused to worship anyone but Jesus. And Pliny doesn't mention this detail in his letter. It seems that a Christian author ascribed his own knowledge to Trajan.

Trajan (an evil emperor, according to the Christians) is made mockingly fond of the "spirit of our age." In Christian literature, this idiom refers to the evil in which the world will be plunged before the final coming of Jesus.

Trajan's reply resembles a letter of another emperor, Hadrian, also concerning the judgement of Christians. Both letters are uncharacteristically short. Both emphasize the inadmissibility of an anonymous accusation. Both suggest proving the Christians' guilt before proceeding (although Pliny specifically asked how to determine their guilt without establishing the nature of the crime. Basically, both letters prescribe the conditions of sentencing--which are impossible to satisfy--offering to prove an unspecified crime. Moreover, Hadrian's letter is known only from Eusebius, whose attitude to forgery was very accommodating, to say the least.

Tacitus (Annals 15, ca.115 CE) wrote that around 64, Nero wrongly accused Christians, "who were hated for their enormities," of setting Rome on fire. This accusation is odd, because if local inhabitants hated Christians, it was no trouble to banish them from Rome for preaching an illegal religion. Their religion was understood as being separate from legal Judaism, and Tacitus is careful to mention that he is concerned with Christians specifically.

The term Christian wasn't common in the first century and it is improbable that a historian, otherwise uninterested in the sect, knew it. Hence, there is the possibility that scribes substituted the word Christians for some other, perhaps Judeans, in which case the text makes sense. Tacitus makes derogatory comments about Jews in another place; also, they couldn't be banished without pretext.

He writes (Histories 5:1) that the Arabs hated the Jews with a hatred common among neighbors, evidently not envisaging other reasons for hatred, like immoral behavior. However, after just a few paragraphs he describes Judean traditions with repulsion. Perhaps, being unacquainted with them and lacking a personal opinion, he took the idea from different sources. His having received information from Christians themselves is another possibility. This information would explain the criticism of the Jews, which is based on moral accusations more than on religious matters, and attributes to Jews certain religious concepts that are more characteristic of Christians as we understand them today. One such  belief is the immortality of soul of an executed person specifically, which is natural for Christian martyrs.

After enumerating examples of amorality among Judeans, Tacitus suddenly refers warmly to their religious beliefs and then, unexpectedly, returns to the point that Judean religion is "tasteless and mean." These inconsistencies strengthen the argument that the text is a result of compilation or extensive editing.

The accusation of immoral conduct is hard to relate to modern notions of the Christianity practiced then, as it is generally believed that the persecuted followers assembled secretly, which would make it difficult for them to offend the public. General disapproval probably tainted them later, after Judean War, when all things Jewish were expunged. However, Tacitus was not likely to confuse Christians with Jews, because a prominent feature of Roman Christianity was its spread among slaves, of which Jews were not a significant part.

The mention of the Christian "hatred against mankind" could be applied to any apocalyptic sect preaching the imminent end of the world or even practicing misanthropy (because its members meet in secret and separately from others). However, accusation of misanthropy hardly could be levied against a small group such as the Christians at the time of Nero. Indeed, Tacitus writes that "immense multitude" was convicted, which cannot be applied to a few Christians.

When Paul comes to Rome for his trial by Nero, according to the Acts, he finds no Christians there. It is hardly possible that Jesus' Christians became a large group, and, more importantly, well known and universally hated in the few years after that.

Although Tacitus connects Christians with Christus, who was executed in Judea under Pilate during Tiberius' reign, again he doesn't name Jesus--and it could be a reference to any messianic prototype of Jesus, like John the Baptist or Judas the Galilean. It is plausible that the author strove to avoid too close an association, which could reveal the interpolation. Instead of naming Jesus, he writes that the sect leader was executed by Pilate's order,  ignoring the fact that the latter's name was meaningless to a Roman audience; a prefect of a backwater province, who lived some dozens of years ago, certainly wasn't a well-known figure in the capital. Surely a historian would rather name the founder of the sect than hint at his identity by naming the man who executed him. The omission of the central figure's name is unusual for the normally accurate Tacitus, who routinely supplies a wealth of details.

Tacitus writes about Christians as a phenomenon in the past although he must have witnessed their popularity. The stories by Christians would be the most natural source of Tacitus' information about their sect, if this text is authentic at all. But at the beginning of the second century, any Christian knew these stories, and the value of Tacitus' retelling of them is nil. Nothing suggests that Tacitus studied the archives (if any were left after the Judean War) to uncover the facts concerning just who executed the founder of a sect he mentioned in passing.

Equally puzzling is the description of Rome as a city "where all things hideous and shameful from every part of the world find their center and become popular." Though it was common to condemn the moral condition of Rome, these are harsh words for a local author.

Tacitus possibly knew of what the Christians were convicted. But after introducing the accusation that the Christians set fire to the city, in a few sentences he contradicts himself by saying that they were "convicted, not so much of the crime of firing the city, as of hatred against mankind." This is a significant contradiction, because the false accusation (of setting the fire) initially linked the episode with the context, which lists evil deeds committed by Nero. But then it appears that Christians were tried justly  for offending Roman morality and their execution was unrelated to Nero's false accusation. Tacitus is clear that only Roman Christians were persecuted, although if Christians were tried for setting the city on fire, their repression wouldn't be confined to Rome.

Certainly, it would be more difficult for a forger to imitate the style of Tacitus than, for example, of Josephus. But the style of the episode is somewhat different from the narration. Thus, Tacitus commonly names his sources, comments on their credibility or the conflicts among them, or refers to the majority of historians' opinion. He distinguishes between facts and rumors and does not usually quote uncritically. As other ancient authors, he is eager to state his opinion about events forthrightly and not through subtle shadings of language. Apart from this episode, he commonly states many details. The omission  of all the above could serve as evidence against Tacitus' authorship.

A text which is almost a word-for-word transcription of this one is found in Sulpicius Severus, who is not otherwise known for extensive reliance on Tacitus. This story isn't important to Sulpicius' narration. It is reasonable to suppose that the episode was inserted in two (or more) books simultaneously to be sure it would be preserved; if true, this brings its date forward to around the fourth century.

Suetonius writes that emperor Claudius "banished the Jews from Rome because they had been constantly making trouble, abetted by some Chrestus."[33] That is, he was describing a rumor, indeed, a very old rumor. His informants may have known nothing about how Jesus supposedly was crucified in Jerusalem, but Suetonius clearly alluded to Jesus being present in Rome. The erroneous transcription was not incidental: not comprehending meaning of the word christos, the anointed one, Suetonius calls him Chrestus, a typical name for a slave (presumably because Christianity in Rome was spreading among slaves).

Chrestus doesn't have to be Jesus. Possibly, there were many people among Jews at that time who declared themselves messiahs. The unrest could have been connected with one of them. This would allow aligning Suetonius with Luke, who asserts in the Acts that Paul, arriving in Rome after these events, found that local Jews did not know of Jesus. Even if that story is inaccurate, one wonders when Paul managed to convert to Christianity, become a missionary to Greece, get imprisoned in Judea, come to Rome, wait there for trial (about two years) and convert enough Jews to stir them up into a state of noticeable agitation in time for this unrest to occur during Claudius' reign, that is, before 54. Peter, too, stayed in Jerusalem for a long time[34] and seemingly did not plan to leave for Rome, the city with which he later is closely associated. That means that he must have arrived in Rome not long before this incident, if not well after it, and would have been unable to influence the events.

Chrestus could have been a common man, without messianic pretences. Also, it could possibly refer to Simon Magus, John the Baptist's heir, who came to Rome during Claudius' reign and astonished the Romans by his miracles. In any case, it is unclear why Chrestus simply wasn't executed.

"Punishment by Nero was inflicted on the Christians, a class of men given to a new and mischievous superstition" (Suetonius 16.2). The author implies a considerable group, clearly not a few sectarians, which is what Christians were in 64 in Rome. Possibly this is an anachronism on the part of a scribe, who had in mind the larger number of later Christians, or maybe it is a reference to another messianic sect.

This phrase of Suetonius about Christians seems out of context. Like the Josephus interpolation, it agrees with the macro context, describing acts of the emperor. However, neighboring phrases refer to Nero's actions towards other countries. Moreover, the description of Christians is highly condensed. If it were worded as the subjects around it, it should consist of two or three phrases, something such as: ".who were Chrestus and his followers, what was the reason for the unrest, and only later  that Nero banished them."

Unlike Tacitus, Suetonius doesn't connect this persecution with Nero's false accusation of the Christians, that they set fire to Rome. While Tacitus lists the accusation among Nero's evil works, Suetonius mentions the persecution of the practitioners of the strange religion among his achievements. As discussed above, concerning Tacitus' text, the story of the accusation is probably untrue. But the connection of the episode with the narration in Suetonius' version also does not hold up, for Nero was famous for his indifference towards cults, and without the justification of their having set Rome on fire, he would hardly persecute Christians because of their beliefs. This fact could let Tacitus' editor connect the episode to context by inventing the accusation theory.

Plutarch also mentions events in Judea. He wrote at approximately the same time as  Pliny, Tacitus and Suetonius. Plutarch was concerned with strange religions and, in general, any acts demonstrating morality of individuals and society at large. Jesus' story certainly would have been of interest to him. However, he does not even so much as hint at it. Considering the extensive persecution of Christians recorded in Pliny and the abandonment of the temples as a result of the mass conversion to Christianity, Plutarch's omitting any reference to it is revealing. Most probably, this is yet another proof of falsification of "Christian" accounts in the ancient history books.

His depiction of other events in Judea corresponds surprisingly closely to Josephus. Thus, Plutarch mentions a minor detail of Marcus Anthony's life: along with Gabinius he quashed the revolt of Aristobulus. The ostensible reason for the inclusion is that it was the first military operation by Anthony there. This is incorrect, since Anthony had already campaigned against Alexander, the son of Aristobulus. These episodes are located together in Josephus, and Plutarch, known for his inaccuracy, could be confused. The same type of minor disagreements with Josephus is encountered repeatedly in Luke.

Plutarch records both the transfer of Judean palm groves from Herod to Cleopatra and the report of Antigonus' execution by Anthony, episodes also present in Josephus. Again, both contain the odd story of Herod's support of Anthony against Caesar to the end. But recall that Anthony deprived Herod of economically significant territory. In such a situation, the typical ancient ruler would support his master's adversary. Doubts of the authenticity are increased by the fact that, when listing those rulers who supported Anthony, Plutarch names all of them with their territories (e.g., Amyntas, king of Lycaonia), singling out Herod with a specific sobriquet, "the Jew," reflecting a religious, not political, attribute.

He again singles out Herod, an insignificant ruler of a backwater territory, when describing how Anthony learned that Herod with his army was switching sides. No other king is mentioned by name in this context. Quite probably, the Christian editor deliberately inserted the reference to  Herod to underscore his moral degradation. The episode is characteristically inflated when compared with Josephus, who does not mention that Herod provided military assistance to Octavian Caesar, let alone the size of his legions. On the contrary, Josephus  would only accentuate Herod's assistance to the famous and victorious emperor as yet another means of showing loyalty of Jews to Romans.

Perhaps not being sure of the interpolation's credibility, Plutarch's editor refers to it later: Anthony dispatches Alexas of Laodicea to dissuade Herod from switching to Caesar. But this insertion is totally out of place as, by this time, Anthony has surrendered and pleaded for mercy. To make the narration worse, the editor makes Alexas go to Caesar to plead for Herod. But the latter already had visited the emperor and obtained a full pardon. Caesar doesn't execute Alexas immediately but sends him for execution to Greece, although such an action toward an ambassador was considered exceedingly dishonorable among Romans.

Plutarch mentions Roman legions in Judea during Galba's reign - that is, the army of Vespasian. He separately describes armies in Judea and Syria, while for the outside world Judea was a part of Syria. At least it was under the authority of a Roman governor in Syria. (Tacitus, too, oddly distinguishes governors of Judea and Syria, that is, Vespasian and Mucianus[35]). Josephus distinguished between Judea and Syria, but this distinction is natural for a Jew. In the context of Roman politics, even he didn't discriminate between Judea and Syria.[36] Additionally, during the extensive conflict in Judea it is unlikely that a large[37] army was idle in Syria. Tacitus mentions only the twelfth legion there during Titus' campaign[38], not several units, as Plutarch does.

Adding to the doubts of the authenticity of at least some of Plutarch's works are the variations in style: from moralizing to fact-filled narrative. It is especially puzzling that he depicts even those events to which he was a contemporary witness, as in Lives of Galba and Otho, as if they happened long ago. If we are to believe that he wrote biographies of these two, then I am at loss to explain the absence of biographies of Octavian, Caligula or Nero, whose lives would have been certainly more rewarding for his moralizing. But note that Galba and Otho were especially interesting to the contemporary Roman historians, who were attached to Flavius' clan,[xiv] as meagerness ((the mediocrity[?])) of these two emperors justified Vespasian Flavius in his claim to the throne. It might be that these two biographies were attributed to Plutarch wrongly and actually belong to a Roman author.


 

[i] The spring festival of Judeans, converted by Christians into Easter, the celebration of Jesus' supposed resurrection.

[ii] Jewish terrorists, known before the war for their tactics of stabbing their opponents with knives they carried beneath their garments and then mixing with the crowd.

[iii] In Plutarch's Life of Brutus, Marcus Brutus was similarly persuading Xanthians to surrender

[iv]  "Render therefore unto Caesar the things which be Caesar's"

[v] In the Christian tradition Pilate is erroneously mentioned as procurator; in fact, at that time the Roman rulers of Judea held the rank of prefect

[vi] This is a peculiar anti-Buddhist doctrine of reincarnation. In asserting it, Buddhism concedes that the best people are not reincarnated anymore, but enter nirvana.

[vii] The Testimonium Flavianum, attributed to Josephus, contains accounts of Jesus and was used to prove his existence. Forgery of this part of Josephus' standard text is almost universally accepted, although a somewhat milder panegyric of Jesus in the Arabic version still allows some scholars to assert its possible authenticity.

[viii] There is, however, the account of the crucifixion of 800 Pharisees by Alexander Janneus. However, this account is very doubtful. Even the Pharisee-influenced Mishnah doubts that in the similar situation bar Sheta would violate the Law by executing 80 witches on a single day.

[ix] E.g., Job lived for 140 years after proving his righteousness to God.

[x] In Dion, Plutarch casually, without comments, calls sailors and artisans the throngs, opposing them to respectable citizens. It's only reasonable to suppose that other Greeks shared this attitude. We are left to guess why such a following was attributed to Jesus.

[xi] He "was called," not actually was, "the Christ."

[xii] The stoning, described by Josephus, was probably a punishment for blasphemy

[xiii] A peace forced by Romans on their subjects; theoretically, local rulers had to submit their conflicts to the emperor.

[xiv] Like Josephus and Tacitus


 

[1] War 2:6:1

[2] Geography 4:1:2

[3] Eccl.Hist. 2:23:20

[4] Eccl.Hist. 2:6:3

[5] Refutation 9

[6] War 7:8:4

[7] War 5:9:4

[8] War 6:5:3

[9] War 2:8:1

[10] War 2:17:8 and 7:8:1

[11] War 7:8:1

[12] War 2:8:1

[13] War 2:17:8

[14] War 7:8:1

[15] War 2:8:1, I 18:1:6

[16] War 2:8:7 and Ant. 18:1:6

[17] Ant 18:1:6

[18] War 2:8:1

[19] War 2:8

[20] War 2:8:14

[21] Ant 17:41

[22] Ant 18:15

[23] War 2:137

[24] Life 8

[25] War 2:158

[26] Ant. 18:1:5

[27] Every Good Man is Free

[28] Ant. 20:200

[29] EH 2:24

[30] EH 2:23

[31] War 2:8

[32] Matt14:3-14

[33] Life of Claudius 25:4

[34] Acts 15

[35] Histories 2

[36] Ant. 18:1:1

[37] Life of Otho

[38] Histories 5:1

Copyright 2003 New Tradition. All Rights Reserved

 

New Tradition  , 2003. Toronto

Reproduced with permission from New Tradition

 

 

The following books are recommended for the further reading: 

THE MEDIEVAL EMPIRE OF THE ISRAELITES  . The first empire in the history of mankind was formed in the Middle Ages under the name Israel, in which monotheism and proto-Judaism became the predominant religion.

History: Fiction or Science?    Let us give a concise preliminary account of the current state of ancient and mediaeval chronology.

The Analysis of Ancient and Medieval Records 
Reader's review : I find this book most amazing one I ever have read. If you read this book carefully you will be impressed how many things we take for granted and without any critique. You will be surprised how subtle and non-reliable is the building of modern history and chronology. To read this book is more interesting than any novel of Steven King.

The Development of the Statistical Tools
Reader's review : Words in reviews cant make you believe thet history you`ve learnd might not be the correct one, but onec you get hands on this book and read just the readeble parts you`ll see all events in new light. My advice for everyone interested in history is to read this book in order to be able to manage history data better. Fomenko did not present any suggestions on how the real history did look like and explains how hard it is going to be to put all peaces togeather. Aditional efforts could make this book more readable. The whole prepress could have been better. That would make it far more understandable. I`ll just poit out once more - if you realy want to believe in your history picture you will have to put it now to much serious tests that Fomenko and his assosiates have developed.

Centuries of Darkness: A Challenge to the Conventional Chronology
Reader's review : Centuries of Darkness is, to me, an unusual work, in that the authors seem to be serious historians, who are still willing to stand up and point out the emperor's got no clothes. In this case, the emperor is the convoluted house of cards made up of middle eastern chronology which has been developing, in good faith, for over a century, and the fact that there appear to be flaws in this structure. The descriptions of these flaws and their suggestions for ways to handle them are well presented, even if they are not all immeadiately compelling. In short, this work is truly nutritious food for thought, and well worth the time to read it.

New Tradition  , 2003. Toronto

Reproduced with permission from New Tradition

 

 

Go to New Traditions Page III
"THE MEDIEVAL EMPIRE OF THE ISRAELITES"

 

Page IV

Page I

 

    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Revised: July 18, 2010 .   Communication:   discoverer73(at symbol)hotmail.com     Go to Home Page     Go to Index of All Articles Pages       
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