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Page II
Perception Of Open - Ended Time
Discovery Of Dante
Falsification Of Classical Texts
Recommended Books
THE PERCEPTION OF OPEN-ENDED TIME
by Dr. Yaroslav Kesler
"One of the main achievements of 12th century scholarship proved to be that it
made use of oral testimony and oral tradition.
Another great undertaking of 12th century historians, perhaps the most
difficult, was the mastery of time. As a result of a hundred years of evolution,
the entire West, finally, agreed to position every year in a continuous series
from the birth of Christ, and everything, without exception, began finally to
relate that very Christmas to one and the very same year - regardless of the
doubts and hesitations they had. Then, after universal agreement had been
established relative to the Christian Era, the historians had to resolve another
complex problem: to indicate the year from the birth of Christ for various dates
where the texts reported to them and to assign on one and the same chronological
scale facts relative to which neither written sources nor human memory reported
a precise time. Experts on church calendars, virtuosos in the area of
chronology, and 12th century monks coped with this problem so successfully that
even today it arouses amazement in us." (Bernard Guenee. "Histoire et culture
historique dans l'occident medieval." Moscow, Yazyki Slavyanskoy Kul'tury
(Languages of Slavic Culture), 2002, page 411).
"In half a century of vigorous activity, Benedictine scholars salvaged,
considering their capabilities, everything from the past that could be salvaged.
It so happened that their successors did not find an incentive for new
investigations in this area. They simply continued to talk about their own time.
The 12th century historians were above all researchers. The 13th century
historians were, first of all, witnesses" (ibid. page 412).
Much more profound information about the perception by mankind of such a notion,
it is possible, as TIME is hiding behind these lines of the prominent modern
French historian, Bernard Guenee. And about the essence of a chronology.
Two completely different things are understood by the term "chronology." (1) A
chronology as a succession of events in time and (2) a chronology as a science
about the measurement of time. At the same time, by "historical chronology" they
understand a subordinate historic discipline which studies the systems of a
method of numbering the years and the calendars of various peoples and states,
and also helps to establish dates of historic events and the beginnings of
historic sources.
A chronology (1) is a retrospective reconstruction, inasmuch as the only,
sliding, point of counting time backwards -- present time, as a result, is
conventional. This in full measure relates to historical chronology.
A chronology (2) is a natural science discipline, inasmuch as it is based on
recurring measurements of oscillating and rotating natural cycles. This in full
measure relates to astronomical chronology.
Observation of the surrounding environment does not give man an absolute "point
for the start of time." The counting of time from the "Big Bang" is just as
conventional as, let us say, from the "Creation." But an observation of the
environment renders the ability of a comparison of ensuing events with natural
cycles. And these observations also underlay the numerous variants of calendars
long before the appearance of a chronology (1).
Which natural cycles has mankind been observing? The shortest - the daily cycle
- of the rising and the setting of the sun. But this cycle, from the point of
view of an observer from Earth, is uneven in the course of a day itself within
the limits of one cycle (up to the Arctic Circle), and beyond the Arctic Circle
the solar year generally degenerates into one day which consists of one day and
one night.
Second in increase of relative duration is the "tidal" cycle (connected, as we
now know, with the moon, but they didn't know this earlier.) The English word
tide "flood" is the same as the German Zeit, the Swedish and Norwegian tid
"time" (also compare the Dutch tij = flood and tijd = time), inasmuch as the
coastal, and indeed, even more so, the island inhabitants, naturally, measured
their activity with the high and low tides.
The somewhat prolonged lunar (monthly) cycle is most convenient because of the
ability of counting two-week (English fortnight) intervals between the first and
third quarters (the "growing" and "aging" moons) - phases of the moon, and also,
considering the full moon and new moon - the determination of a weekly cycle and
the establishment of a connection between daily and monthly cycles.
Still longer is the yearly cycle, subdivided into the "time of the year," it is
settled only later - with the aid of devices which allow the determination of
the equinox, and then also the solstice. This then relates also to the seasonal
flooding of rivers (for example, of the Nile), and to the onset of a season of
monsoons in the tropics.
The "Metonic Cycle" (19 years) and the "Solar Cycle" (28 years) are the next
stage in the mastery of the natural cycles for a local, but more wide-scale,
tie-in for time against the background of a starry sky. Observation of the
planets is a qualifying factor of the second order relative to these fundamental
cycles. (Weather conditions are a complicating factor, but which do not exclude
observations of the heavenly bodies.)
All the cycles mentioned are observed over the course of a human life. But not
one of them assumes the need of man in some kind of open-ended chronology (1),
inasmuch as from an everyday point of view the tie-in to some kind of them
simultaneously is both essential and sufficient.
The only irreversible process which may induce man to an open-ended chronology
is life itself. Only two dates are struck on grave stones: birth and death. All
the remaining biography is secondary. Yes, a definite continuity of generations
exists, which is realized in descendants, but not one of them (not with the
cyclical gene of protozoa) is a precise replica of an ancestor. And over the
course of a lifetime, people confront situations when the everyday counting of
time is difficult ("a prisoner in solitary confinement without windows.") But
sunset even beyond the Arctic Circle is not so fatal for man as for a one-day
butterfly. The most ancient words, which reflect the notion of some kind of a
final segment of time, characterize the relativity of the notion "open-ended
time" for a man absolutely.
I think hardly anyone will not see a clear connection between, let us say, the
English year, the German Jahr and the Russian Yar(a) = spring (compare also with
the Greco-Roman ora = "hour, time," and finally, era!) And so even the word,
denoting a year in the Russian language ("god") began to designate the notion
"year" only in the 16th century, and before that this word was connected with
the notion "holiday," a "good (= suitable) time" (as the Serbs have now).
The Ukrainian "godina" means "hour" (in Russian - "chas") but the Czech "chas"
means simply "time." English week, German Woche mean "week," whereas the Russian
derivative word - "vek" - initially meant "some elapsing period" (compare, for
example, "40 years is a woman's lifespan"), but now it also is "100 years."
That is, initially some period is implied, and therefore, in Ukrainian we have
rik (plural roki, derived from "srok") which, again, now means "year," and so
on. The Greek "chronos" still also means "time," and "year," and "duration"
(compare also the Russian "krug.", and even English "ring" - from ancient "hring"
) The variety itself of the tie-in of words which reflect the notion of some
defined time interval, for a CONCRETE period says in so many words that these
notions have been fixed, according to historic measurements, quite recently.
In this connection, we turn attention to the fact that the Greek word ENH meant
the "last day of the MONTH" (ENIAYTOC which has existed up to now means "year, a
large time interval, a cycle, a period." But the Latin word ANN(US) = year and
the Greek ENH - are twin brothers! Therefore, in OLDEN times, most likely, they
counted by months (naturally, lunar.)
Here, for example, is what the Central Asian historian al-Biruni (traditionally
dated to the 11th century) writes: "They say that when a warning of a flood came
to Tahmuras, and this happened 231 years before the flood, he gave an order to
select in his kingdom a place with wholesome air and earth. The people did not
find a place more worthy of such a name than Isfahan. Then Tahmuras ordered the
preservation of all knowledge and the placing of it in the safest place. This is
confirmed by the fact that in our time in Jay, [near] the city of Isfahan, they
have discovered hills in which they, when they excavated them, found facilities,
full of stacks of wood bast called "tuz" with which they cover the swords and
shields. The bast was covered with some kind of characters, and no one knew
anything about these characters and what in particular was inscribed."
It is obvious that it is possible to warn someone about a catastrophe
approaching in 231 years, but to expect practical actions in the near future in
order to avoid grave consequences is senseless even in our time: if he who both
listens seriously and begins to engage in this problem - of a future far away
from the closest descendants, then there will be an insignificant minority of
them - even if it is to create excitement artificially. But, let us say, a
warning 231 months before, that is, approximately 19 years - that is a fully
realistic period for a predicted determination of fate both at the given moment
of the living and of the generation immediately following. And this does not
require bringing in such a religious notion as "prophecy."
Those OLDEN times ended when annual counting replaced monthly.
When, then, was this able to happen?
For designation of the calendar year, besides ENIATOC, the Greeks also have
other words: ???NOC which already has been mentioned, and ETOC, the same as in
the Russian "summer" for the designation of years in the plural. The presence
itself of several words for the designation of one and the same notion
(according to Emile Benveniste) says that in the past they had a somewhat
different meaning. (But, as it is thought, in the works of Homer the words
ENIATOC and ETOC were used as synonyms. At the same time, it is difficult to
judge whether ENIAUTOC is connected with ENH-AUTOC - "this period, that same
period," compare also he = that, or, let us say, directly with ENH-ETOC, that is
period = year.)
Both that and the other respond to the notion "end of the counting." But it is
important that the word ENH has one more, at first glance, meaning not connected
with the first: "the day after tomorrow." We shall add that for the designation
of a month there is the all-European MHN(AC). On consideration of the Russian
"month" in the meaning of the "crescent of the moon," MHN takes on the meaning
"rise of the moon after the new moon," in contrast to ENH - "the day before the
death of the moon," that is, "the end of counting," "the end of the period"
besides. Therefore, the meaning "the day after tomorrow," most likely, arose as
"the night after the new moon."
We note that up to now not one religious basis for the motivation of the
aforesaid has been brought in - there just had been no need.
Now we shall examine the evolution of such "historic" notions as "century" and
"millennium," which have no direct relationship to the life or the natural
cycles. (It is obvious that these notions were able to evolve only after the
adoption of a universal decimal counting system.)
They translate the Latin word saeculum as "sort, generation, a human lifetime"
and as "century." However, this word initially was in no way connected with the
notion of a "hundred" (the number.) But a human lifetime and the change of
generations, as we see, is connected directly with the notion "life cycle," in
which connection the word "cycle" is considered everywhere as adopted from the
Greek kyklos "circle."
In this connection it is somewhat logical to examine this "Greek" circle in
comparison with the Slavic "kolo" = circle (cf. also with Eng. "coil"). (Compare
"se kolo" with the Rumanian secol "century," Italian secolo, Portuguese seculo,
French siecle, Spanish siglo, and also with the Spanish sequelo = consequence.)
In other words - it is a GENERATION, a rotation of life in changing generations.
A generation according to "Constantine's Indiction" is 15 years, the recurrent
taxation on inheritance in an indicated order. The "Chinese," it is but the
"Aztec" (!) period for a generation - 20 years (3 generations for a 60-year
calendar cycle. We note that if the Chinese calendar is connected with the
conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn, then it could not have been created earlier
than 1323.)
For comparison: right now a change of regular generations in the military occurs
approximately over 12 - 15 years (and even, for example, in the Osman military
500 years earlier from a beginning recruit to a veteran it was 2 generations: 25
- 30 years.) The elite bureaucratic civil system of a "progression to
administrative bosses" is also approximately once in 15 years. Not only does
life span play a role in the determination of an average statistical term of a
generation, but also simply the onset of fertility (14 - 18 years). Then follows
a period of personality formation, the mastering of professions and the
acquisition of families (up to 30), the most productive, the "adult," period is
approximately from 30 to 45 years, the "mature" period is 45-60, the "pension"
is 60-75, and further there is only the gerontological. He who has advanced so
far. But on average, the number which characterizes the change of generations
clearly is close to that same 15-year "indiction" - that is, to some average
conventional term, but defined by experience.
"Constantine's Decree" is, per se, a consolidation of some statistical data
which had been collected by the time of its appearance. And what is more, this
is not religious, but fully "civil," that is a "worldly" rotation, that is a
"secular age": a notion, which, probably, was being well preserved even under
the circumstances of a religious demarcation and attempts at the establishment
of a universal CHURCH calendar all the way up to the Gregorian of 1583. In other
words: approximately to the end of the traditional 15th century, it is possible,
there WAS NO accounting for centuries at all.
The word "seculaire" (the spelling since 1611) in the French language assumed
the meaning of "centuries" for the first time in the form "seculare" in 1549.
Before this, the word "centenaire" (from 1370) was used in the meaning of
"centuries." The latter is derived from "hundred" (cent) and "a hundred" (centain).
And "seculaire," as too "siecle" (century, epoch, the present) is not! And this
is direct evidence that the introduction of the notion "century" as a
chronological cycle is connected not only with religiously-based calendar
reform, but also directly with "secularization" (secularisation, from 1567),
that is, with the establishment also of new "worldly" (in French, seculier, from
1260) rules.
Here is what the historian Apollon Grigor'evich Kuz'min writes ("The Beginning
of Rus." Moscow, Veche Publishers, 2003, page 201): "We note that the literal
meaning of the word "vek" in ancient times is the age of an object, a
phenomenon, a man. This is well known and confirmed by a large quantity of
sources (Sreznevskiy, etc.). This word was most used for the designation of the
life of one generation. The MAIN meaning of the Latin conformity to the Slavic
vek is saeculum - exactly a "GENERATION," "a HUMAN age," (Anan'ev et al.) The
Complete Latin Dictionary. 1862, page 761)." Further, Kuz'min talks about
Russian sources in which it follows from context that "vechi" = generations and
not centuries. (The same thing regards, for example, also the "ancient
Icelandic" old - "generation, time, century" (compare with Russian leto =
summer.)
Even more amusing is the English century, which is borrowed from the French, but
centurie never meant "century" in French, but only a military element - "a
hundred"! It is then the "Roman century" (noted for the first time in 1284). And
the time of the appearance of English "century" which stands by itself as the
designation of a hundred years is direct evidence to the time of the
introduction of counting by centuries - simultaneously with the French seculaire,
and with the appearance of the notions of Trecento and Quatrocento and the like.
The likely time of the origin of the idea itself of counting by centuries is no
earlier than the end of the 15th century and most likely - the first half of the
16th century.
It is important that the definition "century" (saeculum) = 100 years is
axiomatic, that is, not requiring (and even not having) proof. The meaning of
the word saeculum = "100 years" was not able to disappear from use after its
legendary establishment for more than 1,000 years. There really are no natural
reasons for maintenance of this axiom. And there couldn't be.
What is more, the maintenance of the meaning saeculum = "century" simply is
inconceivable without the PRECEEDING notion "decade" in a denary system. The
numeral 100 in a denary system occupies a wholly definite place in the hierarchy
of this system relative to the base 10. The very word dekada "decade," which
designates "decade," was noted for the first time only in 1385.
(And the legendary "decennalia," supposedly introduced by Augustus and which
came to light in 1540, has no relationship to the continuous counting of time.)
If one looks at the traditional dates enumerated above, then the oldest of them
is 1260. This hardly is an accidental coincidence, as will be shown below.
Even the Greek notion of "chilieterida" as "millennium" is traced back no
further than that time. Etymologists are trying to connect the Greek "chilia" =
1,000 with the word "chera, cheri" - hand, having in mind that one can look at
both it and the other as a certain "end of counting." We note that the word "chilia"
is in no way connected with the common Indo-European word "hundred" (Greek
hekato.) Just as even the Greek "miriada" = 10,000 designates simply "many," and
the Old Russian designation 10,000 = "t'ma." And the Latin mille - this is
originally also simply "many," and only later is "thousand." In the Balto-Slav-German
linguistic habitat the situation is completely different, inasmuch as the
compound word "tysyacha" (English thousand, German tausend and the like)
initially designates "a rich hundred," that is a "great hundred." Here, in
contrast to the Greek and Romance languages, the reflection of a denary system
of counting to a thousand is completely clear.
Chilia - the origin of this Greek word is just as vague in Greek itself as it is
transparent in the Arabic: "The broad notion of guile (CHILIA) was used, in
particular, for the name of techniques which we at the present time would relate
to the category of applied mathematics and mechanics. Ilm al-khial - the
"science of skillful techniques" (literally "the science of guile," author's
note) is discovered in the medieval classifications of the sciences. To outwit
God - and some medieval Moslems posed such a problem to themselves." ("A
Comparative Study of Civilizations." A reader. Moscow, Aspect Press, 2001, pages
289-290. Aristotle, Omar Khayyam, Iskhak as-Sabani, Ibn Ketiba ad-Dinuri and Ibn
al-Irabi developed "ilm al-khial." "Al-Mundji," Beirut, 2000). And the Jewish
cabalists posed exactly the same problem to themselves, in which connection
everyone developed their ideas in that same 13th century ("The Zohar"), and in
the 16th century they were picked up even by the Protestant mystics (Jakob
Boehme).
At the same time, the word "chilia" is fully comparable with the
Baltic-Slavic-German words which reflect besides a certain interval, a cycle:
Ukrainian khvilina "minute," Czech chvile, Polish chwila; Lithuanian valanda "a
time interval," English while, Dutch wijl, German Weile; Swedish vila "a rest,
repose, to lie, to rest", Norse hvil (rest), hvile "to rest;" English while,
whilst "for the time being, meanwhile," Dutch wijl, German weil, and also wave:
Ukrainian khvilya, Byelorussian khvalya, Bulgarian v"lna, Czech vlna, Latvian
vilnis, Dutch zwalp, German Welle, Swedish svall, Norwegian svalk, English swell
"choppiness, surge" and so on. We note again that in the Book of Psalms
literally side-by-side is the referenced "millennium" as derived from "chilia"
(90:5), and "flood" (90:6). We again draw attention to the fact that the word
"wave" is now also used as a certain indication of time.
But what did "millennium" mean until the appearance of an open-ended chronology?
From where in general was the interpretation by the Biblicists of the duration
of the "day of creation" as a millennium? Or, if one follows the ilm al-chial,
NOW could one just as successfully interpret "day of creation" as a billion
years, while bringing into it, besides, the physicists, too? (This arbitrariness
is the same type as "render unto God what is God's, unto Caesar what is
Caesar's"... well, and unto the locksmith what is the locksmith's.)
What really happened in 1259/1260, actually, is known today to the one Lord God,
but there is real physical and chemical evidence of the extraordinary NATURAL
events of the time. The historians write that in expectation of the end of the
world, people who had gone mad ran into the woods and committed suicide.
The traces of a catastrophic event are observed everywhere in the Arctic glacial
core samples in the form of exceptionally powerful and keen (in the assessment
of time) acidic and sulfate spikes in the investigation of samples of native ice
which relate to this year. Over the course of 5,000 years before this, and also
after this, up to now nothing of the kind has been noted.
As vulcanologists think, it was the hugest eruptive event, the discharge of
which was transported from the source throughout the whole world. (Langway
C.C.Jr., Clausen H.B., Hammer C.U. An inter-hemispheric time-marker in ice cores
from Greenland and Antarctica /Ann. Glaciol., 10, 1988, p. 102-108.) In which
connection, a sign of this eruption is noted in the ice cores both of the
northern and of the southern hemisphere, which can are evidence not only of the
great power of the eruption, but also of the fact that it happened more likely
in the lower latitudes than in the middle or especially in the upper.
Nonetheless, there has been no success in tying the sulfate and acid spikes of
"1259" to a concrete volcano. There also is the opinion that this catastrophic
event was able to act as a trigger for the start of the Little Ice Age owing to
the pollution of the atmosphere with the solid and flying products of the
eruption.
One can evaluate the catastrophic effect of the 1259 event in the power of the
spewing of sulphuric acid into the atmosphere in comparison with the eruption of
the Tambora volcano (1815), the total aerosol discharge of which into the
stratosphere was then in the estimates of Rampino and others on the order of 200
megatons. [Rampino M.R., Self S., Stothers R.B. Volcanic winters.- Annual Review
of Earth and Planetary Sciences. Lett., 16, 1988, p.73-99.]. The works [Raynaud
D. The total gas content in polar ice core. - The climatic record in polar ice.
Cambridge, 1983, p.79-82.; and Gerlach T.M., Graeber E.J. Volatile budget of
Kilauea volcano. - Nature, v. 313, N6000, 1985, p.273-277] estimate the
discharge into the stratosphere of aerosol sulphuric acid as a result of an
eruption of the Toba volcano (nearly 75,000 years ago) to be from 9?10^14 to
5x10^15 grams, at that time as a total aerosol discharge, and according to
Rampino for this eruption - from 1,000 megatons and higher. From this it follows
(with an assumption of an equivalent proportion of the components of the
discharge for Toba and the event of 1259), that in 1259 from 3.6?10^14 to
2x10^15 grams were discharged, that is, on the order of 1,000 megatons of
aerosol, which contained not less than 100 million tons of sulphuric acid.
Plainly speaking, so much sulphuric acid came out in 1260 that a little would
show up even now.
Such an abrupt impact on the environment was not able to occur without very
serious damage for the flora and fauna.
The fact that nowhere are there any records about a specific, gigantic eruption
of a volcano (and it clearly should have taken place in the inhabited part of
the Ecumene), speaks of the fact that this had to be NOT a volcanic, but an
extraterrial event, that is, a catastrophe caused by an extraterrestrial source.
From the end of the 14th century a natural climatic fall of temperature actually
began in Europe - as an undulating attenuation of a cataclysm, which was
expressed in two minima - the Maunder, and afterwards also the Sporer. In the
14th century, seafaring in the Atlantic practically ceased due to constant
storms. From that same time, people began to build levees and dams - as in
Moscow, so it was in Holland. The tides in the enclosed Adriatic Sea were an
order stronger than now. Traces of the so-called "Dunkirk Transgressions" are
well preserved to this time in northern Germany - covered with the sand and silt
of the woods and countryside. There is no Aral Sea on the maps of the 14th-17th
centuries - it is simply an arm of the Caspian, which because of this is
oriented length-wise not from the south to the north, but from the west to the
east. (According to the information of the geographer A.V. Shnitnikov, the
Caspian Transgression fits exactly at the 13-15th centuries.) And what is more,
a huge lake existed at the location of the Baraba Steppe, and the present
Karakum and Kyzylkum deserts were densely populated.
All of this may be explained by the consequences of the Earth's relaxation after
an impulse excitation from the outside. The migration of rats and the spreading
of the plague in the 14th century may be looked at as a direct consequence of
the cataclysm. And not only one disease - the common plague, but also the
bubonic plague, and tuberculosis, and scurvy and so on. The "Time of the Plague"
- as a generalized description - ended in the middle of the 15th century.
In this connection, the designation itself of the Middle Ages is typical too in
15-16th century sources.
The Latin expression "media tempestas" (1469) is recorded for the first time,
where the word "tempestas" means not simply time, but "a time of tempest, a time
of cataclysms," (compare, for example, the English tempest - "storm"), that is,
it communicates a clearly negative characterization of the events of this
temporary interval. Later the formulation "media antiquitas" (1494) appears,
that is, "middle antiquity, that is, an interval approximately from the middle
13th century through the middle 15th century is considered as the time of the
"middle antiquity." Later the expressions "media tempus" and "medium aetas"
(1531), that is, simply, "a middle time, a middle epoch," were noted. And in
1596 alone - "saeculum medium," simultaneously with "medium aevum" - as early as
after the fact that the word saeculum "vek" was associated with the notion
"century." However, the expression "middle ages" finally took on the modern
meaning only at the end of the 17th century.
It also relates to the notion of antiquity. The word antique was noted in the
French language in the 13th century. It is thought that it was made from the
Latin antiquus. But in Latin, "antequos" means "until some kind of events."
Until just which events? The Italian word antico came into use in the second
half of the 15th century. And here is what Vasari (1511-1574), the greatest art
historian and critic of the 16th century, who introduced in turn the term
"Gothic" writes: "This style was invented by the Goths, because after that, as
the ancient buildings were DESTROYED and wars ruined the architects, the
SURVIVORS began to build in this style, raising vaultings on lancet arches and
filling all Italy with the Devil knows what kind of structures."
A catastrophe caused by an observed extraterrestrial source, was unable not to
leave traces too in the mentality of mankind. An earthquake or flood does not
give directly grounds for connecting such natural cataclysms with "divine
punishment" - for this a visual observation of cosmic and atmospheric phenomena
is needed - that is, a sign. In which connection, the sign is perfectly
unordinary: It is not lightning, the northern lights, solar and lunar eclipses
which are observed not infrequently and do not bear perceptible harm. Comets and
huge meteors come much closer to this role if their debris reaches Earth.
In particular, danger which occurs from the sky is the strongest religious
motivation. In this connection a phenomenal occurrence of a prophecy is typical.
If, let us say, the catastrophe was connected with the disintegration of a comet
passing close by, then it was supposed to occur in not fewer than two phases,
and this explains a lot: those who have survived a catastrophe and connected the
appearance of a comet with it have told their children and grandchildren about
it. One need not be a genius to grasp that a comet that is going behind the sun,
which unfurls a tail sideways, opposite the start, has promised in so many words
to return. But when it returned, there were no such catastrophic events as there
had been the first time, although the sky grew red and once again a torrent of
stone fell and so on. Therefore, the descendants decided that the fears of the
ancestors were too exaggerated, and at the same time they simply put some
prophets to death ("witch-hunts" and the like.)
When the witnesses to the catastrophe died out, the opinions of the descendants
were divided: some considered that the coming of the Messiah had taken place,
and they became Christians, others decided that the scale of the catastrophe was
not that and they still had to await the Messiah - as the Orthodox Jews were
educated. A third, the least literate, decided in general to do away with
prophecy: they declared that the last of the prophets - Mohammed - will remain
the last forever. But even subsequent generations continued to break off
relations: Moslems split into Sunni and Shiite exactly on the grounds of
prophecy, and part of the Christians preferred to have a permanently acting
prophet in the person of the Roman Pope.
The most paradoxical is that the "ancient Jews" were split last - in the 18th
century the Hasidic movement arose, again on the grounds of the recognition of
Saddic prophets! Such a model of development of present monotheism seems by no
means groundless.
Purgatory is another religious notion, whose origin one may connect directly
with catastrophe. The origin of the notions of "paradise" and "hell," as
interconnected alternatives in the idea of what happens at the end of life, is
fully natural. And here "Purgatory" is the idea of a procedure, with the aid of
which the Supreme Being divides the "pure" and the "impure": he who has endured
trial - they are the pure, those who have been lost were the impure, and for
that they are punished. The traditional historiography says that the idea of
"Purgatory" was born in the 3rd century: (Jacques Le Goff. The birth of
Purgatory. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago, USA. 1984) in the works of
Clement, Origen and Cyrprian. Saint Augustine (4th century) in the treatise "The
City of God" uses the term "poenae purgatoriae" for the first time, from which
also arose Purgatory.
However, after this - all the way up to the 12th (!) century - the topic of
Purgatory disappears from the sources. in order to reappear for violent
discussion by the "fathers of the church," a list of whom is extremely
impressive and includes Albert the Great, Bonaventure and Thomas Aquinas. It is
thought that the canonization of Purgatory occurred in 1274 at the Council of
Lyons. (At the same time the Pope supposedly in fact recognized Purgatory as a
canon as early as 1254 in his own correspondence.) The apogee of the development
of the purgatory topic is Dante's "Divine Comedy." However, the doctrine of
Purgatory was introduced only in 1439 (!) and was confirmed in 1562, inasmuch as
Martin Luther resumed the polemics about Purgatory at the start of the 16th
century. (At the same time, the Russian Orthodox Church never recognized the
existence of Purgatory!)
It also is significant that at the turn of the 12th - 13th centuries, in a sense
a "French Jesus" appears on the historical scene - Francis of Assisi (Latin
Franciscus Assisiensis, traditionally 1181/1182 - 1226), the founder of an order
of "destitute" monks - the Franciscans, an advocate of the ideals of the "early
faith." The most zealous guardians of the teaching of Francis of Assisi are the
so-called "Spirituals," that is, "non-money grubbers," who are called upon to
feed on only the "Holy Spirit."
The "Joachimites" - the followers of another teacher - Joachim of Floris
(1132-1202) - also spread the "heresy" of the French Jesus. He advanced
the following ideas:
1) The TRINITY as the triune of freedom, love and peace;
2) CHILIASM (from the Greek "chilia" = thousand, and not from the Latin mille!),
that is the future coming of the "thousand-year" era of the "Holy Spirit."
(Where a certain MILLENIUM appears for the first time as a measurement which
extended traditional history, "chiliasm" itself later was ascribed to those
1,000 years backwards and was condemned as heresy!)
The economic "foundation of freedoms," in French Franchise Assise, fully was
able afterwards to be transformed into the "father of the Roman Catholic
Church," Francis of Assisi, whom they called an Umbrian monk from the town of
Assisi (or this town was named after him later on), canonized and raised in
honor of him a memorial complex (traditionally in 1228), however, the biography
of Saint Francis was composed by the general of the Franciscan Order, Fra
Bonaventure only in 1290, when the social movement of the "destitute monks"
already had been placed under firm control!
The movement for the purity of the "early faith" reached its apogee in 1251 with
the publication of a book by Gerard of Borgo-San-Donino with the title "Evangelium
Aeternum." According to the calculations of the Joachimites, Franciscans and
Spiritualists, the fateful 1260 was supposed to arrive soon. Somewhat later the
works of Peter John Olivi (1248-1298) appeared, who understood the history of
Christianity thus: on the 13th day, the child Jesus was shown to the three wise
men, in the 13th year he left his mother and appeared in the temple, and in the
13th saeculum (cycle, generation, epoch) after the death of Christ, Francis, who
established an "Evangelical order" was sanctified.
In parallel with this, repressive structures arise which are created by the
advocates of a strict hierarchical church authority. The fathers of the Roman
Catholic Church, Albert the Great (1206-1280) and Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274)
become the ideologues of this trend, which prevailed in the second half of the
13th century.
Let us enumerate some other events which are ascribed to the 13th century
according to the traditional historiography. In Western Europe they smash the
Cathars, who were damned in 1215: in 1216, the order of militant "God's Dogs" -
the Dominicans - is created for the struggle with the "heretics" (the
aforementioned Albert and Thomas have left the bosom of this order.) The
church's hirelings cruelly punish free peasants who do not wish to pay tribute
to the clergy (for example, the Steding slaughter of 1234.) In response, in 1260
the militant "Apostolic Brethren" headed by Gherardo Segarelli appears which
speaks out against the church's authority. In Paris, Siger of Brabant preaches
the teachings of Ibn-Rushd (Averroes), generally denying God as Creator (he was
killed as a heretic in 1284.)
In 1261, the "Latin Empire" fell, and in the same year Prince Daniel is born,
starting from whom Moscow started to rise in Rus. In that same interval, the
"first parliament" (1258-1264) appeared in England.
Before the middle of the century, the Jews who had appeared on the islands in
approximately 1210, enjoyed the patronage of the king, which is why practically
all England was in hock to them by the middle of the century, but in 1290, they
banish them completely from the islands. for 350 years!
In Northwestern Europe the "new" Hanseatic League of self-governing cities is
formed (finally formed in 1370.)
In the south in Egypt, the Mamelukes came to power, the "Reconquista" were
victorious in the Pyrenees, and the Arabs left Europe (except Granada).
In the East, with the death of the "heathen Khans" Batu and Mongke, a struggle
begins in the Horde for church influence on the military leadership, which ends
with the introduction by Uzbek of Islam in 1317, after which the Horde began to
fall apart and underwent other fundamental changes.
It is obvious that everywhere a change of ideologies is occurring. Religious
monotheistic structures assume real power. For example, Pope Boniface VII
(1235-1303, ruled from 1294) at first used to the maximum the Franciscan
movement, and afterwards destroyed their ideologists: in particular, Segarelli
was burned at the stake in 1300 - exactly, as the Roman Catholic Church
historians write, in the first "jubilee" year declared in history by this same
Boniface. (Let us note that "1300 A.D." is an elapsed 13 hundred years, that is,
their number is not too precisely equal, and especially, is not "apostolic."
Further below, dates from the "birth of Christ" are cited inside quotation
marks," except for dates in references.)
All these events have some central temporal point, a turning point - all that
same year "1260." Despite the fact that traditional dating of these events was
established much later than the 1260 catastrophe, the coming into being of
dating was vastly drawn out in time, and the change of the nature of the events
described BEFORE and AFTER the catastrophe cannot fully conceal the fact itself
of the catastrophe.
"1260" is a key year which, per se, can be the start of counting the modern
chronology. According to Joachim of Floris, exactly 12 saeculi = indicta =
generations, that is 15x12 = 180 years from the ascension of Christ were
supposed to pass and the 13th started, that is, the first in the coming
thousand-year reign (era) of the Holy Spirit, universal freedom, peace and love.
(At the same time, the "Passion" relates to the end of the "11th" century.)
Moreover, in "1260" the third era-wave-"chilia" was supposed to set in, inasmuch
as the first two were characterized according to Joachim of Floris as the "Era
of the Father" and the "Era of the Son." In other words, before "1260,"
conceivable history had been continuing only 24 (= 2x12) generations, that is,
360 years from the start of the "first wave" - approximately from "900."
As an illustration of the defined chronological gap of 100-150 years after the
catastrophe of the 13th century in the geographic and demographic plan (in the
"Time of the Plague"), we shall examine the appearance in the sources in the
French language of references about people who lived up to the present
(according to "Le Petit Robert.") It is extremely noteworthy. For example, at
the 1080 level, when the French traditionally had become aware of themselves as
French (Français, see that Gallic they became much later: Gallican - 1355,
Gaulois - since the 15th c.), are referenced: Allemand, Flamand, Normand, Danois
(the Danes), Saisne (Saxons), Romain (Romans), Arabe, Judeu, Sarassin, Pers(ien),
Espan (now - Espagnol, and at that Hispanique is only since 1525). The
"Easterners" are Levant (but Levantine is only from 1575, and Arameen is only
since 1765!) Further: Hebreu - 1119. Anglais, Maure (Mor), Dalmatique - 12th
century. Grec - 1165, Latin - 1160. Bourguignon is the end of the 12th century.
Roman(s) = a common language - 1135. Mamelukes: mamelos - 1192 (but mameluk is
1611, the modern mamelouk is 1808.)
The Bolgars also are mentioned in the 12th century. - as the Bogre (1172, Bougre
is 1450, Bulgare is from 1732!) And the inhabitants of Crete are the Cretoise
(1165). At the beginning of the 13th century - Egyptien (in which connection,
this word is also used in the designation of Gypsies) and the Venetien are the
Venetians. In the 13th century, the Druide (they will call them Celts much
later), Brabançon, Macedonien and Tartarin appear. And right here the word
"antique" - "ancient" also appears. Then there is Italien (1265), Assyrien and
Indien (1284). The Albigensians-Albigeois and the Dutch-Hollandais are known
from the 13th century (but at the same time, the word Hollande is only from
1598, and the "ancient" Batavi are from 1740!) In 1300, the Turks are mentioned
for the first time - Turc. And here for the first time the Phoenicians also are
noted: as Punicians (Punique, as Phenicien is only in 1557!) The Scots
(Ecossaise) are in the 14th century. (1350).
Further, after a large gap: the Goths are Gothique - 1440, the Serbs in the form
Serve - 1441 (in the 16th century - Servien, now - Serbe.) The Catalans
(Catalan) - 1452. The Hungarians: Hongre - 15th century, Hongrois - 1470.
Inhabitants of the modern Czech Republic, earlier Bohemia are Bohemien and
Morocco (Maroquin) - in 1490. Here too is Suisse (the Swiss, in which connection
the "ancient Helvets" - Helvetique - is only in 1636!) The main mass of medieval
peoples are in the 16th century: Basque, Portuguese (the Portugese) - in 1500
(in which connection, the more "ancient" Lusitanians-Lusitanien are only in
1584!) The Austrians (Autriche) in 1515. The Castillians (Castillan) in 1517,
the Frisians (Frise) in 1520, the ancient Belgie-Belgians - in 1528. Etruscans
in 1534(!) "The Lithuanians are Lithuanien" (that is the Russians of that time)
together with the Prussians (Prussien) and the Georgians (Georgien) - in 1540.
Napolitain is 1549, Sicilien is 1550. Ib'ere is in 1552, at first in reference
only to the aboriginals of the Caucuses and North Africa. At the same time, the
Armenians are Armenien (one of the peoples who are considered the most ancient!)
only in 1575. The Genoese (Genois) are in 1567. The inhabitants of Slavonia are
Slavon - 1575, and the Savoy are Savoyard - in 1580. (It is interesting that in
particular at this time the word which designates both the notion "Slavs" and
the notion "slave" - Slave - 1575 is noted in the form Sclave - 1573. That is,
slavery as a concept, from the point of view of the French - this is in the 16th
century!)
In the second half of the 16th century the rest of the northern and eastern
community also appear: Czechs-Bohemien (1558), Irish - Irlandaise (1567),
Norwegians-Norvegien, Chinese- Chinoise (1575), Japanese-Japonaise, Swedes-Suedois,
Muscovites-Moscovite (Russian - Russe only in 1715! At the same time the
Scyths-Scyhien - 1580, in the form scytic - somewhat earlier in the same
century), Poles-Polonais - 1588. At the same time Hellenes and Chaldeans came to
light (1580).
Somewhat later the Sardinians-Sarde - 1606, the Albanians-Albanais - 1612 and
the Uzbeks in the form Usbeke - 1613, Uzbec is from 1765, and now Ouzbek. In the
middle of the 17th century - Croatians-Croate. Algerien - 1677, inhabitants of
Siam (Thailand) - Saimois - 1686. Ethiopians - Abyssin - 1704 (although the word
abysse "chasm" is from 1080). The Congolese-Congolais in the form Congois -
1721, the Ukrainians-Ukrainien - 1731, the Czechs in the form Czekhes - 1762 (Tcheque
- 1842), Finns- Finnois - 1772, Koreans-Coreen - 1797. Estonians-Estonien - in
1819, Slovenes-Slovene - 1825, Rumanians- Roumain - 1836, Slovaks-Slovaque -
1841, Latvians-Letton - 1845.
It is typical that the affiliation of peoples with parts of the world in the
modern meaning (besides Australia) is noted in the 16th century: Asiatique,
African, Americain - 1556, Europeen - 1563.
The vanished 100 years from the point of view of the appearance of new
references is clearly striking: from the middle of the 14th through the middle
of the 15th century. If the reference itself of the Scots is considered an
isolated point (having in mind a possible delay with their reference relative to
the English), then two groups are formed: those mentioned through the 13th
century inclusive (ending with the Turks) and the rest, mention of whom appears
from the middle of the 15th century. And it is significant that the mention of
some "predecessors" of today's peoples appears later than the mention of them
themselves - the Batavi, the Frisians, Helvets, Etruscans, Phoenicians, Aramites
and so on.
Now about the religious and monotheistic component. The word "catholique" is
noted for the first time in the 13th century in the form "chatoliche"! It really
had to be used in order to reflect the Greek "katholikos." And the word "orthodoxe"
- in 1431. And this is similar to the truth - it is the time of the Ferrara
Council. It is funny, however, that "chatoliche" has something suspiciously in
common too with château (castle), 1175 (from castels 1080), that is "one sitting
in a castle"or in a tent, that is châtelain, 1190 - "castellan" - a stock keeper
who controls property. The Polish name of a Catholic temple also is typical -
kosciol, that is, the same as "castle-castel."
And with which "non-believers", infidels, did the French crusaders fight? They
did not know the word "mosque" (musquette, from the Arabic Masdjid, that is, a
place for prayer) before 1351 (today's mosque'e generally is from 1553). It is
typical that in the Rumanian language "mecet" not only is in essence a mosque,
but even a Turkish cemetery and a spiritual consistory (!) in general, that is,
an administrative and housekeeping service in the institution of any Christian
Church. They did not note minarets (minaret) until 1606, muezzins - in the form
maizin - until 1568 (today's muezzin is from 1823). Imam (in the form iman) is
from 1559. And even the notion itself of a "Musulman" appeared with the French
only in the 16th century (from the Arabic "muslim" = true believer, fidel).
It already has been said that the word "Saracen" (sarrasin) was noted in the
French language simultaneously with the word "synagogue" (1080), although,
according to traditional history, these same Saracen-Moslems (!) intruded on the
territory of France as early as the 8th century. At the same time, this word
from the Arabic is "charqiyin," that is, literally: "eastern". that is, Saracens
are EASTERN people with regard to the Arabs themselves!
Now we turn to how the presently adopted dating was formed. Here is a fragment
of history of the papacy (S. Lozinskiy): "Owing to internal dissensions, Rome
from the end of the 9th century went through a time of severe crisis, during
which the papal crown went from one pope to another, depending on who was the
stronger. In "877," Pope John (VIII, traditionally pontiff in "872-882") was
even in the prison of one of the feudal rulers, and after his freedom he left
Rome and tried to convoke a council in France for the punishment of his
"oppressors." It did not happen: The pope wrote "we expected. the light, but
received the darkness." This John, according to a chronicler from Fulda, became
a victim of his own personal policy: they gave him poison, and since he didn't
die right away, the blow of a hammer on the skull put an end to his mortal
existence. That was the first in a long line of murderous events in the middle
ages of "God's deputy on earth."
We note that during this time, there is not in a single source any mention about
the start of a new "Great Indiction," according to which the Roman Catholic
Church now lives and which was supposed to begin exactly in "877" - if they had
known by that time that the preceding, "Constantinian," had begun in "345." But
they clearly still didn't know this then. But you see, this is the basis of the
calculation of the Easters!
The further history of the papacy with its depravity and murders by no means
reflects neither the earnest piety ahead of the future, it would seem, great
holiday - the "millennium" (that is, the 1,000 years from the birth of Christ),
nor the awe of the coming of a new "thousand years of Christ" - all the way to
the selfless devotion of the hermit Pietro Damiani ("1007-1072") and the
Pope-Reformer Gregory (VII, Hildebrand, traditionally pontiff in "1073-1095).
But the distain for the "millennium" is typical not only for the Roman Catholic
Church: the "newly converted" Kievan Rus (traditionally, Christian from "988")
also in no way celebrates this event.
Here is a characteristic example. A Papal Bull dated by historians and
archivists from 1002 after the birth of Christ is considered the oldest original
document of the richest archive of the city of Dubrovnik (Croatia). However, the
year after the birth of Christ in the text of the Bull is not entered - there is
only "indictum." In that way, the direct dating of the Bull is absent, inasmuch
as the indicta are repeated every 15 years, and the Bulls, which traditionally
relate to the 11-13th centuries, are dated in accordance with the Popes of Rome.
And, for example, the referenced Bull is date according to Pope Benedict VIII.
But the point is, that there is no number "VIII" in any form in the text of the
Bull - there is just some kind of pontiff Benedict, and the circumstantial
dating "according to the Popes" was done much later than the writing of the Bull
itself. If one is to date the Bull according to material in comparison, let us
say, with materials on which are written papal documents of the start of the
15th century which are found in that same archive, then the Bull can relate
successfully not to the time of Benedict "VIII," but to the time of Benedict
"XIII." (True, in 1409 this Benedict was deposed at the council in Pisa, but the
deposed "antipope" resisted for yet a long time, until they finally dismissed
him in 1417 - at the council in Constance.)
And the English churchmen already are using the "Dionysius tables" and the first
date after the birth of Christ in England appears right at "675"! And the
chronicler, the Venerable Bede, in "731" already is using dating from the birth
of Christ, and the fist document of the papal chancellery with dating from the
birth of Christ appears only in "1431"! Thus it turns out that the English are
more pious than all the Roman popes in 700 years combined.
It is thought that the first official document in France with dating from the
birth of Christ appeared in "742." But from the end of the 9th century until the
second half of the 11th, there were no such documents anywhere! And no kind of
millennium is noted besides. They begin to compile lists of the kings and
registers of popes only in the 14th century. The numbering which appeared at the
same time of those of the same name often is confusing - look at one story alone
of "Pope Joan" (supposedly a former pontiff either in the middle of the 9th or
at the start of the 11th century), who emerged, as is thought, in the middle of
the 13th century: this pope herself was still happily counted among the popes in
the lists of the 16th century too, until in the 17th century the humanists
forced the Roman Catholic Church to remove this shameful page from their and in
any case sham history.
At the same time, no one had yet mentioned this female pope in the 10th-12th
centuries. However, according to the traditional history, in the first half of
the 10th century a certain "Marusia" ran the affairs of the Roman Catholic
Church - Morozia Theophylact, who lived with Pope Sergius and gave birth not
only to the future Pope John (XI) from him, but also Alberic, the son of whom,
that is, Marozia's grandson, was named. Octavian, and he afterwards is also a
pope, John (XII). This isn't just a joke - it is simply an adventurous romance:
that is, literally, "Roman history."
The hijra era of the Moslems, as is thought, was introduced during the time of
the Caliph Omar near the middle of the 6th century. In the 20th century they
suddenly discovered an Egyptian papyrus with dating of the 22nd year of hijra
("644/645" A.D.) and an epitaph with the date of the 31st year of hijra
("652/653" A.D.) That is, the datings preserved according to the hijra are
earlier than the datings according to the birth of Christ! At the same time, the
written fixation of the first suras of the Koran is the start of the 14th
century (according to N. Morozov - in "1318." According to an assumption of V.
Polyakovskiy - in "1321," during the coordination of the calendars, inasmuch as
the start of the lunar and solar calendars practically coincided in this year in
particular.)
Leonard da Vinci directly writes in his diary at the start of the 16th century
that Mohammed prayed. to Jupiter, that is, at first he was a heathen. Then,
according to the chronicle of Giovanni Villani, published in that same 16th
century, Mohammed sides with one of the Christian sects and only later with the
aid of a certain apostate monk, Sergius Georgius, organized his own spiritual
pursuit. The historian Mikhalon Litvin writes approximately the same thing in
the 16th century.
And in the Koran there is a direct reference to the Gospel (Sura 57:27): "Then
We sent other messengers to follow in their footsteps; and We sent Jesus, son of
Mary, and GAVE HIM The GOSPEL; and We filled the hearts of his adherents with
kindness and compassion. But MONASTICIM THEY PRACTISED." In other words, the
apostles (= those who followed Him) are noted in the Koran, but their "Acts" are
not. There are fragments of the Protogospels and the Apocrypha, but not of the
canonical Gospels.
According to traditional history, the monastic orders arose not earlier than the
turn of the 11-12th centuries. (the St. John, Cistercians, Templar, etc.)
All the history of the Benedictines, the order of which is considered in
existence since the 5th century, is imaginary, the order's structure was defined
only in "1128.") Per se, until the 12th century there was not even a notion of
"order" as a structure. (The word "order" itself designates "sequence," just as
does the word "horde." It is not an unorganized crowd.)
Further, in that same Sura of the Koran: "We ordained it not for them - We
ordained only seeking Allah's accord, though they did not foster it as they
should have." What does it mean here? The quoted sura of the Koran is called the
"iron." The only monastic order which was destroyed officially before the middle
of the 14th century is the order of the Knights Templar (that is, the keepers
of the Temple) in "1312" (in fact - in "1307"): for refusing to submit both to
the kings and to the Pope of Rome. Namely, all metallurgical and weapons
production was under the control of the richest order of the Knights Templar
(according to the official version founded in "1118"), which had a branch
("brotherhood") around all of the Ecumene. The Temple of Solomon, alongside of
which was situated the headquarters of the Knights Templar - is today the Mosque
of Omar. The very same during the time of which, as is thought traditionally,
the hijra was introduced.
We see that immediately after the destruction of the Knights Templar in the
"14th" century in the traditional historiography there follows also the
appearance of the Islamic Vulgate (the prototype of the Koran) in the time of
Sultan Osman, and the acceptance of Islam in the Horde in the time of Khan Uzbek
("1317".) And immediately after this follows the "Avignon Captivity of the
Popes" ("1309-1377") with all the popes and antipopes, a multi-papacy muddle -
all the way until the real appearance of the papal chair in Rome in "1377," not
at the Vatican, as it still didn't exist, but at Lateran! (By the way, Petrarch
openly called this captivity not "Avignonian," but Babylonian.) Pope Pius (the
Second) called himself Roman Pope N 9 - and he was right...
A universal struggle for power with strong religious overtones breaks out also
at the same time - here too is the destruction of the Capetians, and the coming
to power of the Osmans in Turkey, and the insurrection of the Zealots in Greece,
and the Hundred Years War, and the insurrection of Wat Tyler in England and the
"Ciompi" in Italy, and battles at Kulikovo and Kosovo Fields and so on. And all
this occurs against a background of that very universal plague. Naturally, in
such conditions the acceptance of a single open-ended chronological scale and
the coordination of calendars in the 14th century was difficult.
In this connection, the legendary story is curious of "Cola di Reinzo" - Nicola
di Lorenzo, who at first opposed one of the popes and led an uprising of the "popoplano"
- in "1347," that is, at the height of the Plague (!), and then on behalf of
another pope, in "1354," they welcomed him to Rome as a victor and there and
then. they put him to death. We note that "Nikolai" is Greek, and is a "victor
of the peoples," so it is possible the legendary "Nicolaites," who are denounced
in the Gospel, are in actual fact followers of "the popular tribune Nicola". And
we shall add that Petrarch in his own sonnets numbers 3 and 78 speaks about 6
April "1327" as the date of the Crucifixion.
It is significant, one and the same interval of time - 430 years - is indicated
in the Old Testament as a time of the "Egyptian captivity" before the Exodus of
Moses (Exodus 12.36) and in the New Testament (Galatians 2.12) - as the time
from the Exodus of Moses to Christ. It is not inconceivable that between Moses
and the Christ-Messiah there was no particular difference, and the figure cited
simply reflects the continuance of history, which really is known by the middle
of the "14th" century. In the Koran it speaks about the fact that Jesus on his
mother's side was the nephew of her brothers Moses and Aaron, that is, one
generation separated them. And they called Moses' father-in-law, a priest of the
"Midianites," that is of the "inlanders," Jethro (Exodus 3.2), that is in Greek
"God bearer." Approximately at this time the demarcation of the recognized and
unrecognized "coming of the Messiah" begins.
And only approximately by "1430" does a series of events occur which consolidate
society. Firstly, the rights of the popes were limited by the council after the
stormy administration of John XXIII ("1410-1415"), true, since "1958," the Roman
Catholic Church no longer considers him a pope.
Secondly, the Roman Catholic Church made short work of the "Hussite Heresy" (we
note that now the Russian Orthodox Church no longer finds any ideological
differences between the Protestant teachings of Huss and Orthodoxy.)
Thirdly, Sultan Mehmet (I, Mohammed), finally was through with his rival brother
Musa (Moses, "1413"), by which in fact the construction of the Osman empire was
begun.
In China the great and powerful emperor Zhu Di, who had destroyed the authority
of the "Mongols" and who gathered for his coronation, according to the Chinese
chronicles, all who had earned his attention (from the Persian shah to the
Eskimos). besides the remote kings of England, France Spain and Portugal, the
Roman pope and the Byzantine emperor, was crowned.
Subsequently, no less impressive meetings of the world's strong took place: On
the one hand, in the East of Europe - in Trakai, on the jubilee of Vytautas-Alexander,
on the other hand, in the West - at the wedding of Philippe Le Bon and Isabella
de Portugal, where the founding of the Order of the Golden Fleece was announced
(on the pluvial of the order were embroidered the portraits of all of its
cavaliers - sovereigns from Japan to Gibraltar.)
The apogee of the temporal consolidation is the Ferraro-Florentine ecumenical
negotiations (from "1431") and the creation of the union ("1439.")
In the West, this became the real basis for the production of a single
open-ended method of counting the years and the beginning of the expression of a
traditional history. Only at this time did the Latin notion of Anno Domini
finally absorb into itself the idea of chiliasm. And instead of "from the coming
of the Lord's thousand-year era" there appeared "the year from the incarnation
of the Lord a thousand. such-and-such." Thus the idea of chiliasm gave birth to
more than a thousand year space for the writing of history.
Here is what Bernard Guenee writes, referring to the works of Jean Mielot (Jean
Mielot, ibid., pages 369-370): "In 1409 at the end of the 'Golden Legend,' which
he had completed several years earlier, Nicola de Custura, a canon in Senlis,
outlined in Latin on the reverse side of a sheet 3 decades of chronological
inscriptions, to which, very likely, for him all world history had been reduced.
At that same moment, Thomas Marest, a former student of a Paris university.
cites the continuance of some time segments which mark the history of the world
from its creation to the birth of Christ. This somewhat chronological data show
how the knowledge of the clerics who were somewhat interested in history, was
restricted.
In the Orient, the lunar calendar remained popular, in which Mohammed's flight
from Mecca to Medina was adopted for the counting point - the same as the Old
Testament exodus of the "true believers."
There simply was no term "Julian calendar" before the 16th century. The
"Byzantine" accounting, as also other attempts at a method of counting the years
"from the Creation" continued to compete with the "new eras" (from the birth of
Christ and hijra): the "Byzantine" accounting lasted in Russia until "1700"),
the "Usher" Judaic calendar existed in England along with the Christian until
the middle of the 18th century. The concordance of the "Byzantine" accounting
with the Christian calendar (which Kepler in "1601" still called the "era of
Dionysius"!) happened even later than the Gregorian reform - approximately by
"1620," inasmuch as only then was the present difference of the years from the
Creation until the birth of Christ adopted - 5,508 years, and not 5,500 as it
was before this.
The unified "Julian cycle", proposed by Joseph Scaliger and named by him in
honor of his own father (Julius Caesar Bordoni, the founder of classicism)
represents the product of the duration of the lunar cycle (19 years), times the
duration of the solar cycle (28 years) and times the length of the indictum (15
years) 7,980 = 19?28?15 years. This cycle begins 706 years before the Creation,
and even now has not ended. But this artificial technique has allowed the
expression of the traditional chronology's framework by means of a compromise
between the interests of the church and secular authority which were struggling
for supremacy as early as the whole 17th century.
The restoration of real events earlier than the "17th" century and the extension
of a continuous chronology represents deep down an extremely not-simple problem.
But a partial reconstruction, nevertheless, seems possible if the catastrophic
year of "1260" is taken as a reference point.
The 12 cycles-generations-indicta, counting backwards from it, give the "time of
the Lord's Passion" "1260" is 12x15 = 1,260 - 180 = "1080." However one counts
the "birth of Christ" from here, it would not fit either at "0," or at the year
"1000," because there still is neither a "first millennium" nor documents with
dates "from the birth of Christ" around this point UNTIL the assumed birth of
the prototype of the Savior near the real year "1050," and the imaginary
documents with the earlier datings "from the birth of Christ" are absent more
than 100 years before this.
Now is the very time to recall "Zhabinskiy's sine curve." Aleksandr M.
Zhabinskiy ("Another History of Art, Moscow, Veche, 2001) has shown convincingly
that graphic art was developed continuously from the "9th" through the "17th"
centuries, with a single glitch - right in the "13th" century, and "ancient" art
is the result of an imaginary chronological reflection of the middle ages in the
past. The "starting" level of this "sine curve" is exactly the traditional "9th"
century. The extent of the fundamental ascending half period of the "sine curve"
is from the "9th" through the "17th" centuries. According to the "Byzantine"
sharp curve, the "sine waves" of the "9th-11th" centuries duplicate exactly the
real "13th-15th" centuries (the remaining offshoots - the "Egyptian," "Roman,"
Indochinese," "Ancient Babylonian" - are derived from these two key positions.)
In other words, all "ancient" history of our civilization, which is reflected in
graphic art, numbers only 300-400 years to the middle of the traditional "13th"
century.
The history of the written language also is confined to this same period:
according to the equation of civilization's pace: hieroglyphic writing is the
turn of the "9th-10th" centuries (according to the interval of a civilized event
- the year "900" ± 100 years), writing in letters - the end of the "11th"
century (according to the interval of a civilized event - the year "1080" ± 80
years.) In other words, there simply were no written sources of OUR civilization
earlier than the "9th" century.
In the real history of our man-caused civilization (the Technogenesis epoch) two
stages, in the first approach, can be examined: The "pre-catastrophic"
approximately from the traditional "9th" century through the middle of the
traditional "12th" century, and the "post-catastrophic" - from the second half
of the traditional "12th" century and up to the present time.
Thus, below the "12th" century it simply is not suitable to talk about a
Technogenesis epoch. Any civilization before this could only be "naturally
economic." Essentially, we even see this in the example of the aboriginals of
South America, Africa, Australia, Oceania and the Far North.
One may conceivably connect the turn of the "9th" century with the "Dardanelles
flood," that is the bursting of the Dardanelles strait and the flooding of the
Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea. This correlates with the conclusions of the
work of the hydrobiologist, V.V. Polishchuk, regarding the changes of the flora
and fauna and the deposits of the Black Sea. On the basis of the analysis of a
sharp change of the nature of the sedimentary deposits, Polishchuk concluded
that the level of the Black Sea before this catastrophic wave was approximately
12 meters lower than now, then the water rose by 80 - 100 meters and stayed thus
for approximately 20 years, after which the level of the water began to do down
to the modern level. In accordance with the traditional chronology, this event
was dated as the 8-7th centuries B.C. (V.V. Polishchuk. On the Significant Late
Holocene Rise of the Level of the Black Sea and the Origin of Northern Elements
in its Fauna. Hydrobiologic Magazine. Volume XX, No. 4, 1984; V. V. Polishchuk.
On the Boreal Elements of the Fauna of the Black Sea Basin. Hydrobiologic
Magazine. Volume 14, No. 4, 1978). Some archaeological data also support this
hypothesis (M.I. Artamonov. The Role of Climatic Changes of the 8th-7th
Centuries B.C. in the Transmigration of Cimmerites and Scyths to Asia and their
Return to the Steppe of Eastern Europe in the 6th Century B.C., in the book:
"Ethnography of the Peoples of the USSR. Leningrad, Science, 1971, pages
45-60).) Datings in these works are naturally traditional and not absolute.
Taking into consideration "Zhabinskiy's sine curve," according to which the
"8th" century = the "11th" century, and the "7th" century = the "10th" century,
the Dardanelles Flood can be ascribed to the "9th" century.
The proposed concept allows a somewhat different interpretation also of the
results of the mathematical and statistical work of Anatoliy T. Fomenko, leading
to the construction by him of the "Global Chronological Chart." Tradition
history according to Fomenko up to the "13th" century is composed of a
combination of six main elements, which are duplicated with shifts of 330 - 360,
1,000 - 1,050 and 1,750 - 1,800 years. One of the main elements of the Global
Chronological Map (T) in principle is distinguished from the rest by the fact
that it marks the "splicing" of the others. In light of the concept being
examined, this is not a wave, but a catastrophe - "1260."
All three chronological shifts discovered by Fomenko are not astrological, which
confirms the conclusion made by A.B. Verevkin about the fact that "astrological"
shifts do not have a real prototype. A shift by (330)-360 years reflects a real
continuance of "pre-catastrophic Technogenesis"): the years "900" - "1260." A
shift by 1,000-(1,050) years is a creation of a "chiliastic" concept, finally
adopted in the "15th" century (the "1439 Union"). A shift by 1,750-1,800 years
is the total of the chiliastic shift and the fundamental ascending half period
of Zhabinskiy's "sine curve" (the "Scaliger-Petavius" scale.)
Arabic numerals and the ability for complex calculations appeared at the turn of
the "12th-13th" centuries. (Fibonacci, "1180-1240".) Those very calculations of
open-ended time began only after the catastrophe: not earlier than the "14th"
century. There could not be any dating "from the Creation," "from the birth of
Christ," or "from the hijra" before this. To go beyond the limits of the
continuance of a real "pre-catastrophic" stage of the development of our
civilization (approximately 360 years) with the comparison of the various
undated chronicles without additional contrivances (the "chilia") was simply
impossible. And this forced the chroniclers of that time to the acceptance of
the chiliastic concept.
Apparently, the "Diocletian Era," fortified by the change of ideology from pagan
to monotheistic, became the first attempt for the creation of an open-ended
design taking into consideration the added "millennium" (in the traditional
history, the Diocletian/Constantine change, the real prototype of this change -
is at the turn of the traditional "11-12th" centuries.) And the letter "i,"
which stands before the subsequent figures with the designation of the year
fully could designate from the beginning the abbreviation from "initio" (that
is, start), later it is an abbreviation for Jesus, and from the "16th" century -
simply "1," that is, the chiliastic "thousand years."
The "third chilia is the era of the Holy Ghost," that is 12 generations from the
catastrophe of "1260," terminated exactly at "1440." And the transition of
Western Europe to dating from the birth of Christ with the inclusion of a
millennium occurred in "1400-1440," in which connection it was caused
exclusively for political reasons. This marked a new stage in the creation of a
traditional chronology, which received the strongest means of asserting the
ideology: its circulation in the form of printed works. The introduction of the
Moslem "hijra era" occurred even later, most likely during the time of Suleiman
(I, "Kanuni.")
This stage ended approximately in "1520," with the formation of the new western
"catholic" empire of Charles V and with the coming to power of Suleiman (I), who
united, per se, the whole eastern part of the former empire. After this, an
intensive process of the formation of national states and the writing of their
own history begins. This also required the creation of an open-ended universal
chronological scale, which was put together by the middle of the "17th" century.
Further, the historiography has redacted all sources in accordance with the
already established chronological framework. Naturally, at the same time, the
historiographers both were besmirching that which did not conform, and they
fabricated that which was lacking, and they repeatedly re-wrote anew that which
was fabricated by the predecessors. At the same time, real events both of the
"pre-catastrophic" and of the "post-catastrophic" stages either were expunged or
were dispatched to the distant past. The main thing that the traditional
historiography did by the "18th" century in the creation of a universal
open-ended chronological scale:
1) it tried to erase the catastrophe of "1260" fully from the memory of mankind,
isolating it as the "Great Plague," seeing that epidemics broke out repeatedly;
2) it concealed the lack of any kind of chronological information about our
civilization until the traditional "9th" century. At the same time, the Great
Flood was ascribed to very remote times and became completely legendary.
The fear of God was placed above the fear of natural phenomena. And the
open-ended chronology assured both the legitimization of the powers that be as
"anointed by God" and the "historical antiquity" of this very authority.
The very real consequence of the religious events of the Technogenesis epoch can
look approximately thus:
1) the "pagan times" the turn of the "9th-10th centuries- the middle of the
"12th century. It includes the conventional "pagan period of the Ecumenical
Empire" - that is, the assimilation of the Ecumene and the establishment of
relations between groups of people, who were assimilated both the same way as
the adjacent territories, and the origin of the idea of "God" as the supreme
judge - approximately from the middle of the "11th" century;
2) "monotheism": after the catastrophe of "1260." This is the appearance of the
"Mosesites," the "Apostolic Brethren," the "Melchites-true-believers-Orthodox" -
that is, of the early Christian sects, the origin of the Moslems is the start of
the "14th" century, the Roman Catholic Church is the end of the "14th" century,
the struggle for the predominant religion in the Empire is conditionally to
"1453," the religious demarcation and split of the Empire and the formation of
"nationally religious" states is the end of the "15th" - start of the "17th"
century.
At the same time, "Protestantism" is a movement against the appropriation by the
clericals of the supreme authority. From this point of view, the seizure by
Mehmet (II) of Tsargrad is a victory namely of "Protestantism," the Moslems at
that time were an ordinary sect. Religious tolerance in the eastern part of the
Empire was maintained fully until the middle of the "18th" century, despite the
introduction of Shariat in "1630," but in Siberia and the Far East it is
maintained to this time. It is typical that the notion of "Jew" in the New World
appeared for the first time only after the purges of the Inquisition with the
second wave of emigration at the end of the "16th" - start of the "17th"
centuries (inasmuch as "non-Christians" did not have the right to emigrate to
America as free people), and, for example, beyond the Volga - only in "1634"
with the first settlers from Poland and Lithuania, that is, after the formation
of the "Philaret Russian Orthodox Church" in "1627."
The catastrophe of "1260" initiated the rapid scientific and technical progress
of our civilization. The maximum to which this catastrophe, having disrupted the
continuous chain of civilized events, could extend in general our history is
nearly 250 years in addition to the interval of approximately 7,500 years, which
was cited in the previous article ("Civilizing Events"). This, by the way,
coincides with the glacial data about an even earlier powerful global "acidic"
catastrophe nearly 7,800 years ago.
And it is no accident that the civilized development of America, which was
separated from contact with the Old World approximately for 200-250 years and
"once more was opened up" to Europeans in the "15th-16th" centuries, remained,
per se, agrarian. And it is no accident that Western European medieval giants of
thought - the fathers of civilization of the type of Albert the Great,
Bonaventure, Roger Bacon and Thomas Aquinas appear immediately after the
catastrophe in the traditional history. A "New Time" in the history of
civilization is coming according to the classical concepts of H. Weiss.
At the same time, a chronology (1) also is starting, according to which up to
now mankind has been living.
New Tradition , 2003. Toronto
Reproduced with
permission from New Tradition
THE MEDIEVAL
EMPIRE OF THE ISRAELITES
(The project started on
May 2003.)
New Tradition , 2003. Toronto
By
Vladimir Ivanov
The
International
University.
Moscow.
The Discovery of Dante

Dante is one of the
most enigmatic and mystic figures of world history and culture. Despite the fact
that in the middle of the 19th century they began to call him the Central Man of
the World, as early as the end of the 18th century he remained practically
unknown not only to the reader at large, but even to specialists. Voltaire's
skeptical exclamation in the "Philosophical Dictionary," that, per se, no one
reads Dante, is well known.
At the end of the 18th century, he was considered a little known, medieval
Italian poet, the author of a composition under the name of "Satire" (Filip
Nereusz Golanski, "On Articulation in Poetry," 1808.)
He had
neither predecessors (in the 13th century, needless to say), nor
followers all the way to the 17th century, when Milton, as they
think, inspired by the "Divine Comedy," created his own immortal "Paradise
Lost."
The "discovery" of Dante for mankind occurs
only at the end of the 18th century, in the epoch of romanticism.
And the Italian romantic poets Vittorio Alfieri, Vincenzo Monti and, especially,
Ugo Foscolo discovered him. In the period of the desperate struggle for
Italy's freedom, Dante became a symbol of the
independence and dignity of man.
He ended up just at the right
time and was a spokesman of national aspirations and a prophet of the country's
unity and a freedom.
At the same time around the
world Dante comes into fashion, which transitions into Dantophilia. The vague
style of the numerous historic allusions which are present in "The Comedy," gave
birth to an avalanche of explanations and interpretations, not one of which one
may consider definitive.
But before speaking about them,
we will concentrate on the riddles connected with the poet's death.
According to the official
version, Dante's course of life ended in 1321. It is considered that he wandered
a lot, having been cast out from his native Florence.
At the age of 56, while passing through the swampy lowlands of the Po River, he
became ill with malaria. The endless journeys, disorder in life, longing for
Florence, and finally, work on a poem, which demanded the
exertion of all spirit and physical strengths - all this weakened the poet's
organism. The illness became more severe with every day, his heart did not
endure, and on the night from 13 to 14 September 1321, Dante Alighieri died.
Further, the traditional
historiography says that the great poet was buried "with great honors." They
write, in any event, his official biographies in full contradiction about what
Voltaire and other universally recognized authorities told us. Guido Da Polenta
supposedly adorned Dante's crown with a laurel wreath, about which the latter
had dreamed during his life. The most honorable citizens of Ravenna bore the
coffin with the remains of the author of "The Divine Comedy" to the church of
the San Francesco monastery where the funeral mass took place.
Everything ceremonious and
extremely noble. Impeccable finishing touches were put on the poet's appearance.
And it is completely not understood how to combine it with the following fact.
In 1329, 8 years after the
poet's demise, the pontifical legate Cardinal Bertrando del Pogetto demanded
from the Ravenna authorities the
surrender of Dante's remains. for public cremation. It turned out that Dante
had been involved in the notorious Knights Templar affair and had been found
guilty of secret ties with the Order. The ruler of Milan,
Galeazzo Visconti as early as 1319 introduced Grandmaster Dante Alighieri (Dante
Aleguiro) from Florence as a Magus.
He had achieved the highest degree of initiation in the Knights Templar
Order! And more mysticism: this degree was established only in the 17th
century, when the Order was going through a period of its own revival. How 3
centuries earlier Dante was conferred with a high honor is inconceivable to the
mind.
In the poet's official
biography it is revealed further that as early as the end of the 14th
century, Florence authorities had
begun to realize what a deadly error their predecessors had committed when they
condemned the great poet to banishment. Thus, they had deprived their own city
of the honor to be the place of his burial. Florence,
and she loved her sons only after their departure for the other world, requested
the remains from the citizens of Ravenna.
But for some reason they did
not give up the remains. In the beginning of the 16th century, the
Florentine Leo X put on the papal crown in Rome.
Since Ravenna at that time had
entered into the Vatican's
domain, the Florentines decided to turn to the Pope with a request to permit
them to transfer Dante's remains to the homeland. It was not possible for the
Pope to refuse, and Ravenna invited
the poet's countrymen to take possession of the remains.
The grave, however, turned out
to be empty!
The citizens of glorious
Ravenna assumed that the remains were stolen or that
Dante himself had come for them and took possession of them after his own
demise. The Pope refuted the first hypothesis with indignation and was inclined
to the second. The idea of the poet's return for his own remains appeared more
ponderable to him.
It seems everyone was content
at this. Another 300 years passed.
1865 arrived.
Italy became, finally, a nation and, as is
expected for any country that respects itself, became involved with the search
of the great forefathers whose activity had enabled its birth. Without
predecessors, founding fathers and ancient history, it is somehow unsound to
speak of the grandeur of your own people.
In May of that very same year,
Italy prepared solemnly to note the 600th
anniversary since the day of Dante's birth. For this event, they began to repair
the monastery complex of San Francesco and to put in order the adjacent
structures. During the restoration operations, an ancient box, which was buried
at the entrance to the small Braccioforte chapel (not far from the cloister) was
discovered by accident. When they cleaned it of earth and mould, on the cover
appeared the inscription: "The Monk Antonio Santi placed Dante's bones here."
Thus Santi had kept the poet's remains from the encroachments of
Florence and of the Pope! What could be done, he didn't
love the Pope, and the slave of God turned out to be altogether undisciplined.
In the box, actually, were
found a skull and parts of a human skeleton. The ministry of education sent an
archaeologist and anthropologists to Ravenna
for identification of the remains. When the scientists confirmed that these were
the remains of the great man of letters, the remains were placed into a walnut
box, then into a leaden coffin and placed in a sarcophagus in the mausoleum.
They are located there even up to the present time.
But this still isn't
everything.
On
19 July 1999, in Florence's
National Central Library, among the rare books of the 17th century,
an envelope was discovered by accident in which was contained. Dante's remains.
Clearly no one understood from whence the envelope had appeared. It measured
11.5 by 7 centimeters, was filled with several grams of a gray matter and
inserted in a black frame with seals, which attest to the authenticity of the
relic.
Francesco Mazzoni, head of
the Italian Dantesque Society and a professor of Dantesque philology at the
University of Florence
declared that the find put him into a state of shock. In his authoritative
opinion, the term "Dante's ashes" is absolutely meaningless, inasmuch as the
poet's body was not cremated. Is it possible, in the envelope are the ashes from
a carpet on which stood the coffin with the deceased?
A proposal which is not
bereft of reasons. The fact is that when they tested the contents of the box in
that memorable 1865, they placed it on a small carpet. At the end of the
ceremony, the sculptor Enrico Pazzi collected everything that remained on the
carpet and the rug itself, thinking that there still might be some particles of
the remains. Then he consulted a notary, so that the latter officially confirmed
that the remains belonged to the great poet in particular. The notary Saturnino
Malagola, not hesitating a second, exclaimed: "These are the remains of Dante
Alighieri!" and applied the seals. Everything, as it is said, honest and above
board. Once the notary had pressed his seals, there could be no more doubts.
Pazzi himself divided the remains into six envelopes and sent them to the
director of the National Library.
Since that time, there had
been no information about the envelopes. Until 1999.
It is as if everything fell
into place. However, just where are the poet's remains, anyhow? Is it possible
the monks, people who believe deeply and obey the
Vatican unquestionally, were able to dig up his
skeleton and conceal it in some kind of box? To conceal them in such a way that
no one knew about them for over a century? It is not unlike the divine people
there and then had killed the grave diggers, and they just stole the skeleton
from the grave. And then Antonio Santi bumped off too the accomplice monks so
that they didn't spill the beans.
All this, of course, is
unlikely, a sort of worthless detective story. If one adds the strange story to
the remains found among the books, then a seditious thought arises: Antonio
Santi is pure before the Lord. He also was not able to dream that his
descendants would attribute such a sinister sacrelige to him. Everything is much
simpler: we have an imaginary affair, created by traditional histiography.
Dante Alighieri actually
lived on this earth and, perhaps, wrote his own poem. But only not in the 14th
century, but significantly later. Simply, the adherents of the Scaliger
Chronology sent him to live further in ancient times. They wanted very much that
the history of the Italian nation looked longer and more solid. Therefore, even
the poet's official grave turned out to be empty, and the box with the skeleton
appeared at the necessary moment, exactly by the 600th anniversary,
completely whole, even with a clear inscription, although it had lay in the
earth supposedly 300 years. What you would do for the sake of the glory of the
fatherland!..
It is considered that "The
Comedy" was incredibly popular in Italy.
Despite Voltaire.
Almost immediately after the
start of printing, (the Gutenberg Bible - 1455) in 1472, three editions of
Dante's "The Comedy" appear immediately (Johann in
Germany, and also in
Mantua and Venice),
then in the 15th century several more editions -
Naples 1477 and 1479, Venice
- 1477, and Milan - 1478. But the
commonly accepted version of the text of "The Comedy" appears only in the first
Florentine commented edition of 1481.
At the very beginning of the
16th century, another series of "Comedy" is issued. Moreover, even before the
beginning of printing there existed numerous illuminated manuscripts of Dante's
"Comedy," many of which survived to our time.
In 1462, the Florentine
cathedral - Santa Maria del Fiore - which was started as early as the end of the
13th century by Filippo Brunelleschi was completed. Not very far from
the center of the temple was situated the portrait of Dante created by Domenico
di Michelino - of the poet-demiurge robed in scarlet. In one hand, the demiurge
holds an open book (one may guess easily which one), and with the other hand he
points to the walls of Hell. Glancing at this majestic figure, it is difficult
to believe that only 140 years before this, Dante, who was damned on the soil of
his native Florence, was banished
from here and spent the remaining years of his life in wandering.
And again there is a
discrepancy with the official version of the poet's biography. Despite the
majestic portrait at Santa Maria del Fiore, the person Dante gets by with full
and absolute silence from the humanists of the 15th century. Lorenzo Valla,
Marcilio Ficino - the founder of the Platonic Academy in Florence, and the great
Florentine poet Poliziano, all these pillars of humanism are silent and not only
about Dante. They are silent too about those who did so much for Dante's
popularization - Boccaccio and Petrarch.
Again, one can explain
this somehow - nevertheless the style and, mainly, the coarse native tongue (volgare)
of Dante are too far from the ideals of high Latin, in which the humanists of
the High Renaissance wrote and spoke.
But what did the Church
think?
For you see, Dante calls
it an undisciplined harlot (puttana sciolta, Purg. XXXII, 149) and a thief (fuia),
he roasts the Roman Popes on the fire. The church itself portrays him on the
walls of cathedrals.
Protestant views of Dante
are well known for 300 years before Protestantism; however, the Catholic Church
in the 16th century, struggling with the least manifestation of
Lutheranism and Calvinism, modestly closes its eyes at the wrathful anti-papal
critic of "The Divine Comedy," who is, in the opinion of many specialist
Dantologues, a harbinger of the Reformation.
Here is a curious picture of
the appearance of the printed editions of Dante:
1472,
Foligno: JOHANN NEUMEISTER
1477, Venice: WINDELIN OF SPEYER
1481, Florence: NICOLO DI LORENZO DELLA MAGNA
1484, Venice: OTTAVIANO SCOTO
1487, Brescia: BONINO DE' BONINI
1491, (18 November) Venice: PIETRO DI PIASI CREMONESE
149[2], (3 March) Venice: BERNARDINO BENALI AND MATTEO DI CODECA DA PARMA
1493, (29 November) Venice: MATTEO DI CODECA DA PARMA
1497, Venice: PIETRO QUARENGI
1502, Venice: ALDUS MANUTIUS
1502, [Lyons]: BALTHAZAR DE GABIANO AND BARTHELEMY TROTH
1506, Florence: FILIPPO GIUNTI
1507, Venice: BARTOLOMEO DI GIOVANNI DA PORTESE
1515, Venice: ALDUS MANUTIUS AND ANDREA TORRESANI DI ASOLA
[1515], [Venice]: [GREGORIO DE' GREGORIIS DA FORLI]
1512/1520, Venice: BERNARDINO STAGNINO DA TRINO
[1527/33], [Toscolano]: PAGANINO AND ALESSANDRO PAGANINI
1529, Venice: JACOPO DA BORGOFRANCO FOR LUCANTONIO GIUNTA
1536, Venice: BERNARDINO STAGNINO FOR GIOVANNI GIOLITO
1544, Venice: FRANCESCO MARCOLINI DA FORLI
1545, Venice: AL SEGNO DELLA SPERANZA
1547, Lyons: JEAN DE TOURNES
1551/52/71/75 Lyons: GUILLAUME ROVILLE
1554: Venice: GIOVANNI ANTONIO MORANDO
1555, Venice: GABRIELE GIOLITO DE' FERRARI
1564/1578/1596 Venice: GIOVANNI BATTISTA & MELCHIOR SESSA AND BROTHERS
1564, Venice: FRANCESCO RAMPAZETTO
1568, Venice: PIETRO DA FINO
1569/1578, Venice: DOMENICO FARRI
1572, Florence: BARTOLOMEO SERMARTELLI
1595, Florence: DOMENICO MANZANI
1613, Vicenza: FRANCESCO LENI
1629, Padua: DONATO PASQUARDI
1629, Venice: NICOLO MISSERINI
1716, Naples:
FRANCESCO
LAINO
It is unbelievable: mankind
forgot its own Titan and genius for 100 years, and they even forgot him in his
native Italy!
What's going on? Most likely, a time shift also happened here. The editions
which appeared in the 17th century were attributed to an earlier
period.
The great enlighteners of
Italy of the first half of the 15th
century - Cardinal Nicolai Cusanus (1401 - 1464) and Lorenzo Valla (1407 - 1457)
do not mention one a single word about Dante. Niccolo Machiavelli (1469 - 1527)
quotes the poet for the first time, as his contemporary.
In his "Comedy," Dante mentions
the mysterious "515, the Messenger of God," which incomprehensibly is explained
by the commentators as being a rearrangement encoded by the words of the Roman
numerals DXV (=515) in the word DVX, by which he has in mind some
kind of "leader" (Italian: duce).
As a matter of fact, it is a
question, most likely, of the year 1515 - of the Lateran Cathedral and of Pope
Leo X Medici, having introduced total European censorship. Even Dante himself
suffered from it. Thus, the likely date of Dante's death is approximately
1520.
The name Dante is unique
and can be translated as the nickname "accursed and forbidden by the
Catholic Church (Italian: dannato)," which was given to the author for
"The Divine Comedy" by the Inquisition at the end of the 16th century. We
note that Dante's wife Gemma is from the family of Donati, and that it
too is close to the nickname Dannati (= accursed);
Boccaccio published the works
of Dante Alighieri, which were created before "The Divine Comedy," which
he already had written while in exile, just as too his biography, for the
first time after Dante's death.
And what is more, Boccaccio was
the first commentator of "The Divine Comedy." Boccaccio writes (supposedly in
1360), that Dante placed Homer above all poets, although he didn't read him,
inasmuch as he didn't know the Greek language, and there still were no
translations of Homer to Latin. Such translations (and, most likely
just the written works of Homer) appeared only after the traditional date
of Dante's death - not earlier than the end of the 15th century;
Dante refers to the red
cardinal's cap; however, such caps for cardinals were introduced once again
after the traditional date of Dante's death.
Dante is often linked to his
friend Guido (Italian: Guido). The nickname Guido in Italian means
Tutor or Leader (according to Boccaccio - Guido Cavalcanti,
which means Leader of Singing Horsemen, that is, a Poet of Poets.)
And even Dante's biography, according to Boccaccio, just abounds in benefactors
with the name of Guido. Guido de Columna wrote a book in
Latin about the Trojan War from which Dante also was able to derive numerous
details of this war. This book became well-known not earlier than the end of the
15th century in printed form.
Guido de Columna
belonged to the famous Colonna family in Italy (Italian: Colonna), who keenly
competed for power in Italy in the 14th - 16th centuries
with another family - the Orsini, the founder of which, Count Orso,
Dante mentions. From the traditional history it is known that the rivalry of
these two families was the reason for the dual papacy (diarchy) in the 14th
century, which ended with the election of Pope Martin V from the Colonna family
in 1417 and the subsequent split of the church.
Dante mentions
Spain and
Austria in the "Divine Comedy," names of
which appeared for the first time only at the end of the 15th century.
Another biographer of Dante and
Petrarch was named Leonardo Bruni (traditionally he lived in 1374 - 1444), and
he himself wrote the 12-volume "History of Florence," which was published
supposedly in 1439, that is, before the start of printing, and in actual fact,
most likely, not earlier than the second half of the 16th century. It
also is significant that in "The Divine Comedy" a certain "Sir Brunetto"
figures as one of Dante's tutors. (In the "ancient Roman" history written in the
16th century, an imaginary Latin scholar predecessor and dissenting
bishop Donat Eli is found in Dante, who supposedly wrote 100 years earlier than
Dante, in the 14th century, the first Latin grammar.)
We shall add that Boccaccio
and Petrarch lived around 60 years according to traditional history, but
there is no real evidence of their contact between them in the 14th
century in Italy.
Between the times of Dante,
Petrarch and Shakespeare in the traditional historiography there exists an
artificial 300-year gap. Meanwhile, in "The Divine Comedy" there are lines which
speak about another. They are found in the 33rd Canto:" The Empyrean." - "the
Rose of Paradise" (conclusion)-
94 One moment is more lethargy to me,
95 than five and twenty
centuries to the emprise
96 That startled
Neptune with the shade of Argo!
The translator Mikhail Lozinskiy explains the meaning:
94-96. The meaning: "In the very immediate moment, which follows after this
vision, it became more deeply conscious in my memory than the trip of the
Argonauts succeeded in becoming conscious in the memory of people for 25
centuries when Neptune wondered at the shadow of the
Argo, the first ship."
But when and who for the first
time in worldwide literature mentions the Argo? Shakespeare.
Forms: 6 ragusye, arguze, 67 argose, 7 (rhaguse, ragosie,) argosea, argosey,
argozee, 69 argosie, 7 argosy.
[App. Ad. Italian Ragusea, plural Ragusee, i.e. una (nave or caracca) Ragusea,
a Ragusan (vessel or carack), best repr. by the earliest form ragusye; the
transposition in argosea, arguze, argozee, etc., is no doubt connected with the
fact that Ragusa (in Venetian,
Ragusi) itself appears in 16th c. English as Aragouse, Arragouese, Arragosa.
Cf. also the prec. word, in which Argosine seems to represent It. Ragusino,
synonym of Raguseo,
That argosies were reputed to take their name from Ragusa, is stated by several
writers of 17th c.; and the derivation is made inductively certain by
investigations made for us by Mr. A. J. Evans, showing the extent of Ragusan
trade with England, and the familiarity of Englishmen with the Ragusee or large
and richly-freighted merchant ships of Ragusa, 'Argosies with portly saile, Like
Signiors and rich Burgers on the flood [which] ouer-peere the pettie Traffiquers
That curtsie to them, do them reuerence, As they flye by them with their wouen
wings.' (Shaks. Merch. V. i. i. 9.)
No reference to the ship Argo is traceable in the early use of the word.
Before Shakespeare (17th century) there were no references to the
ship Argo in the whole world. Traditional historians will have to answer how
Dante was able to guess about the ship Argo before Shakespeare.
However, if Dante in reality
was creating at the turn of the 15 - 16th centuries, and his student
Petrarch - in the 16th century, then there is no stylistic gap in
Western European poetry: the head of the "Pleiades," the Frenchman Pierre
Ronsard (1524-1585) and the Italian Torquato Tasso (1544-1595) rightfully are
considered students and followers of Petrarch. And in the '90s of the 16th
century, Shakespeare's sonnets already were being published.
It is typical that in such an
approach the ruler of Florence and
poet, Lorenzo Medici (the Magnificent, 1449 - 1492), the poetry of whom is
incomparably inferior to Dante's poetry, turns out to be the only predecessor
of Dante himself.
The cited example of a
chronological shift is typical for all art of the "Renaissance" epoch,
and, per se epochs of brilliant "remakes," that is, the creation of
"ancient Roman" and "ancient Greek" art in the 15th - 19th centuries.
In Leonardo da
Vinci (1452-1519), for example, a double also is discovered in the 13th
century,- the founder of European
mathematics, Leonardo of Pisa,
he himself is a Cadmean (= Florentine!)-
Fibonacci, who gave Europe Arabic numerals.
Apparently, Leonardo da Vinci in particular also was the real founder of
the "reborn," and as a matter of fact the genuine new Italian culture.
When much later, in the 18th
century, French poetry flowers, suddenly in the monasteries here the works of
the trouveres, French singers of the early Middle Ages, are discovered,
and a collection of Vagants' songs "is discovered accidentally" with the
Bavarian Benedictine monks generally only at the start of the 19th
century, during Goethe's time, and there and then dated to the 13th
century!
And later a religious
brotherhood - the fraternitas - makes its own contribution to the muddle with
dates and centuries in the traditional historiography of Dante's times. They
appear in Italy
in the 14th century, but they acquire most development in the 15th
century when more than 400 of them were counted in Northern and
Central Italy.
In
Florence, the brotherhoods were called by the beautiful
word "company" (compagnia.) Members of the brotherhoods establish in private
residences collective praying, hear sermons, celebrate religious rituals, and
sing religious chants.
The Magi brotherhood (Compagnia
del Magi) became the most significant. And the incomprehensible example of
Dante, who lived supposedly more than 100 years before this, was its member.
You ask, how the Church was
concerned about the fact that religious ceremonies were celebrated not in the
premises of the churches, but heaven knows where? It was in no way concerned, as
if there weren't any of them. There was nobody to react: only in 1487 is the
"Hammer of the Witches" of Jacob Sprenger and Heinrich Institoris published, in
1480 the Inquisition is established in Spain,
and in 1542 - in Italy
that is only in the middle of the 16th century. In 1559 the "Index of
Forbidden Books" is introduced.
The charters of the
brotherhoods are approved by the secular authorities, and the secular
authorities govern and control their activity. The Brotherhood of the Magi
availed itself of the special patronage of House of the Medici.
Thus, Europe's
religious life proceeded again within the framework of spontaneously organized
formations, and the mysteries from the life of Christ were played out on the
streets as plays, which the people loved very much. These plays bore the name
"Comedy," and were not yet hammered into the walls of the temples. By the way,
the Gospel words that the curtain was torn in two, still bear the traces of
these popular medieval public activities.
Dantologists exploit the
subject of "Dante and astrology." A multitude of research has been devoted to
it. Even we will dwell on it.
PURGATORY.
CANTO I
To the right hand I turned, and
fixed my mind
Upon the other pole, and saw
four stars
Ne'er seen before save by the primal people.
Rejoicing in their flamelets
seemed the heaven.
O thou septentrional and
widowed site,
Because thou art deprived of
seeing these!
In the opinion of Dantologists, "the four stars symbolize the four
'main' ('natural') virtues of the ancient world: wisdom, justice, fortitude,
and temperance."
But it is no more than, as musicians say, "a fantasy on a theme by."
It is a question of the real four stars of the Southern Cross (Crux), the most
well known constellation of the Southern Hemisphere. The long "cross bar" of the
Cross points almost precisely at the South Pole.
The whole point is the
fact that while being in the Northern Hemisphere, we are NOT ABLE to see it.
But, according to astronomers (because of the phenomenon of precession), 2,000
years ago the ancient Greeks (who else?) and the ancient Jews (on the territory
of modern Israel)
were able to observe and describe it.
However, in those days, the Southern Cross WAS NOT CONSIDERED AN
INDEPENDENT CONSTELLATION. It was part of Centaurus (the Centaur). It, Centaurus,
was shown in Ptolemy. Who picked out the Southern Cross as a separate
constellation is where the opinions diverge.
Some think that Johann Bayer did it in 1603 in "Uranometria," having
used for it the data and not very precise observations of travelers and sailors
who had visited the Southern Hemisphere. One of them, Pieter Dirckszoon Keyser
(Latin name - Petrus Theodori), it is probable, provided reports about new
constellations which were situated near the South Pole. According to other
information, there is no Southern Cross in the number of new constellations that
were introduced by Bayer.
Other sources indicate that Louis de LaCaille introduced the Southern
Cross constellation, having compiled the first large catalog of southern stars -
"Coelum Australe Stelliferum" (1763.) Although, on the other hand, among the
constellations of the southern sky, about which they usually say that de
LaCaille introduced them, again there is no Southern Cross.
They also say that the French astronomer Augustin Royer singled out this
constellation in 1679, and also one Mollineux of England as early as 1592, from
where Bayer took it too.
On the whole, the situation is rather muddled.
In order to muddle it even further, we will add the list of "discoverers." As
usual in the traditional history, the constellation supposedly was "again
discovered" in the 16th century by seafarers who visited the Southern
Hemisphere and used the constellation as a reference point. Amerigo Vespucci
wrote that he had seen "the four majestic stars" in 1502, and Antonio Pigafetta,
sailing with Magellan, wrote about the "fine cross, the most glorious of all the
constellations in the heavens."
There exists a serene,
"pastoral" engraving, which depicts Vespucci who is observing the Southern Cross
in the still of night, while his crew sleeps, and alongside the image of Dante,
who is rigorously motioning that, it is said, "I foresaw and described this
several centuries ago."
But - How? How was he on the
whole able to know about the Southern Cross from that century in which he
supposedly lived?
And now is the time itself to
remember about THREE stars. Dante supposedly also saw them from his distant
century.
. . . It was late at night,
in the sky the stars twinkled: there appeared, approached and disappeared the
Southern Cross, there appeared and disappeared the Three
Marias, and the morning start also ascended.
. . . The Three Marias ("Las Tres Marias" is a constellation in the Southern
Hemisphere)
Oh, high - high,
To where the eye is not
enough,
for the call of those native
windows
These three stars which
burn.
Note: The Southern Triangle constellation (TaA). Introduced by Bayer in
1603. It contains 32 stars which are visible to the naked eye.
The Southern Triangle is very beautiful. Dante renders it its due:
To the right hand I turned, and fixed my mind upon the other pole
and saw four stars,
(the Southern Cross)
Ne'er seen before save by
the primal people .
Rejoicing in their flamelets
seemed the heavens;
O thou septentrional and
widowed site ,
because thou art
deprived of seeing these!
(it is not visible in the Northern
Hemisphere!)
When from regarding them I
had withdrawn,
turning a little to the
other pole, (that is to the north)
There where the Wain had
disappeared already; (Ursa Major)
And he to me :
"The four resplendent stars thou sawest this morning,
are down yonder low;
And these have mounted up to
where those were." (The Southern Cross has set, the three stars of the Three
Marias have risen.)
One would think
everything is clear. The four stars of the Southern Cross, which is not visible
in the Northern Hemisphere (the admiring author, not keeping it to himself,
describes the Southern Cross, where Purgatory is located), are replaced by the
bright Southern Triangle.
Traditional historians do not agree with this. If in the first case, as we
already know, it is a question supposedly of the four virtues, then in the
second, no more, no less, arise in the sky... Truth, Hope, and Love.
Figure 1. Jan Gevelius' atlas of the starry sky. Map 48 - The Peacock , the
Altar, the Southern Triangle
Figure 2.
On the left of the Octant is
the tail of the Southern Hydra, on the right is the Bird of Paradise, beyond is
the Southern Triangle and the Altar, above is part of the Archer constellation
and the Southern Crown. On the left side is the head of the Toucan and part of
the Crane. In the center are the constellations the Indian and the Peacock.
However, the verses
themselves do not leave the slightest doubts of the fact that Dante is
describing the southern starry sky. And there is no allegory here.
The last time one was
able to observe the Southern Triangle at the latitude of
Jerusalem was just about 2,700 years ago. Ptolemy does
not have it. The Arabs also were not able to see it from their time and
territory. It is mentioned by the Europeans for the first time in the 16th
century. Today one may observe it only south of 20 degrees north.
And he to me: The four
resplendent stars
Thou sawest this morning are down yonder low,
And these have mounted up to where those were.
The original, for reference (Canto 8 of Purgatory):
E io a lui: «A quelle tre facelle
di che 'l polo di qua tutto quanto arde».
Ond'elli a me: «Le quattro chiare stelle
che vedevi staman, son di là basse,
e queste son salite ov'eran quelle»
That's it, the Southern Triangle has risen there where the Southern Cross
was earlier. We note that nowhere does Dante call the Southern Cross a
cross directly, but the Southern Triangle is a triangle. This means that,
apparently, he already knew about these constellations, but how they were named
- no. It is logical to suppose that this is the end of the 16th
century, when they already had seen these constellations, but were not yet
introduced into scientific use.
The Forged Dante
"The Question of Water and Earth." Such is called Dante's treatise which also is
worth looking at in order to determine at last just when he lived.
The author writes:
"Dante Alighieri,
the Florentine, who is the least among those who genuinely are philosophical,
greets in the name of He who is the source of knowledge and light each and
everyone who shall see this writing."
Further, Dante argues what is higher - earth or water:
"...A more noble place
befits a more noble body. And since the more noble the place, the higher it is,
since it is closer to the sky.
. . . "The premise is proven on the basis of the experience of sailors, who,
being at sea, see the hills are lower than they: and they prove, referring to
the fact that they see these hills, having climbed the mast, but from the very
deck of the ship they do not see; and this, it need be supposed, results from
the fact that the earth is significantly lower and does not reach the crest of
the sea."
Dante created such a remarkable philosophical work. From it, in particular,
it follows that the poet still did not know that they usually use the adduced
fact as an argument in the version about the earth's sphericity.
The treatise concludes with the phrase:
"This philosophy was set forth with the government of the invincible ruler,
Sir Can Grande della Scala, governor-general of the Holy Roman Empire, by me,
Dante Alighieri, the least and so on. . . in the year since the birth of the
Lord our Jesus Christ one thousand three hundred twenty, on the day of the Sun,
the seventh after the January Ides and the thirteenth before the February
calends."
Comments as regards this treatise of
Dante's are categorical in the extreme. Specialists are disturbed: the author of
"The Comedy" has one system of the universe, and the author of the treatise - a
principally different one (the Northern Hemisphere is chief in the author's
treatise, and the Southern in the author's of "The Comedy.") This means in no
way is this Dante.
"We are coming, thus, to the conclusion that the treatise 'Question of
Water and Earth' is simply a counterfeit, a forgery of some home-grown scientist
of the 14th century, who was striving to support the theory of the
swelling of the inhabited part of the earth. If the forger had not ascribed this
booklet to Dante, it long ago would have been forgotten.
"We do not know one work, the author of which is acknowledged as Dante, where
the style would be so tedious and not one phrase be found, worthy of Alighieri."
The
commentator concludes:
"One has to be surprised that as yet Dantologists are found who do not want
to make note of this."
One
need be surprised most of all at the persistent reluctance of the traditional
historian to look soberly at the facts. The researchers Franticelli, Giuliani,
Schmidt, Biagi, Madzoni, the adherents of the treatise's authenticity, are
resting on the conformity of the treatise to the spirit of the epoch, and even
on the reality everything was written out absolutely clearly.
They refer to Dante, once
again, as the author by the direct text. As regards the INTERNAL dating, it,
most likely, is true - 1320.
So about which Dante are we
talking, then? All the data coincides with the fact that a certain Dante, author
of a workaday treatise, actually lived at the turn of the 13th - 14th
centuries.
And "The Divine Comedy" was
written after several centuries, which was ascribed to him, having been
transformed thereby into a great poet. The reason was valid: It followed to
have in Italy 's
past at any cost a rising country's agent of freedom and grandeur.
It is not said above for
nothing that Dante, perhaps, wrote "The Divine Comedy." A thin thread
connects him with the work. It is the well-known letter to Can Grande della
Scala. In it, Dante is called the author of "The Comedy." But the authenticity
in particular of this thread is over the course of 2 centuries a subject of
violent disputes. Such visible Dantologists as Giosuè Carducci, Scartazzini,
Bruno Nardi and many others consider the letter spurious.
In their opinion, that
part of the letter in which is contained a comment on "The Comedy" with the
interpretation of it in four senses, "was written not by Dante, but some idle
priest in the 15th century." The letter had reached the
records in the 15th - 16th centuries - earlier ones do not exist.
The well known Russian man
of letters and historian, Eduard Radzinskiy writes:
"One day there was a flood
in Florence.
And there in some kind of
cathedral Donatello, Ugo Foscolo and, it seems, Dante, and perhaps Michelangelo
are buried - in short, a large number of well-known deceased. So, this flood
played a merry prank on us: all the ashes of the great men of genius rose as one
along with the graves. And when the water went away, their bones lay every
which way on the floor. Thus, we had to separate them by graves in a very
arbitrary way. And now, it is possible, Ugo Foscolo's jaw rests together with
the phalangeal bone of Donatello's fingers and the pelvic bone of Michelangelo."
And altogether it is called Dante.
© Copyright 2003 New Tradition. All Rights Reserved
New Tradition , 2003. Toronto
Reproduced with
permission from New Tradition
Falsification of the Classical
Texts
by Vadim Cherny
The historical references to the events of Jesus' mission do not necessarily
negate the hypothesis that they were fabricated.
Doubts as to the authenticity of classical texts arise not only in relation to
religious writings--historical literature also may be unreliable to a much
greater extent than it is commonly supposed.
Only a small number of works by early authors are
extant today. Could some of those works, with significance for Christians, have
been tampered with? Quite possibly.
There were workshops specializing in forged texts.
How can forged texts be identified? By font? But it was easy to find the one
matching ancient manuscripts. Binding? It was easy to replicate.
Cross-references to other books? Creative scribes could make insertions step by
step in different texts, and the changes were then passed on. Style? Some gifted
writers were involved; remember the vague claims that Petrarch ran a large
forgery shop. Basically, it is extremely difficult, sometimes impossible, to
uncover a good literary forgery. We must not suppose that all forgers were as
clumsy as the author of the Gospel of Pilate (which, by the way, many people
considered authentic), whose story of Pilate's repentance may have been useful
to the Church but was totally unbelievable. It was easy in those days with a
minimal circulation of books for scribes to supplement the texts with
paragraphs, episodes and entire chapters, introducing the required content into
earlier texts. Thus, much of the historical literature supporting the Christian
story may be inauthentic, inaccurate or just an outright forgery.
Much of early Christian history depends on the
writings of the Jewish historian, Flavius Josephus, which are often the only
source of our knowledge of Judaism in the first century CE.
First, let us look at the man himself. Who was he? How credible? His biography
is puzzling.
In The War and the Life of Josephus,
he gives varying accounts of his career. Moreover, providing a detailed
narration of one's own life is very unusual for an ancient author. It might have
been used in order to bolster the "historical reality" of a pseudo-author.
Josephus makes some mistakes in his own genealogy in his Life. He first
relates his
Asamonean
descent by his mother's lineage and then proceeds to prove it by his father's
descent. Considering that his Life was written as a polemic against
critics of The War, we would expect that Josephus would clear up earlier
errors instead of heaping on new ones.
This mistake in genealogy is curiously reminiscent
of a similar problem with the life of Jesus, whose Davidic descent in Matthew is
built upon his father's, who theoretically, according to the Virgin Birth myth,
was not related to him. Luke, correcting Matthew's error, established his
messianic lineage through the mother. The correlation between Josephus and
Luke's Jesus does not end there. As was the case with Jesus in Luke's Gospel,
Josephus lectured the rabbis even while in childhood, although this is
implausible.
Josephus claims that Vespasian captured him and took him as a captive to
Rome. Why would he do that? Josephus asserts that
Vespasian didn't believe in his prediction that Vespasian would be emperor and
even forgot about this prophecy. Did he keep Josephus for triumph? But this
action was a revolt more than a war and he could not anticipate a triumph.
Moreover, Josephus wasn't noble enough for triumph as a special captive.
If Josephus had been held for ransom, perhaps not by Vespasian but by a soldier
of lesser rank, he would not have been held for long. This is an important
point: according to Judean Law, captives should be ransomed on a priority basis.
Josephus was supposedly from a well-off family and, not being important for
triumph, he would have been bought back quickly.
Although Vespasian and Titus were the most famous members of the Flavius clan,
there were undoubtedly other branches of the family as well from whom Josephus
could have acquired this surname in circumstances other than what he depicted.
Later he might have connected his story to Vespasian. Quite possibly Josephus'
affiliation was made up after that of Tacitus, who owed his status to the
Flaviuses: Vespasian, Titus and Domitian.
Also note that Julius Caesar disposed of a certain tribune Flavius. As a tribune
represented the people, it seems that this clan wasn't aristocratic. On the
contrary, Vespasian Flavius would probably have been of noble birth in order to
receive command of an army.
There is not a single reference to Josephus in the
Talmud, although it mentions Roman emperors, sectarians and apostates, and the
rabbis hardly would have omitted Josephus from their list of apostates out of
sheer hatred as someone they considered a military traitor. The rabbis could
have considered him to be yet another invention of the Christians.
Josephus gained popularity in the tenth century
when Jews became acquainted with his works in a Hebraic edition. Significantly,
this edition, Josippon, included only 16 books of The
Antiquities of the Jews, omitting its historical section. It wasn't
that history approximately contemporary with the life of Jesus was not
interesting to Jewish scholars, they read, for example, The War in
the same collection. It may well have been that the rabbis had doubts about the
authenticity of Josephus' writings. It is a challenge to find another
explanation for omitting such a large part of Josephus' works in the first
Hebrew edition.
Josephus' Jewish credentials are very doubtful. Contrary to the available
evidence of the existence in the first century CE of the Greek translation of
the Scriptures (which Paul regularly cites, for example, and which was needed
for proselytes), Josephus, in The Antiquities, asserts there was none and
closely narrates the Scriptures. This act by an educated Judean is inexplicable.
To be sure, the Scriptures' narration might have been interpolated into The
Antiquties later. But perhaps the author simply didn't know of the
Septuagint and other translations.
Let us now consider Josephus' manner of writing
history and some of the mistakes he makes. Josephus describes the Herod family
in detail. Many scholars believe he was largely drawing on a source, perhaps
Nicolaus of Damascus' Universal History. But is it possible that an
educated person from the ruling elite was not familiar with his country's
history of the preceding hundred years? This era was at a time when there were
fewer disciplines and local history was an important subject alongside religion
and philosophy.
Josephus writes that millions of Jews gathered in
Jerusalem
at Pesach.
Such a number is neither confirmed by the excavations in
Judea
nor, more importantly, by the size of the area defined today as ancient
Jerusalem.
This number even exceeds the current population of the city, which lives in
multi-story buildings in an area much larger than in antiquity. The
impossibility of such density is clear not only from the archeological finds but
for many other reasons; for example, given the absence of effective medical
treatment, any epidemic would have destroyed the whole population.
Generally, such preposterous exaggerations
regarding population are characteristic of ancient authors and some medieval
ones, but usually in describing foreign territories. Josephus, on the other
hand, should have been acquainted with
Jerusalem
firsthand. His Against Apion confirms the existence of critics. Romans,
who had just won the war in Judea,
would hardly have believed that this city was so much larger than their own, so,
the exaggerated population could not have been produced by a contemporary author
knowledgeable about Judea
and in a work intended for Romans.
In the foreword to The War, Josephus asserts that the Aramaic
original (in my opinion, non-existent) was written for the Parthians and
Babylonians. However, the contemporary history does not indicate that they had
any interest in the events in Judea. It is odd that he
would write for such a minor audience--if it existed at all --while this saga
was evidently so useful as Roman propaganda. Note that the Roman
Empire depended on cultural appeal to a great degree, and there was
state propaganda, though perhaps not as a conscious concept.
Then there is the question of Josephus' style. It
does not make sense to assume that the first edition of The War
was addressed to anyone except a large Greek-speaking audience. Would not his
poor Greek, for which the euphemism original was employed, shock the
aristocrats and philosophers for whom Josephus was writing? Can the story about
a translation of the Josephus' original into Greek have been invented in order
to explain its rough language? Really, is it possible that highly educated
Josephus was unable to judge the Greek translation of his own book? Is it not
odd that the writing style veers repeatedly from sometimes reasonably good
literary language to a primitive one?
Supposing Josephus wrote for Roman audience, why in
Greek and not Latin? He claimed he read many Roman sources; thus, he knew the
language well. Why was the Latin translation not done immediately? It is hard to
agree with many historians that ancient Romans, at least the upper classes, were
sufficiently educated to read Greek easily, especially considering that at the
time literacy itself wasn't widespread.
Josephus' repeated use of the pronoun "their"
concerning Judeans ("their holy scriptures," "their country," etc.) also raises
doubts about his origins. If this usage were a means to distance himself from
Judeans, who recently staged a revolt against
Rome,
he wouldn't have written as an apologist of the Jews. Of course, third-person
address was common, but it might also mean that the author was a Gentile.
With a less significant text, scholars might have
conceded long ago that work such as Josephus' was a compilation from various
sources. Could the writings of Josephus in whole or in part be pseudepigrapha
from the second and third centuries? In that case, we would know practically
nothing about Judea
in Jesus' times. This lack of knowledge would be odd, for we know of other
provinces from many independent sources.
The modern view that Josephus borrowed extensively
from the extant writings of others indirectly confirms the hypothesis that his
texts are spurious. He need not have been an eyewitness, and the author of books
attributed to Josephus just as well have could been writing in the third and
fourth centuries, if not even later. A few references by Christian authors of
the second and third centuries, even if not forged, do not allow us to ascertain
whether the text of Josephus, which existed then, is the same as the modern one.
The earliest extant copy of his writings dates from the ninth century.
Moreover, Josephus' attitude towards the Zealots
and other rebels who led Jews into the catastrophic rebellion against
Rome
has been the accepted rabbinical opinion, as expressed in the Talmud, from only
the third century onward.
One should note, too, that Eusebius hardly would
have taken the risk of creating such significant interpolations as the
Testimonies, if Josephus' works had been as well known as they should have
been among early Christians. Scholars are in agreement about the existence of
numerous interpolations in the Slavonic version of Josephus, using the present
Western edition as a benchmark. But is it plausible that no one in Christian
Europe wanted to amend Josephus? Likely there were quite a few takers. We just
lack a redaction with which to compare the standard text in order to reveal the
fabrications. Stylistic analysis does not always pinpoint small insertions in a
poorly written, inconsistent narration. Besides, Josephus' various stylistic
peculiarities could have been borrowed from lost prototexts and, therefore, do
not reflect the insertions by scribes.
Josephus' attitude towards many figures is
radically different in The War and The Antiquities. Ancient
historiography was largely about moralizing; the accounts served to exemplify
certain maxims and to present their authors' views. Since the writer's
convictions are usually relatively constant, his opinion about historical
personages doesn't normally vary a lot. We know from the autobiographical
Life that Josephus had critics who should have immediately picked up on
this and numerous other discrepancies.
Josephus' contradictions exceed even the loose
standards of Greek historiography. Although we admire the reasonably rigorous
Thucydides, in fact, most ancient historians fit the facts, their explanations,
and especially speeches to their own views and to the purpose of narration.
(This practice is also the reason why it is foolish to honor Gospel speeches,
dialogues and sermons, at least those longer than one sentence, which could have
been passed on independently through the oral tradition.) However, such massive
inconsistency in the same writer's books is quite unusual.
Josephus's aim evidently is to rehabilitate the
Jews in Roman eyes, through ascribing the revolt and tumults to the cruelties of
Roman prefects. However, the repressions that he depicts are not excessive by
Roman standards. One needs only recall the charges laid down by
Cicero
against Verres, Roman viceroy of
Sicily.
Cicero
argued in Milo's
defense that robbers' attacks in Roman suburbs were common. We have no reason to
suppose that things changed for the better towards the end of the first century
CE. However, Josephus, who supposedly lived in
Rome
long enough while writing the books, bitterly describes the conditions in
Judea,
where-he claims-things became so bad that gangs appeared even in rural areas.
Certainly, this explanation of the unrest in
Judea
wouldn't find much sympathy with Romans.
Josephus claims that 8,000 Roman Jews once approached Emperor Augustus. [1]
Rome
at that time was a small town by modern standards. Jews weren't a large portion
of the local population. There is no doubt the figure of 8,000 is entirely
mythical.
This figure leads to the wild supposition that
Josephus didn't know the details of the Judean War. To put it another way, the
author of the pseudepigrapha did not know of the situation in the backwater
Roman province. And the real author of Josephus didn't know of the situation in
Rome,
either; he was accustomed to some safe area, perhaps a small Greek town.
Josephus almost justifies the Romans, treating the military intervention as a
campaign to restore peace in a province whose inhabitants tended to unrest. This
treatment is a standard explanation which morally justifies the aggression and
to which many ancient historians resorted. Thus, Strabo lauds Roman aggression
against Gaul, thanks to which the latter's inhabitants
were able to live in peace. [2]
It may be supposed that Josephus' attitude reflects the facts even less than
this prevailing moral-historian convention. Even the title of his book,
Judean War, seems to be chosen by analogy with the famous Gallic Wars,
attributed to Caesar.
Early references to Josephus are almost entirely missing. The possibility cannot
be dismissed that references to Josephus by Christian authors of the second and
third centuries were interpolated to support his authority. In any case, the
citations of Josephus by Origen and Eusebius are defective, which confirm his
lack of contemporary reputation since, otherwise, readers easily would have
spotted the mistakes in the quotations. For example, consider the probably
distorted rendition of the execution of James, the brother of Jesus. According
to Origen and Eusebius, [3]
Josephus said that the destruction of
Jerusalem
was a punishment for James's death. However, there is nothing of the kind in
Josephus. Curiously, it contradicts another statement by Eusebius, that the
misfortune of the Judeans started with the execution of Jesus.[4]
Even the fourth-century official Latin version of
Josephus, attributed to Hegesippus, extensively misrepresents the facts and
judgments of the author. Evidently, no other edition was known, since the
contradictions would have been noted. It is odd that variant manuscripts were
not destroyed after the appearance of Hegesippus. This fact undeniably confirms
Josephus' lack of influence and the absence of the commonly accepted version.
Eusebius asserts that he knows of Josephus' statue
standing in Rome,
but this scholar's accounts are not credible. Moreover, he had good reason to
argue for Josephus' existence, since so much of the Christian story depended on
him and since his testimonial accounts, which directly relate to Jesus, Eusebius
in all probability forged himself.
The immensely learned Origen seems to be unacquainted with Josephus. Thus, he
asserts in Contra Celsum that 42 years had passed between the death of
Jesus and the destruction of Jerusalem.
However, from 33 to 70 are 37 years, not 42. Significantly, Origen's statement
appeared in a highly polemical tract, where any mistakes of this kind would have
been immediately spotted.
Hyppolitus includes a description of Essenes, [5]
agreeing with Josephus' text (extending it a bit), but without referring
directly to him. Hyppolitus had no reason to leave out such reference, as it
would add credibility to his account. Perhaps he either didn't believe in
Josephus' authorship or he used the same anonymous source from which a parallel
interpolation of Josephus was made.
Significantly, Tacitus, describing the Judeans in Histories V, at first
does not reveal any knowledge of Josephus' works, although the latter wrote just
a few years before him and was supposedly famous in Rome.
It's not clear whether Tacitus' sources for the Judeans' historical origin are
rumors or the works of other authors, but his views certainly are in accord with
Manetho and critics such as Apion. Tacitus' pathetic anti-Judean rhetoric is
suspicious. For all we know, Judaism was very respected in those days, with
proselytes flowing to it. This ((respect? influx?)) is probably because it
closely resembled philosophical notions of Stoics, with an abstract God and
rigorously organized life. There is not a single hint of his acquaintance with
the extensive rebuttal by Josephus. A rampant critique of Judaism better suits a
Christian editor who was interpolating text into Tacitus.
In commenting on historical events, Tacitus mentions what is otherwise found in
Josephus, but takes these data from elsewhere. Thus he writes, "The kings were
either dead, or reduced to insignificance, when Claudius entrusted the province
of Judea to the Roman knights or to his own freedmen," i.e., he doesn't know
whether there were kings in Judea alongside the prefects, something that would
be obvious to him had he been acquainted with Josephus' corpus or with any other
Jewish author, for that matter.
The description of the Judeans in Tacitus is very unusual. Formally, he
describes Titus' military operations, but the style is radically different from
his normal one. Thus, the next episode--of Civilis' actions in
Germany is literally crammed with details.
Titus' actions, on the contrary, are not elaborated upon, but rather sketched in
a few general strokes. At the most, only the first paragraph is devoted to
Titus. The balance is a description of Judea,
Jerusalem and the war with specific details mentioned by
Josephus: prophecies of the destruction of Jerusalem,
Josephus' own predictions about Vespasian, and Titus' ascent to power, etc.
What is exceedingly important is that, if we remove this odd and seemingly
forged short account, the Roman historian Tacitus says almost nothing of the
supposedly famous war in Judea, so glorious that an arch
was built for Titus in commemoration of his triumph.
A description of Judea is included in the fifth book,
although it would naturally fit before: Judea as a
military theatre is mentioned already in the second book. The topic should have
been of considerable interest to Tacitus, who writes in Histories I
that he owed his social status to the Flavius family-- Vespasian, Titus and
Domitian--exactly as did Josephus. So, the actions of Vespasian should be
extensively depicted, and Tacitus would not have forgotten to describe
Judea in the second book. As he did not do so, the description of
the province must have seemed unimportant to him.
Characteristically, digressing from his discourse on Titus, Tacitus writes that
he is about to relate "the last days of a famous city,"
Jerusalem. This narration is far too high-flown a
description for the Roman who deprecates foreign cultures. More importantly, how
could he know that these were the last days (an apocalyptic idiom in itself) of
the city? When he was writing, Jerusalem,
although destroyed in 70 CE, had existed-and, probably, had been rebuilt, as was
customary with cities of antiquity which were frequently destroyed. It was
finally (in antiquity) destroyed later, after suppression of the Bar Kochba
revolt, and even then continued as Aetolia Capitolina. The days of the city
ended only from the Christian viewpoint; for both Jews and Romans it continued.
We may conclude that Tacitus or even his late Christian interpolator didn't know
of the events depicted by Josephus, at least not of the events of any
significance. Nor did he know of Josephus or his works.
Add the evident parallels between the Gospel of
Luke and his Acts of the Apostles , and Josephus' works, as described in the
analysis section of this book, and the similarity of style, the literary
historiography, and the similar aims--praise of Judaism and Jews (in Luke's
case, to establish a respectable basis for Christianity). It seems that the
historian and the evangelist have more in common than mere incidental
resemblances. Could they be the same person or could the same editor have
extensively amended both? This would explain why the "Josephus" texts, although
supposedly extant in the second century, were not known to the Romans but
respected by Christians.
Today, Josephus is the main and in many instances the only source of information
for us about the Judea of those times. Had we alternate
sources, numerous errors would be detected immediately in his works.
Nonetheless, oddities can be spotted. One of the strangest is his account of the
defense of Masada. In the narration, the Jewish heroes,
entrenched in a well-fortified stronghold, opted for suicide instead of death in
battle. Josephus apparently was striving to show the Jews to the best advantage,
but the Romans would have considered this behavior cowardly. Even in the effete
modern world, where sparing oneself pain of battle lacks the ancient tint of
dishonor, Israeli historians describe such behavior during the 1948 Independence
War with considerable contempt. The books of the Maccabees affirm that death in
battle was an honor for Jews. Many people were doubtful about suicide,
considering it an unreligious act.
The story of
Masada
has numerous parallels in Greek history: thus the Xanthians committed suicide
during the siege of their city by Marcus Brutus. A still more precise parallel
(although attributed to the later period) is the siege of the unassailable
mountain fortress of Montsegur in
France,
where the army of the Inquisition besieged Cathar heretics after destroying
their strongholds in
Languedoc. They,
too, committed suicide--quite contrary to reason. The story of
Masada
might be literary fiction; in any case, the historical record was heavily
edited.
Committing suicide when faced with imminent death
or losing one's honor was, of course, known and respected (recall Cato or
Seneca), but for philosophers and non-military people. Applying this logic to
the inhabitants of Masada,
we would have to conclude that Josephus or his editor didn't think of them as
militant zealots but as religious sectarians, perhaps modeled after early
Christians, and the behavior Christian martyrs might have been displayed in this
situation.
Having taken possession of Masada about 70 CE, the Siccarii
found the stores of Herod the Great full and fresh, including oil and wine that
had been kept for a hundred years.[6]
This is an important point in Josephus' narration, proving the defenders'
ability to survive for an exceedingly long time. However,
Masada
is not located high enough to provide for the aseptic storage of food.
Another strange fact is that mesad in Hebrew
means fortress. The word is employed commonly with some geographical or
other name, for instance, Mesad Hashavyahu. Knowing Hebrew, Josephus
hardly would employ a common noun as a place name. It seems that the author of
the Masada
episode didn't speak Hebrew and took this word mesad, fortress,
for the geographical name.
In connection with
Masada,
let me express puzzlement about Josephus' account of how easily the Romans
constructed an earthen rampart to get into the fortress. Even under the less
challenging conditions of
Jerusalem,
without steep mountains on every side, Titus with much larger forces didn't even
attempt this task.
In this regard as well as others, Josephus' account
of Jerusalem's
destruction poses questions. He relates how the Romans surrounded the city with
a siege wall. Significantly, a detailed reference to this episode is present in
the Gospels in the form of Jesus' prediction of future destruction.
Even disregarding the obviously exaggerated
description of
Jerusalem by Josephus
as a city with a population of a few million, it was still a large place. It
would have been impossible to erect a wooden wall around it in a short time.
Moreover, the construction could not be guarded effectively, especially
considering the Roman practice of not posting a night watch outside the camp. In
rare instances, Romans employed not a wall, but an embankment--as
Antony
did when besieging Phraata. Significantly, Plutarch stresses the huge effort
needed for its construction.
Greeks commonly employed this tactic in their
campaigns against small towns in the vicinity. Quite possibly, the description
of the wall was derived from accounts of Greek wars. The analogy was found in a
Biblical text popular with Christians, Micah 5, which begins, "Now you are
walled around with [a wall]; siege is laid against us; with a rod they strike
the ruler of
Israel upon
the cheek." This military tactic was reasonable against the very small
fortresses of Micah's time but not against the relatively large
Jerusalem.
The process of forgery seems clear: a Christian scribe found a suitable prophecy
in the Bible, incorporated it in the Gospel as a prediction made by Jesus and it
was supported by historical proof in Josephus.
According to Josephus, Romans employed a large army
in Judea,
strengthened with reinforcements from the neighboring protectorates. They
normally did not resort to such force. For example, in
Britain,
Romans employed a single legion. A still smaller number would suffice for the
siege of a city with a starving population and small-scale local operations.
Actually, a long siege with numerous troops was perhaps economically impossible
in a distant province.
The Roman tactics described by Josephus are unusual in the extreme. The Romans
employed long sieges only a few times in their history, and only against
strategic enemies. They considered it beneath their dignity to win through
starvation rather than by force of arms. No other contemporary account mentions
a siege of this magnitude.
A siege several years' long is surely unrealistic. Even a well-prepared city
could not stock food for more than a few months, and
Jerusalem lacked any reserves. Non-agrarian townsfolk,
not keeping significant reserves in households, earned their living through
trade and had to buy food regularly. And many pilgrims were trapped in
Jerusalem without any food whatsoever.
Josephus' account of the starvation during the
siege does not make sense. Josephus explains it as the result of the strange
action of the Zealots, who burned food reserves to force the city's inhabitants
to fight the Romans. However, the Zealots also locked themselves in the city
without trying to assemble a sufficient force for a decisive fight.
Additionally, if hunger led to cannibalism, then it did not make sense to
enslave the population: not only were they unfit for work, but also most of them
probably would have died soon.
In fact, the Romans did not need to wait for the Jews to starve.
Jerusalem depended on water delivery through aqueducts.
Wells, if any, were insufficient for a large population. The Gospel mentions
people bringing water to Jerusalem
in jars. The Romans only had to stop water trafficking to finish the siege in a
few weeks.
All these facts bring us to another oddity: How is
it possible that, only some 60 years after the decimation of the Jewish
population during the war and the enslavement of many of the survivors, Bar
Kochba was able to raise a force large enough for a protracted revolt? It would
be extremely difficult for any nation, in only two generations, to assemble the
will and forces for a major new fight after an excruciating defeat such as that
described by Josephus. Some people still would have remembered the power of
Roman army, and it would have been next to impossible to convince the population
of the importance of the new effort. It is plainly wrong to say that Bar Kochba
relied on a non-Jerusalem population. First of all, Josephus relates that many
of the rural people, who had come to celebrate Pesach, were trapped inside
Jerusalem
during the siege. Second, if some villagers survived the war, it probably means
that they were uninvolved politically, so there is no reason to suppose they
would have become more active by the time of the revolt. And there is the issue
of the Judean leaders whom Josephus generally describes as shrewd people. As a
group they opposed the war, but despite the experience, they sanctioned the
revolt, which is truly unaccountable. I am under the impression that Josephus'
account of the war is largely fabricated.
Josephus' appeal to the inhabitants of the besieged
Jerusalem [7]
is simply a literary convention which is encountered regularly in Greek
literature.
The only reason he gives for the war is taxes. He says that, after resuming tax
payments, the Romans would retreat, leaving everything intact. There is not even
a hint of the other reasons for the war that he cited previously: the
destruction of Cestius' troops by the Jews, local unrest, the resentment of
prefects, and the refusal to submit to a mortal ruler. Moreover, the issue of
taxation wasn't emphasized in the earlier text as a cause of the revolt.
Quite certainly, the Romans would not be content with a regular tax, at a
minimum, imposing additional tribute on the Judeans, which was clear to the
contemporary reader. Then why did Josephus specifically mention taxes? Possibly
the author based his account on established tradition, the one reflected in
Jesus' answer on taxation.
Recall that Jesus significantly parallels Judas the Galilean, who was mostly
remembered for his appeal to abrogate Roman taxation. If a Christian forged
Josephus' speech, he might naturally have mentioned taxes as the most urgent
issue. This is not to say that taxation isn't just as plausible a reason for the
war as all the rest mentioned by Josephus, only that the account in The
War is unbelievable.
The Spartan king Nubis started a fire in the city to prevent its takeover by
Romans. Josephus notes that the Romans captured the burning city. To do so would
have been impossible at that time. Besides, it is not clear how so many people
remained alive to be subsequently enslaved if the city, crammed with wooden
buildings, was set on fire and no large-scale attempt was made to extinguish it.
How was it possible for the Romans to swiftly and
fully demolish the city walls and a tower made of huge blocks, as well as the
gigantic temple made mainly of stone? To add to the confusion, the huge
dimensions attributed to the temple by Josephus do not coincide with
archeological discoveries.
Josephus mentions the signs predicting
Jerusalem 's
destruction: a star in the form of a sword and a comet hovering in the sky for
the whole year,[8]
although there are no eyewitness accounts of them. Josephus' version remained
unchallenged, however, as probably no witnesses to these occurrences were still
alive by the time Josephus' book appeared. These astronomical phenomena would be
inconsistent with the traditional dating of the book. In fact, astronomers
cannot identify any comet prominent in the skies over
Jerusalem
around the years 69-70. Moreover, a comet is not visible over the course of a
whole year.
Were Christians interested in a book about the
Judean War? Surely they must have been: the war was a watershed event for them,
demonstrating the death of old
Israel
and clearing of the place for the supposedly new
Israel
of the Christian community.
Josephus is strangely convenient for Christians.
For example, he demonstrates an enmity toward Herod the Great in The
Antiquities for no apparent reason, while he writes with much respect about
him in The War. In the former book, he criticizes Herod for disregarding
traditions while in the latter he praises his adherence to the Law. This
position is natural for a Christian scribe who would want to derogate Herod for
his attempt to murder the baby Jesus, as is narrated ridiculously in Matthew.
Disregarding tradition is a breach of ethics, which establishes a pattern of
behavior for Herod which in turn supports the allegations of murder. Praising
him for observing the Law gives Josephus the appearance of objectivity. In
leaning towards Herod, Josephus adds credibility to his criticism in The
Antiquities. But for Christian readers, observing the Law has no value and
doesn't reinforce the notion of Herod's inherent evil.
|
Oddly enough, Josephus in
The War mentions only a few of the Roman prefects of Judea.
He mentions Coponius in passing (whom Luke also mentions only in passing)
but omits the next three before writing at relatively great length about
Pontius Pilate, the prefect
of greatest importance to Christians. He devotes significant description
of those Romans appointed after 48 CE when they again become of interest
to Christians in connection with Paul.
|
The interpolation of Judas the Galilean and the
census provided support for Luke's account of Jesus' birth. Luke placed the
birth in the context of the census to explain why Joseph and Mary went to
Bethlehem.
If Luke drew upon Josephus' account, however, there remains the
question of why the details of his
references are usually incorrect. It is hard to believe that someone could be so
inattentive, although the ancient custom of using scrolls, not books, means that
it was harder to find the right place in a text to verify one's recollection,
and thus episodes were cited more often by heart.
It cannot be ruled out that Luke reflects an earlier version of Josephus, which
existed before Christian editors, attempting to improve them, distorted these
episodes. Their corrections possibly survived in the few copies of Josephus that
existed, but not in the Gospel of Luke, which circulated in numerous copies so
that it would have been impossible to correct all of them..
There are a number of unusual elements in
Against Apion. To begin with, it concerns a certain Egyptian Apion who moved
to Rome
in the 30s of the first century where he criticized Jews living in
Alexandria.
Such criticism would be irrelevant to his audience in
Rome.
The local population probably didn't care much about Jews, who in any case
weren't as important a community in
Rome
as they were in
Alexandria.
Against Apion was written about 100 CE, some 70 years after Apion's
criticism. Could it be that nobody rebutted Apion in all this time or that
Josephus hadn't encountered more recent anti-Semites? The reaction clearly looks
tardy.
The same unnaturally belated response is evident in
other authors as well, notably in Origen, who wrote his famous Contra Celsum
after a delay of more than a century. Significantly, neither Apion nor Celsus
seemingly had many (if any) followers who regarded them as authoritative
teachers. There was no literature built on their writings. Thus, such a delay in
responding to critics already forgotten can't be readily explained.
An important probable forgery is contained in the thoroughly falsified chapter
on the Essenes: "Archelaus' estate was turned into a province. .In his [Coponius']
ruling, one known Galilean by the name of Judas declared that it was a disgrace
for Judeans to put up with being Romans' tributaries and adopt, besides God,
also men of [mould] as their lords. He urged his countrymen to leave and
organized a special sect having nothing in common with the others." [9]
It is easy to see a parallel with of the actions of Jesus in this text,
especially considering many other similarities between the rebel Judas the
Galilean and Jesus, who was even from the same place.
The term philosopher, used positively by the
author, actually has connotations of freethinking outside the Scriptures in
Judaic tradition. When he wrote, "He urged his countrymen," could he have been
thinking of the Galileans as the other people (otherwise he would have written
"Judeans")? How could Josephus, a Judean, write that one sect had nothing in
common with the other ones? Such description is natural only for a Christian
scribe opposing his own sect to Jews at large.
The Judas account is repeated twice more in the same book, which is puzzling for
the normally scrupulous Josephus. [10]
At least one description is inserted inappropriately when he recounts the
history of
Masada,
which was considerably removed in time from Judas' revolt. If Josephus was so
concerned with this story, why are there almost no details? It is very probable
that the same (necessarily short) fabrication was included in several places as
a result of different editors' efforts or to mitigate the risk of the
interpolation being discovered. But the forgers needed a very good reason to
insist so much on Judas' story.
Josephus mentions the census in 6 CE after
Archelaus was exiled and Judea
was turned into a Roman province.[11]
After recounting these events in a single sentence, he writes, "as we noted
before." There is no detailed description of these events in The War, but
only several brief references, so the clarification is meaningless. Considering
Josephus' penchant for accuracy, such a blunder is improbable.
Another account [12]
doesn't relate Judas' activity in opposing the census but shows him opposing
paying taxes to the Romans. The War (2:17:8) mentions Judas' struggle
against
Rome.
The War (7:8:1) is about his opposition to registration. The War
(2:8:1) describes his resistance both to paying taxes and to submitting to Roman
rule. The authors of 2:17:8 and 7:8:1 possibly drew on 2:8:1. Quirinius is
called either a ruler[13]
or a census taker.[14]
These were different offices, which Josephus would have known.
Altogether different is Josephus' attitude to Judas in The Antiquities
(18:1:1): he is characterized as a self-interested rebel, sowing discord among
the Jews with false arguments. This attitude suits Josephus' overall view
extremely well, since he was very negative regarding all rebels. Other
accounts, which commend Judas, are at odds with Josephus' attitude.
Yet another feature of The Antiquities (18:1:1) supports the belief that
other accounts of Judas in the works of Josephus are forged. Here his origin is
stated as Gamala in Gaulonites. There was a town with the same name in
Galilee. A Christian scribe, modeling Jesus' image after Judas,
would naturally prefer Galilee to Gaulonites, and hence
Judas became the Galilean, never mind that the Galilean has nothing to do with
Coponius' census in the neighboring country of Judea,
which Judas supposedly opposed.
In the midst of bitterly criticizing Judas for political fraud, Josephus
suddenly adds that he set up a fourth philosophical
school of Judaism,
and that he will describe it shortly. And, indeed, in a few paragraphs we
encounter the description--but it is all praise by now. The tone suddenly
changes and the author extols Judas and his followers to an extent encountered
only in his account of the Essenes.
One must be blind not to acknowledge that these are interpolations: a short
phrase in The Antiquities (18:1:1) and a whole paragraph conveniently
inserted at The Antiquities (18:1:6), at the end of chapter, probably
where the scroll ended, thus leaving space to write. There is also no doubt that
only Christians had the desire to amend the text and the ability both to do so
and to protect the forgery over the millennia.
Accounts of Judas' sect [15]
are clearly foreign to the context. Josephus specifically relates there are only
three schools in Judaism: the Essenes, the Sadducees and the Pharisees. But he
lists Judas' along with them; he notes that it is both significant and
reputable, thus making its omission from the main list curious. Significantly,
Judas' sect was not ancient and, therefore, could not have been considered
authoritative.
Notably, both times the fourth sect is mentioned it is in close connection with
the description of the Essenes. Indeed, the author emphasizes that both groups
shared the ability to endure torture, a feature which is not essential to their
religious views. [16].
This relationship makes a lot of sense, however, when for other reasons we
connect the Essenes with Christians, and Judas with Jesus. More specifically, as
we believe that Christians were a fringe group of the Essenes, they indeed
should be described along with them, but separately. Thus, the interpolation
concerning Judas is significant chronologically. The initial Christian scribe
was content interpolating one account of the Essenes. Later, when the division
between the Essenes and the Christians grew, another scribe thought it necessary
to distinguish the fourth school from the Essenes.
Curiously, attempts to situate the fourth sect among the others proved an
impossible feat for Gentile scribes, unacquainted with doctrinal trends of
Judaism. In The Antiquities, [17]
Judas' sect description is exactly like that of the Pharisees, something that
the scribe easily could derive from the synoptic Gospels. At the same time,
their teaching is so remarkable that the author won't even talk about it. In
The War,[18]
the fourth group has nothing in common with the others. The lack of detail is
compensated for by praise of the fourth sect's goodness and for its founder who
was
"a
well known teacher of the Law," an epithet for the Galilean, which would have
made Jews laugh, as Galileans were almost synonymous with theological ignorance.
Everything related about this incredibly good fourth sect and its founder is
either trivial or contradictory.
Special ties between early Christianity and the Essenes are evidenced by the
unusually detailed narration about the latter. Out of fourteen paragraphs of the
chapter, dedicated to the Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes, [19]
twelve deal with the Essenes and only one (sic!) with the other sects. It
is wrong to suppose that Josephus' audience was acquainted sufficiently with the
Pharisees and Sadducees that it was unnecessary to devote more than a paragraph
to their description, as he was writing for Gentiles who didn't know anything
about
Judea.
The description of the sects is misplaced: it is
inserted into the account of unrest in
Judea,
where a reader might expect the details concerning the heirs of Herod the Great.
It conflicts with our understanding of Judaism of that time as full of factions,
sects, and heresies, rather than limited to only three major groups. In addition
to the Essenes, the author mentions only the Pharisees and the Sadducees, who
also are mentioned in the New Testament. Other classifications of Jews in the
New Testament (scribes and lawyers) are general definitions not connected with
particular sects. Thus, there is a suspiciously close parallel between Josephus'
narrative and the New Testament. Significantly, the description of the Essenes
coincides literally point by point with that of the Christians.
The description of the Pharisees also raises questions. "In their opinion. souls
of the good people move after their death to other bodies, and souls of the evil
are doomed to eternal tortures." [20]
The Pharisees compiled the Talmud where their views are amply presented. For all
we know, this doctrine of reincarnation was not common, if it was current at all.
The author of this account is probably mistaken, wrongly recording something he
knew from hearsay, an act we do not expect from Josephus who was writing about
the things intimately familiar to him.
Josephus' description of the sects closely correlates with the Gospels' account.
Writing about the Pharisees and Sadducees, he emphasizes their views on fate and
resurrection. He plainly accuses the Pharisees, the largest and most respected
Judean sect, of hypocrisy. [21]
Overall, he demonstrates respect for Pharisaic knowledge of the Law, while
personally distancing himself from them. Josephus also harshly criticizes the
Sadducees,[22]
to whom he probably was related by birth, in the higher stratum of society and
their relationship to priests.
Josephus extols the Essenes as compared to the Pharisees and the Sadducees. A
Christian author, creating a pseudepigraphic insert in Josephus about his own
group (mentioned as the Essenes), would do exactly this. Josephus, on the
contrary, as a Judaic apologist, wouldn't denigrate the two main sects who were
bearers of the Law, which he admires. It seems highly probable that it was a
Christian author who later ascribed the story of his sect to Josephus. To make
the text look more trustworthy, the author mentions not the Christians, but the
Essenes, their Judean prototype. He might think that their similarity was
evident to the audience, though later it was forgotten. Still, in the fourth
century, Epiphanius was of the same opinion, believing that Philo mentioned
Christians as Iessaei--Essenes. Characteristically, Hyppolitus named the
Essenes the first, before the Pharisees and the Sadducees.
Arguments about Josephus being close to the Essenes
and for that reason paying them special attention are absurd, as the Essenes
admitted no strangers into the sect. The initiation requirements were demanding,
and to leave the sect was practically impossible since the Essenes swore not to
accept food from the impure (that is, anyone else). Thus, Josephus' claim of
personal acquaintance with the Essene creed is a fabrication. Besides, however
small his attachment was to the other sect, a single paragraph on the Pharisees
and the Sadducees together is clearly disproportional.
His study of Essene doctrine is rebutted by another account. He claims to have
begun a thorough study of the sects at the age of 16 and finished it when he was
19, for a total of 3 years. But he supposedly spent the same time only with the
Essenes. [23]
Alternatively, Josephus relates[24]
that by the age of 14 he had lectured the rabbis and thus supposedly was well
educated in Pharisaic doctrine. Either he lied habitually or his claim of
studying for three years with the Essenes was created to give weight to his
testimony about them.
In Life 12, he writes that studying with the hermit Bannus (who
suspiciously resembles the Gospel's description of John the Baptist) lasted for
three years after his acquaintance with all the sects was completed. Josephus
asserts that he was led to the anchorite by his utter dissatisfaction with
traditional teachings. However, he praises the Essenes beyond measure, writing
that the Essenes are so good that everyone familiar with them finds their sect
attractive. [25]
A reference in The Antiquities (18:2) to the sects having been already
described in The War is certainly unnatural. These are different
books, intended for different audiences. Already the length of The
Antiquities presupposes a more inquiring, somewhat more academic reader than
of The War. In those times of limited circulation, authors didn't
commonly refer readers to other books. Josephus repeats himself numerous times
in the two books, and even in the same book without referring to the other text.
A reference would be characteristic of a forger who was writing while recalling
the other interpolation in The War, his complete attention being devoted
to this small account.
Josephus writes that the Essenes' virtue was unparalleled among Greeks or
barbarians. [26]
But he was writing for Jews and Romans who were inevitably dismissed as
barbarians. Josephus was an experienced writer, and there was no need for him to
extol the Essenes by comparison. But this is what an unskilled falsifier,
rapturously depicting his sect, would do. More importantly, it seems that this
author lived in a Greek province where Roman influence was not felt and the
Romans routinely were not remembered; thus he lumps them together with
barbarians. Perhaps he was even writing late enough that the culture was no
longer identified with Rome.
Josephus recounts the curious reasons that Essenes did not marry or have
servants. Contrary to the description in The War and to common sense, the
reason for celibacy is not to observe ritual purity but to avoid household
quarrels. It seems like a Christian interpretation. Certainly, the editor faced
a dilemma: although Paul praised celibacy, Christianity, as any large-scale
religion must, accepted marriages for practical reasons. To admit that the
Essene predecessors of Christians considered not [?] living with a woman to
affect ritual purity, it would have been necessary to explain why Christians
abrogated this concept, which was, after all, quite similar to the then
prevailing teaching of Stoics. Accordingly, an absurd reason was invented, one
never used before to justify such an important constraint as celibacy. Now it
was enough for a Christian to claim that he would abstain from quarreling with
his wife to defend his decision to marry.
It is quite the same with servants: the Essenes were forbidden to have them
because servants inclined a man to injustice. But the Essenes were allowed to
buy goods from non-members of their sect. Accordingly, there was no reason to
forbid their buying the services of hired workers. Moreover, since the Essenes
practiced some sort of specialization of labor, they could specify functions for
servants as well. The Essenes didn't have servants, of course, for reasons of
preserving the ritual purity of a closed community. Maybe they encouraged work
with the same rule. But worldly Christians didn't accept such asceticism.
Because it is hard to find arguments to invalidate this rule or declare it
outdated, the editor resorted to creating a deliberately flimsy reason, which
was accordingly easy to ignore by pretending to act just towards servants.
However, this is only conjecture. Perhaps both Josephus and Philo [27]
mean not servants in general but slaves in particular, the treatment of whom is
unjust by definition.
Josephus' main attraction for Christians lies in his two references (commonly
called the Testimonium )
to Jesus. They are so blatant in praising Jesus that almost all modern scholars
recognize them as a forgery. The final argument of their defenders is that a
Christian editor would not have written about Jesus with such restraint.
However, a falsifier would do just that in trying to ascribe the testimony about
his god to a Jew.
A version of the Testimonium in the Arabic edition of The Antiquities
is much less of a panegyric, imitating the supposedly objective style of a Jew
writing about Jesus. He is called simply by name, although pursuant to Judaic
tradition Josephus uses a name and a nickname, surname, or locality. Josephus
refers to Jesus as "the so-called Messiah." However, this statement does not
conform to the theological and political orientation of Josephus who avoided any
messianic allusions, as they could provoke a conflict between Judea
and Rome. Surely, Josephus, a Jewish
apologist, wouldn't write that a certain Jesus performed many miracles and was
resurrected on the third day after his crucifixion. "And the tribe of
Christians, so named from him, are not extinct to this day" clearly points to a
later date. The interpolator was removed from the events by a long time, not
some dozens of years, as Josephus was.
An important argument by the apologists in favor of the authenticity of the
Testimonium is that Josephus blames the Romans and not the Jews for Jesus'
execution, although Church tradition maintains the contrary. But even the
Gospels recount how Pilate was complicit in having Jesus crucified. The
tradition of accusing Jews became fixed quite a bit later, after the episode
already was interpolated in the Josephus text.
It is absurd to describe an evidently messianic figure in one short paragraph.
Doubtless, Josephus would have devoted a reasonable space to the story. The
abbreviated nature of the account leaves no doubt that it was inserted; the
forger wanted to add more information but had only a limited space to do so.
The Slavonic version of Josephus so transparently ascribes Christian views to
Josephus, so thinly covers glorification of its sect's leader, that we don't
need to repeat here the many studies querying its authenticity. Of course,
Josephus wouldn't call Jesus "more than a man." He wouldn't write that a man,
who neglected the Law and the Sabbath, had "done nothing shameful."
What is interesting in the Slavonic version is that the story of Jesus'
execution is altogether different from the one in the Gospels. The Judean
leaders go to Pilate, fearing the political clout of the nameless hero of the
episode. Pilate interrogates him and refuses to condemn him, finding no fault
with him. Afterwards, rabbis, full of jealousy, bribe Pilate with 30 talents to
let them condemn the hero. Having obtained Pilate's approval in this manner,
they crucify Jesus. The absurdity of the description is obvious, as the
Sanhedrin didn't have the right to sentence someone to death by crucifixion, at
least not for a religious offence.
The personage repeatedly referred to taught at the Mount of Olives.
No Gospel account places Jesus there for a meaningful period. The number of
disciples, 140, doesn't agree with versions in the Gospels, nor is it likely to
be true, being just one of the standard biblical numbers.
Listing the apostles' occupations (in the other fragment), the author mentions
only artisans, although the Gospels insist that almost all of them were
fishermen.
Consider also the odd silence regarding this prominent figure's name, a reserve
unusual for an otherwise bold falsifier.
Is it possible to conjecture that Jesus is not meant here but a leader of some
other sect, of which there were a multitude? There are substantial arguments
supporting the position that the author of other inserts in Slavonic versions of
Josephus was a follower of John the Baptist. In the absence of firm data
concerning John's execution and the oddity of his being sentenced in
Galilee, where he didn't preach at all, this description might refer
not to Jesus but to John. Otherwise, we have to be content with the truly
bizarre assumption that the scribe, who carefully studied the monumental work of
Josephus in order to make interpolations, didn't bother reading the Gospels,
which these inserts were to support. This fact [?] leaves us with the hypothesis
that Jesus' followers appropriated the popular story of John the Baptist's
execution for Jesus, and John was allocated a different account in the Gospels.
The absence of clear definitions commonly plays tricks with parties to the
discussion. Thus, some scholars demonstrate that the Testimonium breaks
the narrative, while others think that it reasonably fits the context. The
question becomes one of what to consider as a context. Certainly, on a macro
level the Testimonium, like the adjacent paragraphs, deals with a
description of the events of Pilate's rule. However, at the micro level, the
preceding paragraph ends with "And thus an end was put to this sedition," while
the next one (after the Testimonium) begins, "About the same time also
another sad calamity.." So, the text seems obviously interrupted by the
interpolation.
Now, many apologists agree that this is a digression but believe that it is a
common departure from the subject, like a modern footnote. But this argument is
not persuasive, for in other places Josephus clearly marks beginning of an
aside, and after it--with another phrase--returns to the narration.
A similar ambiguity in terminology is employed in discussing the style of the
Testimonium. Thus, apologists assert that the style corresponds to that
of Josephus. Certainly his primitive Greek was easy enough to imitate. But there
is a more important peculiarity of the style: Josephus categorically avoids
messianic descriptions in contemporary Judea. His aim was
to present the Jews as peaceful people, not looking for a military leader. In
this sense, the style of the Testimonium radically differs from that of
Josephus.
The Testimonium is not mentioned by the early Christians, not even by
Justin Martyr in his polemic against Jews who asserted that Christians invented
Jesus. The Testimonium is first referred to by Eusebius, known for his
fabrications, and more than a century passed before it was quoted again; perhaps
the amended copies had to be disseminated. The style of the Testimonium
is similar to Eusebius' style, not that of Josephus.
Certain caution in formulating the all-important
Testimonium is evidenced by the absence of an established version for some
time. Thus Jerome, who lived in the fourth and fifth centuries, substituted
"believed that he was the Messiah" for the Testimonium's "he was
the Messiah," and again in the tenth century Agapius stated, "he was perhaps the
Messiah."
The absence of a credible reference to Jesus by Josephus, who scrupulously lists
anyone worth noting, is, no doubt, damning for the historical credibility of the
miracle-worker, the supposed Messiah Jesus.
Significantly, the most important references for
Christians, those to Jesus, his brother James and John the Baptist, are present
in The Antiquities (18-20). These books, which largely lack Josephus'
special coherence, are mostly a collection of facts and stand-alone episodes. It
is hard to imagine a better place for interpolations. Without attempting to
recreate numerous studies here, I shall sketch only the main issues.
James is called the "brother of Jesus, who was called the Christ." [28]
Josephus clearly understood the meaning of word Messiah, of which
Christ is the Greek translation. He refrained from employing it in relation
to his contemporaries, viewing in the expectation of the Messiah the reason for
rebellions from which he tried to dissuade the Judeans. Josephus supposedly
wrote here of current events, whose participants were the members of the
contemporary sect. Accordingly, he hardly would have employed the past tense
"was called." But a later editor, attributing his thoughts to an ancient Jewish
writer, might well have used it.
Apologists believe the equivocal wording of the phrase
proves its authenticity. In their opinion, a Christian author would glorify
Jesus much more. But we reviewed a similar argument in connection with the
Arabic Testimonium. The editor was not writing freely, since he was
impersonating a Jewish author with a known anti-messianic attitude. Thus, he was
restricted in the extent to which he could indulge in the glorification of his
topic. These constraints led to an absurd position, when the meticulous Josephus
mentions the supposedly famous Messiah without comment whatsoever.
The mention of Christ without any comment only
makes sense if the reader is acquainted with the Testimonium, which is
recognized as a forgery. Thus, it is likely that the James episode was written
even later and could not possibly belong to Josephus. Rather curiously,
hard-line apologists reason quite the opposite way: because Josephus wrote about
James (in what they want to believe), and the James story refers to
Testimonium, then the latter is true at least in some form.
The episode, however, is not without its
peculiarities. As we understand it, the Sanhedrin consisted mainly of Pharisees.
But Josephus attributes the sentencing of James to death to the traditional
cruelty of the Sadducees (to which sect the high priest belonged). Besides,
attaching responsibility to the cruelty of the Sadducees at large seems to
undermine Josephus' point of there having been a specific violation of Roman law
by a particular person, the high priest. Many of the Sanhedrin were aristocrats
and obviously the majority were reasonable people. They wouldn't violate Roman
law even at the instigation of the high priest, especially since he had been
appointed recently and was probably not a highly authoritative figure. The
Christians, however, hated the Sadducees, who rejected the resurrection, and the
editor found an opportunity to smear them.
The zeal of Judeans who sent a delegation to the
newly appointed prefect (he had not even arrived yet) to inform on the high
priest's violation (sentencing without Roman approval) is puzzling. The
execution of a sectarian would hardly have prompted such a fuss. It is also
incorrect to explain the problem by saying that the Jews hated Ananus and thus
informed on him. Ananus' father and four brothers served as high priests in
their time, which points to the respectability of this family. Moreover,
according to Josephus, it was worthy citizens who informed on Ananus, because
they didn't like the violation of Roman law. In that case, they would like even
less the violation of the Judaic Law by James.
It seems that James's name is inserted in place of
someone else's. In this case, Josephus criticizes the actions of the high priest
in sentencing someone to death in the absence of a prefect, because they are
illegal and display disloyalty to
Rome.
Such an interpretation agrees with the context.
It is not really credible that Ananus would have condemned James for violating
the Law
when even Jesus, the founder of the sect, was sentenced for other reasons,
namely, for state treason, especially since James is depicted as frequently
praying in the Temple, presumably in mainstream fashion. Moreover, the Judeans
considered him righteous, which would have been impossible had he preached the
strange teaching of a small sect. Modern Christians easily can imagine that
James declared Jesus' divinity, and this claim of divinity was his crime of
blasphemy. However, Jesus was deified much later. The impossibility of this
accusation is further evidenced by the fact that no one had prosecuted James
before in the thirty years (in 64) since Jesus' death.
Unlike Jesus, James couldn't call himself a son of
God, because this term was reserved in his sect for Jesus. Besides, there is no
direct prohibition in the Law against calling another person a "son of God." For
instance, this is how Honi, a famous Jewish wonder-worker, was addressed.
Calling Jesus the Son of Man was hardly a major concern for the high priest,
who, being a Sadducee, didn't believe in the texts of the major prophets, let
alone the suspect Daniel.
Note also that the persecution of sectarians was
virtually unknown in Judea;
few incidents, like the crucifixion of the Pharisees, were attributable to
political motives. The high priests were more likely to take revenge on their
actual opponents, such as the Samaritans, whose version of Judaism clearly
contradicted the Law. Contrary to the belief of many apologists, Jesus' sect
wasn't unusual and a target for persecution. The leader of another Christian
sect, John the Baptist, was executed, but not for his religious beliefs.
Still another argument against Josephus' authorship
is his mentioning James as "the brother of Jesus." Writing about James, I argued
against his genealogical connection with Jesus. Josephus hardly would have used
the technical term, "brother of Jesus," accepted only inside the sect and
certainly atypical for a Jew.
The Josephus text claims that the destruction of Jerusalem
"seemed for Judeans as retribution for the murder of James the Just. for Judeans
murdered him, disregarding his great righteousness." Although James was pious,
there are many similar examples in Josephus. It is important for Christians that
James is specifically chosen, moreover with reference to "his great
righteousness," evidently opposing him to other simply righteous (non-Christian)
Jews. This phrase is added to the account. Actually, Josephus is emphasizing the
illegal actions of the high priest, and Judeans at large are not blamed.
Josephus wants to attribute all immoral acts to lone evildoers and to depict the
Jews themselves as a law-abiding people.
Of course, Josephus would not have been sympathetic
to the view (presented as his own) that the Judean holocaust and the destruction
of Jerusalem
and the Temple
are retribution for even the illegal execution of a single righteous person. The
object of Josephus' disapproval is not so much the sentence as the trickery of
the high priest, who took advantage of the prefect's absence and exceeded his
power in executing James. Josephus felt that this behavior displayed disloyalty
to Rome
and could lead to a conflict.
James's story is very important for Christians,
since it helps to explain the role of both the Sanhedrin and Pontius Pilate and,
by analogy, to open the possibility that there had been a gross violation of the
judicial procedure at Jesus' trial. It also implies loyalty to the Romans,
submission to their judgment and hope that their attitude toward Christians will
be tolerant. There is almost nothing in the episode, aside from what is
beneficial to Christianity. The whole text serves to confirm the Gospels and
Christian tradition. This fact is very suspicious.
Josephus' account seems to have become known
sufficiently late, so that Eusebius cites another version of
Hegesippus: James was lynched when he called Jesus the Son of Man during
Pesach, attributing Daniel's apocalyptic prophecy to him.[29]
Amazingly, apologists often claim the versions by Josephus and Hegesippus are
not substantially different. In fact, they have almost nothing in common. The
mere fact that Eusebius offered both versions may or may not point to his being
the author of Josephus' account (e.g., Eusebius wanted to gain credibility for
the interpolation in Josephus by pretending to be the honest reporter of the
available evidence, even if it is contradictory) but the important thing is that
there was no accepted story even as late as the fourth century.
Let us turn to the description of John the
Baptist's execution. The Antiquities'
(18:116-119) opens with, "But for some
Judeans the destroying of Herod's army looked like divine retribution, and
certainly just retribution for his treatment of John, nicknamed the Baptist." It
is unnatural for Josephus to commend the death of many Jews because of Herod's
sins. One theory is that Antipas' army consisted mainly of the inhabitants of
Iturea and other non-Jews, so Josephus had no pity for them. However, they
actually were converted to Judaism, and were technically indistinguishable from
ethnic Jews. In many places, Josephus is clearly sympathetic with neighbors who
thus converted. In fact, in those times the ethnicity of most Judeans couldn't
be traced effectively. In particular, the inhabitants of
Galilee,
where Josephus held military office, also weren't ethnic Jews.
In his works, Josephus often cites examples of the immoral, lawless behavior of
Judean rulers, saying that they are the cause of the calamities. This tendency
is somewhat curious, although it is often encountered in the Bible. But in
biblical times, the rulers were legitimate, at one with their people and sharing
their fate. Herodian lineage was by any measure illegitimate, and it is
inconceivable that Josephus, a Jewish apologist, would make his compatriots
responsible for the evil acts of usurpers.
In saying that John's execution was the reason for Antipas' military defeat,
Josephus parallels the connection, which Origen and Eusebius give for the
destruction of Jerusalem, which "happened to the Jews to avenge James the Just,
who was the brother of the so-called Christ, for the Jews killed him in spite of
his great righteousness." [30]
Considering that Josephus does not draw this conclusion in his testimony on
James, where it appears to be a Christian invention, it is hard to deny that the
same reasoning applies in the case of John. Curiously, even in the fifth
century, the destruction of Jerusalem
wasn't commonly thought of as punishment of Jews for Jesus' murder.
As with many other of Josephus' narrations discussed in this book, John's
account here is suspiciously close to what the Gospels say about him. From John
the Baptist's teaching, both Josephus and the Gospels draw upon only the
necessity of repentance and of turning to righteousness before being baptized.
Besides, the description of John the Baptist closely corresponds to the
description of Essenes which probably was interpolated as well. [31]
Josephus exhibits obvious, if not excessive, exaltation of John, even though he
is usually critical of popular leaders. Their very existence contradicts his aim
of presenting Judeans as a peaceful nation, not prone to rebellions or
disloyalty to
Rome.
From his point of view, such people are immoral because they endanger other Jews
with their messianic and apocalyptic dreams and extreme behavior.
Josephus relates approvingly that in John's opinion baptism is acceptable to God
because "the soul had already been purified by righteousness." But, unlike
Christians, Josephus did not believe that the people who came to John for
baptism were righteous or that they even had repented truly. He is generally
skeptical of the prevailing morality of Judeans and doesn't easily hand out the
title "righteous." Secondly, he believed he was an authority on theology; and he
would have offered his opinion about this important issue rather than mentioning
John's opinion without comments.
Josephus is certain that he is right about causes. "For some Judeans. it looked
like" is an a typical
phrase. It resembles the admittedly falsified Testimonium in its
evasiveness and in casting the author's opinion in third person ("for some
Judeans. looked like"). Probably the Christian editor attributed this phrase to
Josephus, apparently including Christians in the term "some Judeans."
Josephus uses an unusual nickname for John, the
Baptist. It is problematic to prove the Christian (late) origin of this term,
but the occupational sobriquet is not normally found in Jewish culture. A name
commonly was accompanied by the family reference, such as bar someone.
But in the Greco-Roman culture, individual nicknames (derived from appearance,
profession, achievements, etc.) were commonplace. Curiously, Christian scholars
often agree that the epithet the Baptist was inserted later, however,
insisting on the authenticity of the episode as a whole. But, outside the
epithet, what connects the John, as mentioned by Josephus, with the charismatic
John the Baptist of the Gospels? It isn't a question that the story of his
execution is the link, because it probably was inserted in Josephus by
Christians.
There is an enigmatic phrase, "Now since the others were gathering themselves
together-for indeed they were delighted beyond measure at the hearing of his
[John's] sayings.." My knowledge is insufficient here, but it seems that the
Greek logoi (sayings) refers to an oral or recorded collection of a
famous man's precepts, not to his speech. If this is indeed so, then the author
evidently was used to operating with a set of precepts of John the Baptist and
most probably was his follower--a Christian.
Josephus declares that "he [John] was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's suspicious
temper, to Macherus, the castle I mentioned before, and was there put to death"
on the grounds that others came to him. The phrase cannot be explained in
the context of the events, for if others freely came to John, they had no
reason to be afraid of Herod, and thus didn't constitute a threat to him. The
phrase gains meaning in retrospect, as the author understands others as a
group, which--he knows it for sure--later entered into conflict with Herod or
Jews in general. The author didn't notice how he imposes his contemporary
situation on the one he is depicting. From the Christian editor's point, these
others could be the fellow sectarians. As viewed by Josephus, such a
distinction between various Jews is meaningless. This contradiction is explained
so that those other than Herod's loyalists are implied. But it is
ludicrous to suggest that the original followers of John (not others)
were only Herod's associates. Moreover, if his political adversaries congregated
in this fashion, Herod wouldn't have missed the chance to do away with all of
them at once, not with their leader only.
What does "the first" mean when Herod didn't have much reason to be afraid of
John, having obtained his office in a relatively legal manner? Moreover, he was
under Roman protection, and Romans regularly restored kings who lost their
thrones after a revolt. The Gospel's explanation that John annoyed Herod by
criticizing him doesn't hold much water: unlike Greek democracies,
Galilee had no concept of the freedom of speech. John wouldn't have
taken the risks of publicly accusing the ruler.
The phrase "Macherus, the fortress I before mentioned" is atypical of Josephus.
Indeed, he mentions many places but he did not refer to them in this fashion.
However, the forger has one place in mind, and he accentuates that it is not
some imagined location but the one he took from Josephus' narration.
Why does Josephus mention an insignificant detail, "sent a prisoner"? This
action was injurious, bringing with it the strong possibility of unrest aimed at
releasing John. By the custom of the time, Herod would have been better off
killing John, for example, while breaking up his followers' gathering. Josephus
attributes such tactics to Romans. It seems that "sent a prisoner.and.put to
death" are divided in time, specifically to create pause for the Gospel's events
of Herodias' intrigue against John.
The factual side of the narrative does not hold, at least not when compared to
Matthew's version. Thus, Herod Antipas' first wife ran away shortly before his
second marriage or immediately afterwards. As soon as she did, her father, an
Arab ruler, drew Antipas into a war over an old land dispute. John was executed
before the end of the war; otherwise, there is no connection between his death
and Antipas' defeat. There is no time otherwise for John to criticize Antipas
for his unlawful marriage and spend some time in prison.
As a matter of fact, Herodias's plot is totally irrelevant to the execution of
John the Baptist and not mentioned in Josephus, although it occupies central
place in the Gospels. Now, consider that in Josephus, the accounts of Herod's
marriage and John's execution are placed together. Though I believe this is
evidence that John's story in Josephus is an interpolation, it is possible that
the evangelist mistook two independent accounts for a single story.
The problem of John's execution [32]
for no apparent reason was clear, and the editor of the Slavonic Josephus
attributes to him political ambitions: as a kind of proto-anarchist, he urged
people to reject any authority other than God's, just as Judas the Galilean . On
the other hand, it is asserted in the same Slavonic text that John was popular
only in Judea near Jerusalem,
which is incompatible with his persecution by the Galilean tetrarch. To be sure,
John later moved "beyond Jordan,"
but even then, probably moving west, he wouldn't have come into Herod's domain.
The war story is very doubtful. This territory was included in the pax
Romanica,
so that dependant rulers would not fight each other. Josephus asserts that the
Romans sent a punitive expedition against the Arab ruler, Aretas, for waging the
war. However, he wrote, "they [Herod and Aretas] raised armies on both sides,
and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves,"
and so both sides were guilty. The last phrase probably is interpolated to align
Josephus with Matthew, who places Herod in the palace at the time of John's
execution. Of course, the evangelist does not mention this war and his Herod
naturally attends the banquet in the palace. But in Josephus' story, it is
inconceivable that a ruler would send his whole army under the command of a
general and not participate in the operations himself.
The defeat in the war is depicted by the interpolation as divine punishment of
Herod for the execution of John, which is inconsistent with the context, where
Herod in fact triumphed over the Arab with the help of the Romans.
The episode ends with "The Jews, however, believed that destruction befell the
army to avenge him, God willing to afflict Herod." But this statement was
written two paragraphs above: "Some of the Jews thought that Herod's army had
been destroyed, and indeed by the very just vengeance of God, in return for John
the Baptist. For in fact Herod put the latter to death." Such repetition is
unusual for the otherwise precise Josephus. Moreover, the trailing version of
the thesis is considerably re-enforced. The author is cautiously arguing at the
beginning, "and actually correct vengeance," but in the end he has no doubts,
"vengeance." "Some Jews" in the beginning becomes "Jews" in the end. The author
of a huge work such as this would hardly "warm up" in a single paragraph. But an
author of a short interpolation could do so. It seems to me, although I'm not
sure of it, that the phrase "actually correct vengeance of God" is atypical of
Josephus.
The paragraph on John is too short a description for such an influential leader
as is represented in the text. The paragraph diverges from the narration. Before
it, "Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to
Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to
him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that
Tiberius gave to the president of Syria."
After it, "So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas."
Johannine testimony differs in meaning. In the surrounding text, Josephus
attaches blame to Aretas, who illegally attacked Herod on the flimsy pretext of
the latter's divorcing Aretas' daughter. This judgment of Josephus is proven
correct by the Romans' attitude to the conflict. If Josephus granted that the
actions of Aretas were divine retribution for John the Baptist's execution, he
wouldn't unequivocally blame Aretas.
Luke, while heavily drawing on Josephus, mentions the arrest but not the
execution of John. It is impossible to explain why Luke would omit so important
a detail, if Josephus had recorded it. Consequently, it is only natural to
suppose that the episode concerning John the Baptist's execution was inserted
into The Antiquities later.
It is commonly noted in support of John's testimony
that before it appeared in the text of the well-known forger Eusebius, it
already was mentioned by Origen. But wasn't Origen edited to begin with? Next,
the argument makes sense only if we suppose that Eusebius made up John's
reference. But another editor, before Origen, could have inserted it. This
approach is not without logic: the interpolation started with a relatively minor
forgery about John. The episode was extremely helpful in substantiating the
Christian story and at the same time it was plausible that it should appear in a
text by Josephus, a Jewish writer, who thus related about the famous national
preacher. Seeing that the insertion was well accepted, a later writer ventured
forth with testimony about Jesus, hoping that this forgery would be accepted,
too, especially when supported by an existing account of John's execution.
Before discussing
Pliny the Younger, Suetonius and Tacitus (all who wrote at the beginning of the
second century), it is worth noting that when they mention Jesus or Christians,
they reflect only the rumors they heard or what they learned from Christians
themselves rather than historically verified information about the origin of
this religion.
The letter of Pliny the Younger, governor of
Bithynia, to Emperor Trajan, written about112
CE, is considered important proof of the early spread of Christianity. It is
amazing that one preserved letter--out of the huge volume of the correspondence
that has been lost--was exactly what the Christians needed.
To start with, it doesn't prove much. Pliny writes about some Christians. But
there were many such sects, such as the followers of John the Baptist. Pliny
doesn't mention Jesus. The Christian teaching he describes-to refrain from
deceit, stealing, and adultery--could have been attributed to just about anyone.
The author is clearly sympathetic with these values, although he tortured and
executed Christians who adhered to them. Pliny mentions how they glorify the
divine Christ nightly once a year, and partake of a communal meal at that
time. The late origin of the letter is revealed by the fact that at the
beginning of the second century Jesus was not yet generally considered a god.
Pliny enumerates some bizarre details: for example, that conversion to
Christianity had became so popular among all classes that even temples
were deserted, and there was no demand for sacrificial animals, although it is
fairly well established that Christianity did not spread among the upper
classes. The author is careful to explain that these crowds of Christians
disappeared when Pliny forbade political meetings-- although they were preaching
only religion--and returned to the old rites under the threat of punishment.
Pliny's insistence is inexplicable, as Romans were tolerant of cults in the
provinces.
The account of the temples' desolation may be modeled upon Acts 19, which
describes how the silversmiths of Ephesus
attempted to lynch Paul, whose teaching caused them to lose orders for making
jewelry for the temple of
Artemis. Acts19:26 extends this problem to the whole
of Asia.
Curiously, apologists take the reference to martyrs, who didn't deny their faith
in the face of execution, as a proof that they were convinced of Jesus'
historicity. On the contrary, it might be easier to die for a deity than for a
human--at least, the former provides for admittance to the kingdom of heaven.
Throughout history, religious martyrs have gone to their deaths not caring in
the least about the historicity of their deity.
Pliny the Younger asks Trajan what he is to do with Christians because, "Who is
more capable of guiding my uncertainty or informing my ignorance." But, of
course, Pliny himself had lived in Rome
before. If he didn't know of Christians either from Rome,
or from Bithynia,
he had no reason to assume that Trajan knew anything about them. Accordingly,
there was no conclusive evidence established and Pliny had no reason for
persecuting them or even for asking the emperor for instructions, especially
without their having violated Roman law. Possibly a Christian scribe
unconsciously assumed that Trajan knew about Christianity and, proceeding from
this premise, forged Pliny's letter.
Speaking of Pliny's letter, it is worthwhile mentioning what is claimed to be
Trajan's response. It seems that the forger wasn't sure how emperors might write
letters. It is insultingly short and it lacks the usual salutations and
compliments, which were standard in that epoch.
Trajan suggests that those Christians who deny their faith "shall obtain pardon
through repentance." This concept of forgiveness through repentance, typical of
Christians, wasn't significant in Roman law, which is only natural, as
repentance doesn't lessen the responsibility for the wrongdoing.
Trajan's test for repentance is that accused Christians should worship "our
gods." In order to write this, Trajan would have had to possess extensive
information about Christians, though even Pliny, who was acquainted with them,
knew almost nothing of their teaching. The point is that Gentiles were
polytheists. They would have had no problem bowing to Roman deities, too. Thus,
the test would not prove their abandonment of the strange faith. Trajan would
have had to know that Christians refused to worship anyone but Jesus. And Pliny
doesn't mention this detail in his letter. It seems that a Christian author
ascribed his own knowledge to Trajan.
Trajan (an evil emperor, according to the Christians) is made mockingly fond of
the "spirit of our age." In Christian literature, this idiom refers to the evil
in which the world will be plunged before the final coming of Jesus.
Trajan's reply resembles a letter of another emperor, Hadrian, also concerning
the judgement of Christians. Both letters are uncharacteristically short. Both
emphasize the inadmissibility of an anonymous accusation. Both suggest proving
the Christians' guilt before proceeding (although Pliny specifically asked how
to determine their guilt without establishing the nature of the crime.
Basically, both letters prescribe the conditions of sentencing--which are
impossible to satisfy--offering to prove an unspecified crime. Moreover,
Hadrian's letter is known only from Eusebius, whose attitude to forgery was very
accommodating, to say the least.
Tacitus (Annals 15, ca.115 CE) wrote that around 64, Nero wrongly accused
Christians, "who were hated for their enormities," of setting
Rome on fire. This accusation is odd, because if local
inhabitants hated Christians, it was no trouble to banish them from
Rome for preaching an illegal religion. Their religion
was understood as being separate from legal Judaism, and Tacitus is careful to
mention that he is concerned with Christians specifically.
The term Christian wasn't common in the first century and it is
improbable that a historian, otherwise uninterested in the sect, knew it. Hence,
there is the possibility that scribes substituted the word Christians for
some other, perhaps Judeans, in which case the text makes sense. Tacitus
makes derogatory comments about Jews in another place; also, they couldn't be
banished without pretext.
He writes (Histories 5:1) that the Arabs hated the Jews with a hatred
common among neighbors, evidently not envisaging other reasons for hatred, like
immoral behavior. However, after just a few paragraphs he describes Judean
traditions with repulsion. Perhaps, being unacquainted with them and lacking a
personal opinion, he took the idea from different sources. His having received
information from Christians themselves is another possibility. This information
would explain the criticism of the Jews, which is based on moral accusations
more than on religious matters, and attributes to Jews certain religious
concepts that are more characteristic of Christians as we understand them today.
One such belief is the immortality of soul of an executed person specifically,
which is natural for Christian martyrs.
After enumerating examples of amorality among Judeans, Tacitus suddenly refers
warmly to their religious beliefs and then, unexpectedly, returns to the point
that Judean religion is "tasteless and mean." These inconsistencies strengthen
the argument that the text is a result of compilation or extensive editing.
The accusation of immoral conduct is hard to relate to modern notions of the
Christianity practiced then, as it is generally believed that the persecuted
followers assembled secretly, which would make it difficult for them to offend
the public. General disapproval probably tainted them later, after Judean War,
when all things Jewish were expunged. However, Tacitus was not likely to confuse
Christians with Jews, because a prominent feature of Roman Christianity was its
spread among slaves, of which Jews were not a significant part.
The mention of the Christian "hatred against mankind" could be applied to any
apocalyptic sect preaching the imminent end of the world or even practicing
misanthropy (because its members meet in secret and separately from others).
However, accusation of misanthropy hardly could be levied against a small group
such as the Christians at the time of Nero. Indeed, Tacitus writes that "immense
multitude" was convicted, which cannot be applied to a few Christians.
When Paul comes to Rome for his
trial by Nero, according to the Acts, he finds no Christians there. It is hardly
possible that Jesus' Christians became a large group, and, more importantly,
well known and universally hated in the few years after that.
Although Tacitus connects Christians with Christus, who was executed in
Judea under Pilate during Tiberius' reign, again he doesn't name
Jesus--and it could be a reference to any messianic prototype of Jesus, like
John the Baptist or Judas the Galilean. It is plausible that the author strove
to avoid too close an association, which could reveal the interpolation. Instead
of naming Jesus, he writes that the sect leader was executed by Pilate's order,
ignoring the fact that the latter's name was meaningless to a Roman audience; a
prefect of a backwater province, who lived some dozens of years ago, certainly
wasn't a well-known figure in the capital. Surely a historian would rather name
the founder of the sect than hint at his identity by naming the man who executed
him. The omission of the central figure's name is unusual for the normally
accurate Tacitus, who routinely supplies a wealth of details.
Tacitus writes about Christians as a phenomenon in the past although he must
have witnessed their popularity. The stories by Christians would be the most
natural source of Tacitus' information about their sect, if this text is
authentic at all. But at the beginning of the second century, any Christian knew
these stories, and the value of Tacitus' retelling of them is nil. Nothing
suggests that Tacitus studied the archives (if any were left after the Judean
War) to uncover the facts concerning just who executed the founder of a sect he
mentioned in passing.
Equally puzzling is the description of Rome
as a city "where all things hideous and shameful from every part of the world
find their center and become popular." Though it was common to condemn the moral
condition of Rome, these are harsh
words for a local author.
Tacitus possibly knew of what the Christians were convicted. But after
introducing the accusation that the Christians set fire to the city, in a few
sentences he contradicts himself by saying that they were "convicted, not so
much of the crime of firing the city, as of hatred against mankind." This is a
significant contradiction, because the false accusation (of setting the fire)
initially linked the episode with the context, which lists evil deeds committed
by Nero. But then it appears that Christians were tried justly for offending
Roman morality and their execution was unrelated to Nero's false accusation.
Tacitus is clear that only Roman Christians were persecuted, although if
Christians were tried for setting the city on fire, their repression wouldn't be
confined to Rome.
Certainly, it would be more difficult for a forger to imitate the style of
Tacitus than, for example, of Josephus. But the style of the episode is
somewhat different from the narration. Thus, Tacitus commonly names his sources,
comments on their credibility or the conflicts among them, or refers to the
majority of historians' opinion. He distinguishes between facts and rumors and
does not usually quote uncritically. As other ancient authors, he is eager to
state his opinion about events forthrightly and not through subtle shadings of
language. Apart from this episode, he commonly states many details. The
omission of all the above could serve as evidence against Tacitus' authorship.
A text which is almost a word-for-word transcription of this one is found in
Sulpicius Severus, who is not otherwise known for extensive reliance on Tacitus.
This story isn't important to Sulpicius' narration. It is reasonable to suppose
that the episode was inserted in two (or more) books simultaneously to be sure
it would be preserved; if true, this brings its date forward to around the
fourth century.
Suetonius writes that emperor Claudius "banished
the Jews from Rome
because they had been constantly making trouble, abetted by some Chrestus."[33]
That is, he was describing a rumor, indeed, a very old rumor. His informants may
have known nothing about how Jesus supposedly was crucified in
Jerusalem,
but Suetonius clearly alluded to Jesus being present in
Rome.
The erroneous transcription was not incidental: not comprehending meaning of the
word christos, the anointed one, Suetonius calls him Chrestus,
a typical name for a slave (presumably because Christianity in
Rome
was spreading among slaves).
Chrestus doesn't have to be Jesus. Possibly, there were many people among Jews
at that time who declared themselves messiahs. The unrest could have been
connected with one of them. This would allow aligning Suetonius with Luke, who
asserts in the Acts that Paul, arriving in Rome
after these events, found that local Jews did not know of Jesus. Even if that
story is inaccurate, one wonders when Paul managed to convert to Christianity,
become a missionary to Greece, get imprisoned in Judea, come to Rome, wait there
for trial (about two years) and convert enough Jews to stir them up into a state
of noticeable agitation in time for this unrest to occur during Claudius' reign,
that is, before 54. Peter, too, stayed in Jerusalem
for a long time [34]
and seemingly did not plan to leave for Rome,
the city with which he later is closely associated. That means that he must have
arrived in Rome not long before this
incident, if not well after it, and would have been unable to influence the
events.
Chrestus could have been a common man, without messianic pretences. Also, it
could possibly refer to Simon Magus, John the Baptist's heir, who came to
Rome during Claudius' reign and astonished the Romans by
his miracles. In any case, it is unclear why Chrestus simply wasn't executed.
"Punishment by Nero was inflicted on the Christians, a class of men given to a
new and mischievous superstition" (Suetonius 16.2). The author implies a
considerable group, clearly not a few sectarians, which is what Christians were
in 64 in Rome. Possibly this is an
anachronism on the part of a scribe, who had in mind the larger number of later
Christians, or maybe it is a reference to another messianic sect.
This phrase of Suetonius about Christians seems out of context. Like the
Josephus interpolation, it agrees with the macro context, describing acts of the
emperor. However, neighboring phrases refer to Nero's actions towards other
countries. Moreover, the description of Christians is highly condensed. If it
were worded as the subjects around it, it should consist of two or three
phrases, something such as: ".who were Chrestus and his followers, what was the
reason for the unrest, and only later that Nero banished them."
Unlike Tacitus, Suetonius doesn't connect this persecution with Nero's false
accusation of the Christians, that they set fire to Rome.
While Tacitus lists the accusation among Nero's evil works, Suetonius mentions
the persecution of the practitioners of the strange religion among his
achievements. As discussed above, concerning Tacitus' text, the story of the
accusation is probably untrue. But the connection of the episode with the
narration in Suetonius' version also does not hold up, for Nero was famous for
his indifference towards cults, and without the justification of their having
set Rome on fire, he would hardly
persecute Christians because of their beliefs. This fact could let Tacitus'
editor connect the episode to context by inventing the accusation theory.
Plutarch also mentions events in Judea. He wrote at
approximately the same time as Pliny, Tacitus and Suetonius. Plutarch was
concerned with strange religions and, in general, any acts demonstrating
morality of individuals and society at large. Jesus' story certainly would have
been of interest to him. However, he does not even so much as hint at it.
Considering the extensive persecution of Christians recorded in Pliny and the
abandonment of the temples as a result of the mass conversion to Christianity,
Plutarch's omitting any reference to it is revealing. Most probably, this is yet
another proof of falsification of "Christian" accounts in the ancient history
books.
His depiction of other events in Judea corresponds
surprisingly closely to Josephus. Thus, Plutarch mentions a minor detail of
Marcus Anthony's life: along with Gabinius he quashed the revolt of Aristobulus.
The ostensible reason for the inclusion is that it was the first military
operation by Anthony there. This is incorrect, since Anthony had already
campaigned against Alexander, the son of Aristobulus. These episodes are located
together in Josephus, and Plutarch, known for his inaccuracy, could be confused.
The same type of minor disagreements with Josephus is encountered repeatedly in
Luke.
Plutarch records both the transfer of Judean palm groves from Herod to Cleopatra
and the report of Antigonus' execution by Anthony, episodes also present in
Josephus. Again, both contain the odd story of Herod's support of Anthony
against Caesar to the end. But recall that Anthony deprived Herod of
economically significant territory. In such a situation, the typical ancient
ruler would support his master's adversary. Doubts of the authenticity are
increased by the fact that, when listing those rulers who supported Anthony,
Plutarch names all of them with their territories (e.g., Amyntas, king of
Lycaonia), singling out Herod with a specific sobriquet, "the Jew," reflecting a
religious, not political, attribute.
He again singles out Herod, an insignificant ruler of a backwater territory,
when describing how Anthony learned that Herod with his army was switching
sides. No other king is mentioned by name in this context. Quite probably, the
Christian editor deliberately inserted the reference to Herod to underscore his
moral degradation. The episode is characteristically inflated when compared with
Josephus, who does not mention that Herod provided military assistance to
Octavian Caesar, let alone the size of his legions. On the contrary, Josephus
would only accentuate Herod's assistance to the famous and victorious emperor as
yet another means of showing loyalty of Jews to Romans.
Perhaps not being sure of the interpolation's credibility, Plutarch's editor
refers to it later: Anthony dispatches Alexas of Laodicea to dissuade Herod from
switching to Caesar. But this insertion is totally out of place as, by this
time, Anthony has surrendered and pleaded for mercy. To make the narration
worse, the editor makes Alexas go to Caesar to plead for Herod. But the latter
already had visited the emperor and obtained a full pardon. Caesar doesn't
execute Alexas immediately but sends him for execution to
Greece, although such an action toward an
ambassador was considered exceedingly dishonorable among Romans.
Plutarch mentions Roman legions in Judea during Galba's
reign - that is, the army of Vespasian. He separately describes armies in
Judea and Syria,
while for the outside world Judea was a part of
Syria. At least it was under the authority of a
Roman governor in Syria.
(Tacitus, too, oddly distinguishes governors of Judea and
Syria, that is, Vespasian and Mucianus [35]).
Josephus distinguished between Judea and
Syria, but this distinction is natural for a
Jew. In the context of Roman politics, even he didn't discriminate between
Judea and Syria.[36]
Additionally, during the extensive conflict in Judea it
is unlikely that a large[37]
army was idle in Syria.
Tacitus mentions only the twelfth legion there during Titus' campaign[38],
not several units, as Plutarch does.
Adding to the doubts of the authenticity of at least some of Plutarch's works
are the variations in style: from moralizing to fact-filled narrative. It is
especially puzzling that he depicts even those events to which he was a
contemporary witness, as in Lives of Galba and Otho, as if they
happened long ago. If we are to believe that he wrote biographies of these two,
then I am at loss to explain the absence of biographies of Octavian, Caligula or
Nero, whose lives would have been certainly more rewarding for his moralizing.
But note that Galba and Otho were especially interesting to the contemporary
Roman historians, who were attached to Flavius' clan,
as meagerness ((the
mediocrity[?])) of these two emperors justified Vespasian Flavius in his claim
to the throne. It might be that these two biographies were attributed to
Plutarch wrongly and actually belong to a Roman author.
[10]
War
2:17:8 and 7:8:1
[16]
War 2:8:7 and Ant. 18:1:6
[27]
Every Good Man is Free
[33]
Life of Claudius 25:4
Copyright 2003 New
Tradition. All Rights Reserved
New Tradition , 2003. Toronto
Reproduced with
permission from New Tradition
The following books are
recommended for the further reading:
THE MEDIEVAL EMPIRE OF THE ISRAELITES
. The first empire in the history of mankind was
formed in the Middle Ages under the name Israel, in which monotheism and
proto-Judaism became the predominant religion.
History: Fiction or Science? Let us give a
concise preliminary account of the current state of ancient and mediaeval
chronology.
The Analysis of Ancient and Medieval Records
Reader's review : I find this book most amazing one I ever have read.
If you read this book carefully you will be impressed how many things we take
for granted and without any critique. You will be surprised how subtle and
non-reliable is the building of modern history and chronology. To read this book
is more interesting than any novel of Steven King.
The Development of the Statistical Tools
Reader's review : Words in reviews cant make you believe thet history
you`ve learnd might not be the correct one, but onec you get hands on this book
and read just the readeble parts you`ll see all events in new light. My advice
for everyone interested in history is to read this book in order to be able to
manage history data better. Fomenko did not present any suggestions on how the
real history did look like and explains how hard it is going to be to put all
peaces togeather. Aditional efforts could make this book more readable. The
whole prepress could have been better. That would make it far more
understandable. I`ll just poit out once more - if you realy want to believe in
your history picture you will have to put it now to much serious tests that
Fomenko and his assosiates have developed.
Centuries of Darkness: A Challenge to the Conventional Chronology
Reader's review : Centuries of Darkness is, to me, an unusual work, in
that the authors seem to be serious historians, who are still willing to stand
up and point out the emperor's got no clothes. In this case, the emperor is the
convoluted house of cards made up of middle eastern chronology which has been
developing, in good faith, for over a century, and the fact that there appear to
be flaws in this structure. The descriptions of these flaws and their
suggestions for ways to handle them are well presented, even if they are not all
immeadiately compelling. In short, this work is truly nutritious food for
thought, and well worth the time to read it.
New Tradition , 2003. Toronto
Reproduced with
permission from New Tradition
Go to New Traditions Page III
"THE
MEDIEVAL EMPIRE OF THE ISRAELITES"
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