The Rhetoric of Al Gore:
Not to Be Trustedby Joshua Frank
February 16, 2006
Al Gore has become somewhat of an American idol these past few years. After his departure from Washington in 2000 the ex-presidential candidate has switch-backed across the county giving thundering sermons to overflowing auditoriums and town halls. He’s railed against the Republican agenda in Iraq, denouncing President Bush and the neocons at every turn. Gore is fast becoming the antiwar celebrity du jour, capturing the imaginations of many who fear the vicious Bush cartel.
“Normally, we Americans lay the facts on the table, talk through the choices before us and make a decision. But that didn't really happen with this war -- not the way it should have,” Gore remarked in a MoveOn.org sponsored lecture at NYU in August 2003. “[A]s a result, too many of our soldiers are paying the highest price, for the strategic miscalculations, serious misjudgments, and historic mistakes that have put them and our nation in harm's way.”
Some believe Gore has always been a beacon of hope, alleging it’s just too darn bad the 2000 election was stolen (or sabotaged by Ralph Nader) right out from under him. We wouldn’t be in Iraq today, they claim, for this war on terror is purely a Republican crusade that would have never occurred under a Democratic administration, especially if Gore was at the helm.
Or, so they say.
Despite all the lofty rhetoric, Al Gore’s record on Iraq is anything but dovish. During the autumn of 1998 Gore pressured President Clinton’s advisors to embrace Operation Desert Fox, and they eventually they did. From December 16 to the 18 of the same year, Iraq was ravaged with US bombs and cruise missiles. Hundreds of sites were hit. The goal was to diminish Saddam Hussein’s efforts to develop weapons of mass destruction, with the hope that weakening his military capacity would lead to his demise. It didn’t work and Saddam only became more entrenched. Iraqi officials confirmed hundreds of injuries and dozens of civilian deaths. The Vice President’s endorsed bombing wasn’t the only killer in Iraq; Gore also embraced the horrific UN sanctions, which accounted for at least a half a million deaths, mostly poor women and children.
Al Gore was certainly no peacenik during his days serving under Bill Clinton. He supported NATO’s intervention in Bosnia and bombing of the Sudan. Up until George W. Bush’s Iraq invasion Gore was even delivering stump speeches highlighting Saddam’s potential threat.
“Iraq’s search for weapons of mass destruction has proven impossible to deter,” Gore said on September 23, 2002. “[W]e should assume that it will continue for as long as Saddam is in power.”
It may be comforting for some to think Al Gore’s has had a change of heart on Iraq. But Gore will still not delve into any of the deeper issues that influence US foreign policy. As the Bushites shift their wanton attention to Iran, Gore remains unwilling and unable to recognize one of the primary perpetrators of another war in the region: Israel.
During a talk at the Jeddah Economic Forum in Saudi Arabia last week, Al Gore pontificated about US policy in the Middle East. When pressed by the largely Saudi audience as to whether or not America’s allegiance to Israel was heightening the chance of a war on Iran, Gore remained evasive. “We can’t solve that long [Palestine/Israel] conflict in exchanges here,” he said.
In other words, he won’t go there.
Al Gore also complained of Middle Eastern countries (aside from Israel, of course) not taking the Iran nuclear threat seriously enough. “Is it only for the West to say this is dangerous?” Gore asked. “We should have more people in this region saying this is dangerous.”
Perhaps the real danger is in believing that Mr. Gore’s wishy-washy attitudes on war deserve the praise and admiration of all those who oppose the occupation of Iraq and a potential war on Iran. History is not on his side -- no matter what he conveys to his liberal audiences.
Joshua Frank edits the radical news blog www.BrickBurner.org and is the author of Left Out!: How Liberals Helped Reelect George W. Bush, published by Common Courage Press (2005). He can be reached at: BrickBurner@gmail.com.
Al Gore Prostitutes Himself in Front of the Israeli Lobby
On May 18, 2000, Al Gore delivered a speech at the 39th Annual Policy Conference of AIPAC, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. In a break with usual procedures, Gore's office refused to make copies of his speech easily available. However, an audio copy of that speech has been obtained from which the following transcript has been prepared (in some cases the spellings are phonetic and may not be fully accurate). Thanks to Middle East Realities for making this transcript available on the Internet.
May 18, 2000, Vice President Al Gore speech at the 39th Annual Policy Conference of AIPAC I can't tell you how glad I am see so many warm friends . . .To my friend, Chairman Steve Grossman ... I was going to acknowledge Jim Nicholson also ... Mel Solberg (ph), chairman of the conference of presidents of major Jewish organizations ... To Minister Natan Sharansky, my warm friend. Where are you, Natan? To my colleagues in the administration who are present, Jack Lew, director of OMB; Martin Indyk of the State Department; and John Holum of the State Department; in the White House, Leon Fuerth and Marie Echaveste and Ann Lewis; and so many other distinguished guests.. . I overlooked, in protocol order, the past presidents who are with us here. . . Bubba Mitchell (ph). .. Ed Levy (ph),. .. and Larry Wineberg (ph), my good friend.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, I am truly delighted and honored to be here tonight. I want to salute you for your love of Israel, for your energetic and enduring support of the U.S-Israel relationship and partnership, and also for coming here every year to advocate for one of the most important cornerstones of American national security, and that is a strong and stable state of Israel. We appreciate your efforts. Every so often, in the course of this historic friendship, it's good to revisit core principles. And I'd like to do that this evening.
To begin with, every American citizen is better off because we have a loyal and committed friend in the Middle East that votes with us in the United Nations more often than any other country on the face of this earth. That is a partner. That is a fellow democracy that values what we value, a strategic ally and friend that we must support with the highest level of loyalty, and we will. The committed involvement of the students here tonight really and truly represents an inspiring rebuke to the view that today's young people in America have a dwindling interest in politics and public life. You reject apathy. You reject selfishness and inwardness and indifference. So thank you for your enthusiasm and your commitment Keep it up. Remain involved. We need your voices.
We meet tonight, of course, in the jubilee year of our great friend, Israel. And I must tell you on a personal note for my wife Tipper and me, three weeks ago, the celebration of that jubilee was among the most moving moments of our lives. To sit with Prime Minister [Binyamin] Netanyahu and his wife Sara, with President [Ezer] Weizman. . . to see the house of Israel gathered. . . in Jerusalem; to have the honor and the challenge of putting into words to the people of Israel the bottomless reservoir of love and respect felt for them by the people of the United States of America and then to hear that love roared back, believe me, that was a joyous mission. It was a great honor to represent our country on that mission.
At that celebration, we were not merely celebrating that evening. We were not simply honoring the passage of 50 years. We were honoring what has been achieved in those 50 years. Israel has opened its doors to millions from the farthest reaches of the globe and gathered them into a great nation. The Jewish love of justice has built a powerful democracy. The Jewish love of courage has built a powerful military and the Jewish love of knowledge and respect for learning has turned an infant nation state into a high-tech economic power house. On this latest trip to Israel, I visited the world renowned Weizmann Institute where Boeing and two Israeli companies are working together on a tremendous solar energy project that could substantially reduce the world's use of fossil fuels. Israel is now second in the world in the number of annual high-tech startups.
One century ago, Israel was a dream. Half a century ago, Israel became a reality. Today, Israel is a miracle. We in America believed in Israel and loved Israel from the beginning. We are intensely proud that 11 minutes after David Ben-Gurion declared the new state of Israel, the United States, under the wise leadership of President Harry S Truman, became the first nation in the world to recognize Israel. And on that auspicious day was born not only one of the most enduring nations in history but also the most enduring friendship between nations in history.
Our admiration for Israel has never been greater; our commitment to Israel has never been stronger; our friendship with Israel has never been deeper; America stands by Israel now and forever. Our special relationship with Israel is unshakable; it is ironclad, eternal and absolute. It does not depend on the peace process; it transcends the peace process. Our differences are momentary, not permanent. They are about means and not ends. And let me say to my fellow citizens here in the United States, to our friends in Israel and let me say especially to the citizens of any nation who may wish Israel ill, don't you even think for one minute that any differences about this or that between the governments of the United States and Israel belie even the slightest weakening in our underlying unity of purpose or will shake our relationship in any way, shape or form.
Our commitment to the security of Israel is unconditional and this administration is acting decisively to meet that commitment. We provide more than $1 billion in annual economic assistance. We support billions of dollars in joint economic ventures that have helped to make Israel into a second Silicon Valley. We support the binational industrial and agricultural research funds that have led to billions of dollars in product sales. We are Israel's largest trading partner, exceeding $12.5 billion per year. We pushed for the end of the Arab boycott of Israel that opened markets, expanded Israel's exports, and multiplied Israel's foreign investment.
Of course, we are not only committed to Israel's economic security, we are resolutely committed to Israel's military security. We provide $1.8 billion annually in direct military assistance, including advanced aircraft like the F-15 and the F-16, to help maintain Israel's qualitative edge in military capacity. In the face of growing threats, we have worked to provide additional military assistance as needed. And we intend to increase our direct military assistance in the years to come.
To combat terrorism, we organized at Sharm el-Sheikh the first counterterrorism conference to bring together Israeli and Arab leaders. Together our researchers are developing new anti-terrorist technologies. We rushed Israel $100 million in emergency aid to respond to new threats when they emerged. We imposed sanctions on terrorist sponsors, like Iran, Libya, Sudan and others. During the recent Gulf crisis, we immediately deployed a joint task force headed by a team of senior officers to coordinate U.S. military assistance to Israel to help meet a potential threat from Iraq. And as we deployed additional U.S. troops to the Gulf, we were prepared to commit additional Patriot missiles to bolster Israel's air defenses had it become necessary.
To meet the continuing threat of Katyusha rockets, we funded and developed the tactical, high-energy laser program to provide Israel with a laser defense. To meet the growing threat of ballistic missiles, we upgraded the U.S.-Israel weapons research and development partnership to build the Arrow anti-tactical ballistic missile system. And most recently, we have worked with Congress to provide an additional $45 million to help Israel begin to build a third Arrow battery. But that's far from the full story. Let me expand for a moment on the threat of ballistic missiles. President Clinton and I consider this a matter of the utmost gravity. As many of you know... I was the author and principal sponsor of the legislation which now restricts the proliferation of ballistic missile technology. And as a member of the executive branch, I have become even more deeply involved in this issue.
I've been particularly active over the last two years as Iran has tried to develop weapons of mass destruction and longer-range ballistic missile systems capable of threatening the entire region, including Israel.
Let me assure you, the United States government at every level, from President Clinton on down, has been working diligently to block this process, cut off its oxygen and suffocate it and end it. We are working on every front to upgrade the coordination of measures to prevent the spread of dual-use technologies to countries like Iran and to counter terrorism. And I believe we are making progress in enhancing multilateral cooperation with the EU [European Union], Russia and Japan toward accomplishing our shared objective in inhibiting Iran's ability to develop weapons of mass destruction and support terrorist activity. As part of this effort, we have also intensively engaged the Russians on proliferation issues and on their plans for enforcing their own anti-proliferation policies, including when President Clinton met with President [Boris] Yeltsin at the just completed Summit of the Eight in Birmingham, England. This battle against proliferation is, of course, a very high stakes battle.
Let me say to the men and women of AIPAC who have worked so hard to make sure that Israel will never be threatened, I pledge to you here this evening that this administration will continue to use all of our resources and all our ingenuity to win this battle, and ensure the safety of Israel, and protect U.S. national interests. Just today, just today, I had the latest in a series of meetings with Minister Sharansky. And I cannot discuss the substance of our conversations, but I can tell you this: Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Clinton have authorized the two of us to carry on the most intensive, high-level discussion and close coordination possible on this subject. I can tell you that we are making progress. I can tell you that we have more work to do. I can tell you that there is no disagreement between the two of us on any of the details. There is constant consultation back and forth. And I can tell you that we are determined to prevail. We are going to take every step necessary in order to prevail.
Now, all of these efforts I have described reflect our ironclad commitment in the administration and in the United States to make sure that Israel is safe. And yet, they represent just one pillar of our effort in Israel's defense. The second pillar is the search for lasting peace with security. We embraced this search in the very first year of the Clinton-Gore administration, and our involvement has deepened over time. Remember, for example, our nation's help in bringing about the peace treaty between Israel and Jordan. I could cite many other examples over the last 5-1/2 years. This involvement deepened when Prime Minister Netanyahu invited us to help in the negotiations over the Hebron agreement when they reached an impasse. Then, after months of continuing stalemate, it deepened further when Prime Minister Netanyahu concluded that the step-by-step approach was not working fast enough and that what was needed was an accelerated approach to permanent status negotiations. Because our lines of communication are open in some places where Israel's are closed, Prime Minister Netanyahu asked the United States to use our good offices to assist Israel's search for peace with security. As the parties found it gradually harder to respond to one another, we offered ideas we hoped would continue the forward movement of the peace process. Over the past 15 months, that has been our goal.
I personally have met for many, many hours one on one with Prime Minister Netanyahu in Israel, here in the United States, in other countries, on the margins of international meetings that he and I both were attending. He is a man carrying the weight of the history of the Jewish people on his shoulders. He knows as well as anyone that an error at this time could profoundly affect the future well-being of Israel. In our conversations, I have always found the prime minister deeply concerned, not only about the security dimensions of a peace agreement, but also about the true intentions of his neighbors. Peace on paper is not the same as peace in ones heart.
The prime minister wants to know that his neighbors are truly seeking peace, and not just a strategic foothold. The United States shares these concerns, particularly when Chairman [Yasir] Arafat makes public statements that seem to undercut his signed commitments to peace. He cannot say one thing to the world and another thing to his own people. He must speak to his people ... He must speak to his people in consistent and unambiguous terms about the permanent nature of the peace he is trying to reach and declare a clear and unequivocal acceptance of the state of Israel. The United States believes there is one authentic way for Israel's neighbors to prove their commitment to peace: fight terrorism. And that is why, in our approach to Chairman Arafat, we have been insisting strenuously that he owes this process a 100 percent attack on terrorism, 100 percent of the time, 24 hours a day, seven days a week, 365 days a year and not one second less. It is essential. There is some cause for encouragement in the fact that over the past two months Chairman Arafat has taken steps to uproot the Hamas terrorist network and its terrorist infrastructure. Clearly these actions against terrorists are long overdue, but still they are positive developments, and we will keep urging him on in what he has begun. Ultimately, the prospects for peace rests on the answer to one question: Will Arab nations and peoples finally accept Israel as a neighbor? In my conversations with Chairman Arafat, with Crown Prince Abdullah in Saudi Arabia, and with President [Hosni] Mubarak in Egypt, and with others during previous visits, we discussed this issue. One can never dismiss the effect of decades of organized national hatred directed against Israel. But neither should we dismiss out of hand, the possibility that another attitude may have begun to take root. An attitude that favors ending this conflict in order to get on with the tasks of the future. I have sensed this attitude in my discussions with King Hussein and others in Jordan. And there is evidence of its existence elsewhere. If this new attitude does really exist, it needs encouragement. Otherwise, it could vanish.
That, my friends, is what accounts for our efforts to urge the parties in these talks to work hard for success. This is an important matter. We are offering the best counsel we can to help find a breakthrough and help bring the parties to final talks. But through all of this there is one constant: The United States has an absolute, uncompromising commitment to Israel's security and an absolute conviction that Israel alone must decide the steps necessary to ensure that security. That is Israel's prerogative. We accept that. We endorse that. Whatever Israel decides cannot, will not, will never, not ever alter our fundamental commitment to her security.
In addition, I know many of you have expressed concern about the establishment of a Palestinian state. Let me make clear our position, which has not changed. First, the question of the status of the West Bank and Gaza is an extremely complex issue which Israel and the Palestinians have agreed should be discussed and resolved by direct negotiations. Second, this issue, like the other issues reserved for permanent status talks, can only be settled through negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.
Finally, it is our view that unilateral actions and statements by the parties concerning these issues are not helpful to the environment necessary for making peace.
Now, I began these remarks speaking of our country's affection for Israel. Let me now say a words about my own personal feelings about Israel. I was born in 1948, and when I was growing up watching world events, I saw in Israel a democracy surrounded by enemies, threatened with extinction, fighting for existence, sharing our values and my Bible. I identified closely with the struggle of the Israelis as one naturally identifies with people of courage, intelligence and determination who are committed to stand up to injustice, but have so many times been cut down by injustice.
It is difficult for anyone who does not live in Israel and who has not directly experienced the suffering to understand what it means to a people who have formed a nation in the wake of the horrific events of World War II to then see innocents become victims of terrorism. We know from whence comes this commitment to justice, grounded in an appreciation of the divine. This is the sacred principle that brings us here and binds us together. The bond I feel with this group and with the American Jewish community springs from this. It is tsedek, tsedek that we pursue together. And because we are committed to justice, we believe it is just that Israel exists and flourishes.
Earlier I talked about first principles, our friendship with Israel; our common values; the fact that Israel is a democracy; an ally, loyal and faithful in the United Nations votes and elsewhere. But there is another principle involved. I believe, and the people of the United States of America believe, that when a people endure over 40 centuries suffering, enslavement by the pharaohs, wanderings in Canaan, destruction in Judah, captivity in Babylon, oppression by the Romans, expulsion again, persecutions and sufferings and pogroms, culminating in the unspeakably horrific frenzy of evil at the hands of the Nazis, justice demands for them a home, demands for them a state . . . demands for them security, peace with security, enduring.
The people of Israel deserve a future that is as bright as their own brilliance, a land secure and impenetrable, the right to feel secure in their own nation, the right to be safe on their own streets, the right to live in peace with security. In closing, I pledge to you tonight with my whole heart that the United States of America will stand with Israel forever, to make real the dream of justice, peace and security for its sons and its daughters. May God bless, Medinat Yisrael [Greater Israel. Ed.], may God bless the friends of Israel, may God bless the peacemakers.
Reproduced from: http://www.middleeast.org/archives/7-00-6.htm
Vice
President Al Gore AIPAC
Sunday, May 23, 1999 (As Prepared)
It is an honor and a privilege to return to AIPAC again this year. I especially want to salute the college students here tonight. You are not just the leaders of tomorrow. You are the leaders of today. You have the energy, courage, and force of spirit it takes to make noise, make news, and make a difference. Your enthusiasm is a bright sign of hope for the future.
I welcome the chance to be among so many people whose vision and values I share. As you all know, I first came to Congress more than twenty-two years ago representing a district in the middle of Tennessee that had virtually no Jewish community at all. That meant, of course, that on legislation relating to Israel I had very little input from my own constituents. I just voted my instincts. I voted my conscience. I voted the national security interests of the United States.
I soon found that my instincts and my conscience and my sense of America's national security needs put me in alliance with all of you. Our shared commitment to a strong America and a strong Israel, to religious liberties and civil rights, to a progressive immigration policy and a humane social safety net -- all these caused my acquaintance with the American Jewish community to grow into a strong relationship that has now flowered into deep friendship.
I share your love for Israel, your energetic, enduring support of the U.S. -Israel partnership, and I salute you for coming here to Washington every year to advocate for one of the key cornerstones of America's national security -- a strong, secure, peaceful and prosperous state of Israel.
We meet tonight in the aftermath of a brilliant and vibrant display of democracy in Israel. Israel has always lived on the edge of adversity and on the edge of urgency. Societies that are forced into such circumstances do not ordinarily make resilient democracies.
So, it is yet another one of the miracles of Israel -- yes, I still believe in miracles, the miracle of faith, the miracle of the imagination, the miracle of solidarity, the miracle of dedication --- It is one of the miracles of Israel that it was born a democracy and that it has remained a democracy, Israel was born in the second springtime of nations, the period following World War 11 when many countries achieved independence and their peoples aspired to democracy.
Democracies are still too rare in our world, and they deserve support. They do not deserve carping, quibbling support, but support that is confident and full -throated and open. That is what Israel deserves, and it is not what Israel often receives. It is true that Israel now does have a good number of fair -weather friends. But what it needs is foul-weather friends. America is a foul -weather friend of Israel.
The United States is proud to stand up -- even if we are the only one to stand up -- against the Israel-bashing that often goes on at the U.N. and other international forums. During 50 years in the U.N., Israel has never been elected as an ordinary member of the Security Council. And it never will be elected unless and until it is accepted to membership in one of the constituent regional groupings where nominations originate. No other country in the U.N. is so disenfranchised as Israel. It is time for both the fixation on Israel and the disregard of Israel to be ended, and I will work to end them.
I am proud to tell you that we will work diligently to halt the meeting of the Fourth Geneva Convention proposed for July 15. This conference is a badly disguised attempt to single out Israel for criticism. If this conference takes place, it will do so in spite of our objections and without our participation. America will boycott it, and we will urge others to do the same.
Last Monday, a few hours after the polls in Israel closed, I called my good friend Benjamin Netanyahu. I thanked him for the immensely gracious statement that he made Monday night. It is a measure of his deep love of country that he would come forward with such a conciliatory, unifying statement at what was undoubtedly a deeply difficult personal moment.
I thanked the Prime Minister for his leadership of Israel over the past three years, for the tough and honest exchange we have always shared -- whether talking in Israel, at international meetings, or at the Wye Summit last October. I also told him I will never forget the personal hospitality Tipper and I received from him and Sara when we represented America last year at the celebration of Israel's fiftieth birthday. Prime Minister Netanyahu is a friend of mine and a friend of America's, and he will always remain so.
I also called and congratulated Prime Minister-elect Ehud Barak. We all know the heroic military career of General Barak. He is the most highly decorated officer in Israeli history. And he is also someone who has been keenly involved in efforts to bring peace.
As Chief of the General Staff and Lt. General, the highest rank in the Israeli military, General Barak played a central role in finalizing the peace agreement with Jordan in 1994. He also oversaw the IDF's withdrawal in the Gaza strip and in Jericho. His remarkable record in defense of Israel's security makes him an immensely credible voice in support of peace.
We have a great deal of confidence in Prime Minister-elect Barak, and our work with the new Israeli government will proceed from the same principles that have always governed our relations. Our special relationship with Israel is unshakeable. It is ironclad, eternal and absolute. That is not a theory, a proposition, or a preference; it is a core principle of American foreign policy. The United States will never allow Israel's security to be threatened.
That is why the United States provides more than $1.8 billion annually in direct military assistance. We are prepared to do what is necessary to make sure Israel maintains its qualitative military edge. That is an essential, non -negotiable component of both Israeli and American security.
We also are committed to blocking Iraqi efforts to acquire weapons of mass destruction. We are determined to continue sanctions against Baghdad until it meets its commitments to the international community. And we will continue working toward the day where Iraq has a government that is worthy of its people -- one that seeks peace with all its neighbors, including Israel.
We have also long been concerned with Iran's efforts to acquire sensitive technology. As you know, I have pressed this issue repeatedly at the highest levels of the Russian government -- including in two meetings over the last several months with then-Russian Prime Minister Primakov. Let me add also that I have already initiated a dialogue with the new Russian Prime Minister Sergey Stepashin. Back in March of this year, our two sides developed a plan that could create a credible foundation for ending cooperation between Russian aerospace entities and Iran's missile program. They know the stakes. We must see a solid track record on missile nonproliferation if there are to be prospects for vigorously expanding commercial space cooperation. We are waiting for their response.
At the same time, we are committed to other approaches to safeguarding Israel's security. That is why we are working with Israel to develop the Arrow missile system and exploring opportunities for additional cooperation in ballistic missile defense.
Ultimately, however, we believe that Israel's qualitative military edge is only one component of national security. Another essential component is a durable regional peace with security that respects the interests of all parties. Let me say tonight, as the President and I have said many times before: we are one hundred percent committed to standing by Israel each and every time she is willing to take risks for peace.
That is why we are calling for a $1.2 billion supplemental appropriation to fund additional security assistance for Israel -- together with additional assistance for Palestinians and Jordanians -- to help implement the agreement reached at the Wye Summit. I am delighted to note the $100 million supplemental in support for Jordan that passed the Congress this past week. We are eager to do what we can to lift the burdens on King Abdullah, and help him fulfill the peaceful destiny envisioned by his father, King Hussein.
In the coming months -- as we work to complete the implementation of agreements made at Wye and begin accelerated permanent status talks -- there will be new movement in the peace process. There is reason for optimism. I believe that Israel, most of the Arab states, and most of the Palestinians are ready for the kind of hard but mutual steps that make for peace. We all felt satisfaction and pride last December when President Clinton witnessed in Gaza the Palestinian action to repeat language in their Charter that called for the destruction of Israel.
Still, we must be clear-eyed about the challenges and the barriers ahead. We in the United States remain committed to the following principles: the Palestinian people must be able to determine their own future. They must be able to live freely and in safety...
At the same time, Israel must have defined and secure borders. Israel must live free from the fear of terror. (There is no peace, without freedom from that fear). And Israel must make her own decisions on her security -- because it is Israel who will live with the consequences of those decisions. Any approach that doesn't observe these principles will simply not work.
Let me also state the U.S. position on one especially important issue. We know that many of you are concerned about recent talk of U.N. Security Council Resolution 181. Let me be clear: The outcomes of the peace process must be determined by negotiation alone, and the only bases for Israeli-Palestinian negotiations are the terms of reference defined in Madrid and the Oslo agreement, U.N. Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, and the principle of land for peace. We urge our Palestinian friends to continue negotiations on the basis of 242 and 338, which have been the foundation of all the progress we have made until now.
There will be trying times ahead in the peace process. Many will argue from history that longstanding hostilities between peoples can never be overcome. But that argument must not end our efforts, it must intensify our efforts -- for longstanding hostilities are merely evidence that peace is difficult, not proof that peace is impossible.
In the 21st century, as the world gets smaller, communication faster, countries more diverse -- peace, more than ever, will require an end to ethnic hatred.
As we sit here tonight, a million or more Kosovars are exiled, homeless, or dead at the hands of Slobodan Milosevic. This is a dramatic and historic challenge, not just to the Kosovars or the nations of NATO, but to the world. Milosevic is challenging us to prove -- at the close of this century -- that the hideous hatred of the Holocaust unleashed in the middle of this century has left us with the wisdom and resolve we need to rise up and resist this campaign of murder, terror, and ethnic expulsion.
America has consecrated a sacred space on our National Mall as an eternal reminder of the horror of the Holocaust. Those who have visited the Holocaust Museum -- or Yad Vashem, or Bergen Belsen, Auschwitz, Dachau -- and absorbed their horrific lessons, know that our efforts to memorialize these millions are not just to remember the ruins of our past, but to recognize their warnings for our future.
So when the last Communist dictator in Europe strips a region of its autonomy, disbands parliament, fires thousands of ethnic Albanian police; closes Albanian -language schools, dismisses thousands of ethnic Albanian workers -- replacing them with Serbs; then launches an assault to murder, terrorize, and expel ethnic Albanians from their homes -- and we find ourselves with the physical means to act and military allies to rally -- we must respond. If we have learned any lesson from the Holocaust, we must respond.
Let me be clear: Milosevic's campaign of ethnic cleansing is not comparable to the horrors of the Nazi Holocaust. But it is an appalling act of human viciousness and cruelty on a scale unseen in Europe for half a century. It is a moral challenge to anyone who has ever grieved over the world's inaction in the face of the Holocaust.
Let me take you back to the eloquent words of Elie Wiesel, delivered in December of 1986, as he accepted the Nobel Prize for Peace. "I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented."
Last month at the White House, Elie Wiesel spoke again on the tragic human indifference that made possible the horror of the Holocaust. At the close of his remarks, he said of our action in Kosovo: "This time the world was not silent."
We will not be silent. Milosevic must withdraw all his forces from Kosovo, allow all Kosovars to return home with security and autonomy, and accept an international security presence with NATO at its core to protect returning refugees.
Every one of us in this hall tonight -- and I include myself in this number -- as we see the awful images from Kosovo, or the tragedy at Littleton, and the hatred of race or religion that, in part, gave rise to it, we must all recommit ourselves to Tikkun Olam -- the healing and repairing of the world.
If we are to heal and repair the world .... if we are to win a peaceful and prosperous future for our children and grandchildren -- it must come, in great part, from the large hearts and ideals of the people of the United States and the people of Israel. We are nourished by the same spiritual roots, inspired by the same faith in freedom. We are knitted to the soul of each other -- a blood bond of peoples who refuse to set foot in a future that is unaffected and unimproved by our experience of the past.
Thank you for your vibrant and enduring practice of democracy, thank you for your devotion to freedom and justice, thank you for your commitment to the State of Israel -- a nation whose history stands as a worldwide sign and symbol that evil can hurt and injure, can wound and damage -- but can never destroy what is good, and right, and true in the world.
May God bless Medinat Yisrael May God bless the friends of Israel. May God bless the peacemakers.
(End text)