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ANARCHISM
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5
NATIONAL-ANARCHISM
TROY
SOUTHGATE: TRANSCENDING
THE BEYOND FROM THIRD POSITION TO NATIONAL-ANARCHISM
NATIONAL-ANARCHISM:
BEYOND THE FASCISM OF THE RIGHT AND THE DOGMATISM OF THE LEFT
Anarchy-Fascism By Bernardo Sena
BLACK
CROWN & BLACK ROSE - Anarcho-Monarchism & Anarcho-Mysticism
TROY
SOUTHGATE:
TRANSCENDING
THE BEYOND
FROM THIRD POSITION TO NATIONAL-ANARCHISM
Man’s obsession
with trinitarian concepts has lasted for thousands of years. Indeed, when
presented with two distinct choices - both of which are considered inadequate -
we often look for a third alternative. In the late sixth century BC, the famous
Buddhist sage, Prince Gautama, rejected a life of opulent complacency and
experimented with self-disciple and denial. Consequently, after driving himself
to the very brink of starvation the Prince realised that there was ‘a middle
way’ beyond both luxury and asceticism. In this case, it was the path of
meditation and detachment, a process in which both lifestyles were transcended
and overcome.
An interesting parallel can be drawn between the example of Gautama’s
rejection of hereditary privilege and the search for an alternative to
Capitalism during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. The
‘solution’, as we know only too well, was Communism. In fact the last
century may be rightly perceived as having been a furious historical
battleground for two highly adversarial and bitterly-opposed ideologies. But as
Hilaire Belloc observed in The Restoration of Property over sixty years ago, the
differences between the two are not as distinct or clear-cut as their supporters
often like to contend: ‘The only economic difference between a herd of
subservient Russians and a mob of free Englishmen pouring into a factory of a
morning is that the latter are exploited by private profit, the former by the
State in communal fashion. The motive of the Russian masters is to establish a
comfortable bureaucracy for themselves and their friends out of the proletariat
labour. The motive of the English masters is to increase their private fortunes
out of proletariat labour. But we want something different from either’. Thus
Communism is considered, not as the antidote, but as a symptom and a product of
Capitalism. Belloc’s own quest for a genuine alternative to both Capitalism
and Communism was represented by The Distributist League, which he founded in
1936 with G.K. Chesterton. Both were famous converts to Catholicism and were
inspired by Rerum Novarum, a timely encyclical in which Pope Leo XIII replied to
the challenge of atheistic Communism by proposing that property be distributed
more fairly and workers treated with more dignity. As we shall see below, Belloc
and Chesterton were to become two of the chief ideologues of the new Third
Position.
By the late-1970s Britain’s largest Far Right organisation, the National Front
(NF), had experienced an unprecedented growth spurt. Virtually indistinguishable
from the more mainstream Conservative Party in that it defended family values,
law and order, capital punishment and several other Right-wing policies, the NF
became a household name due to its opposition to multi-racialism and support for
the compulsory repatriation of all non-white immigrants. By 1979, however, the
Party was heavily defeated at the ballot box after Margaret Thatcher had herself
expressed one or two outspoken comments about the growing immigration problem.
As a result, most NF supporters left for the comparatively less extreme realms
of the Centre Right, although, predictably, Mrs. Thatcher’s pledge to tighten
up on immigration was never practicably consolidated. From that point onwards
the NF went through a period of factionalism, as the complicated mish-mash of
ideologies which for so long had marched beneath the same banner now resulted in
a bitter struggle between reactionary conservatives, blatant neo-nazis and
revolutionaries. NF luminaries like Martin Webster and John Tyndall were ousted
from the Party in the early-1980s, clearing the way for a new up-and-coming
generation of young activists; men like Derek Holland, Nick Griffin, Patrick
Harrington and Graham Williamson. These individuals had been motivated by
‘third way’ organisations abroad, not least by Italy’s Terza Pozitione
(Third Position) and the exiled Roberto Fiore. The strategy of tension - Anno di
Piombo - which had characterised Italian politics during the 1970s had led to
the development of the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (Armed Revolutionary Nuclei),
and demonstrators had been seen on the streets bearing placards in simultaneous
praise of both Hitler and Mao. Many NF members had also been inspired by Otto
Strasser, a former member of the German National-Socialist Workers Party who had
fought with Hitler over the latter’s betrayal of the NSDAP’s more
socialistic tenets. So, for the NF, this was to be a new era for revolutionary
politics. One in which the boundaries of ‘left’ and ‘right’ were to be
totally rejected and redefined.
In 1983 the British NF began to publish a series of revolutionary magazines,
entitled Rising: Booklet For The Political Soldier, in which detailed articles
were given over to the twin concepts of political sacrifice and struggle.
Meanwhile, Derek Holland’s pamphlet, The Political Soldier, inspired yet
another generation of new activists and was heavily influenced by the Italian
philosopher Julius Evola. By 1986 the NF claimed to have finally purged its
ranks of ‘Tories’ and ‘reactionaries’ and, much to the chagrin of the
traditional Left, was soon forging alliances with Black separatist organisations
like Louis Farrakhan’s Nation of Islam and commending the ‘third way’
stance of Khomeini’s Iran. Indeed, whilst the works of Belloc and Chesterton
were used to provide the NF with a unique economic platform, the organisation
was also advocating Popular Rule, an interesting socio-political theory in which
the structure of British society would become so decentralised that it would
come to resemble that of Colonel Qathafi’s Libya. Not culturally, but in terms
of establishing street, area and regional committees through which power could
be decisively channelled up from the grass roots. This, of course, was in stark
contrast to the NF’s former dependence upon the electoral voting system. The
NF, in awe of its Libyan counterparts, was now distributing copies of
Qathafi’s Green Book and happily chanting the mantra ‘no representation
without participation’. As a consequence, therefore, the NF’s rejection of
the ballot box confirmed its inevitable admittance into the revolutionary domain
of extra-parliamentary politics. The movement went on to express its support for
regional independence, European solidarity, positive anti-racism and
co-operation with Black and Asian communities residing in England.
These were exciting times for supporters of Revolutionary Nationalism, but the
personality clashes which tend to prevail in all political circles eventually
tore the organisation apart during the Autumn of 1989. On one side were gathered
the supporters of Derek Holland, Colin Todd, Nick Griffin and Roberto Fiore, all
of whom were involved in the establishment of a new rural project in northern
France. On the other were Patrick Harrington, Graham Williamson and David Kerr,
who believed that the administrative core of the organisation should remain in
the British Isles. Holland, Todd, Griffin and Fiore all left to form the
International Third Position (ITP), whilst Harrington and the remaining
supporters of the NF disbanded the movement in March 1990 and formed Third Way.
But for those who believed that the revolutionary dynamism of the late-1980s
could somehow be recreated, it was to end in disappointment and dejection. Third
Way became far more conservative by supporting anti-federalist and ‘save the
pound’ campaigns, now portraying itself as ‘the radical centre’. The ITP,
on the other hand, tried to influence traditional Catholics grouped around The
Society of St. Pius X, and - to the horror of the overwhelming majority of its
membership - took the disastrous road towards reactionary fascism. So whilst one
segment of the old NF had become ‘respectable’ and centrist, the leaders of
the other were espousing the principles of Mussolini, Petain and Franco. For the
ITP, the inevitable spilt came in September 1992.
By this time I had been personally involved with the NF - and, consequently, the
ITP - since joining as a teenager in 1984. Throughout those years I had served
as Regional Organiser with both Sussex NF and the Tunbridge Wells branch of the
ITP, publishing magazines such as The Kent Crusader, Surrey Action, Eastern
Legion and Catholic Action. Combined with Northern Rising (published by the
ITP’s Yorkshire and Lancashire branches), these publications comprised
five-fifths of the organisation’s literary output. When the ITP virtually
disintegrated in 1992, these magazines all withdrew their support. The ITP,
meanwhile, was left with Final Conflict, comprising a mixture of skinhead youth
culture and Christian bigotry.
The split occurred for a variety of reasons, most notably the fact that the ITP
had rejected the internal cadre structure which had been used to such great
effect during the NF period. Coupled with the fact that Derek Holland and
several others had left the country and were now completely disinterested in the
Third Positionist struggle in England, Roberto Fiore was attacked by myself and
many others for his involvement in a ruthlessly Capitalist enterprise which
operated from Central London. Several outgoing ITP activists also accused
Holland and Fiore of stealing many thousands of pounds they had invested in
property based within the group’s rural enclave in northern France. But the
most decisive factor of all, however, was the ITP leadership’s increasing
obsession with Catholicism and its gradual descent into the reactionary waters
of neo-fascism.
From the tattered remains of the ITP came a new independence organisation, the
English Nationalist Movement (ENM). New attempts were made to restate the
principles of the Third Position, and ENM publications like The Crusader and
Catalyst attacked both Hitler and Mussolini and preferred to emulate home-grown
English socialists like Robert Owen, William Cobbett, Robert Blatchford and
William Morris. This was combined with a call to arms. The ENM also campaigned
against Unionism, advocating the break-up of the British Isles into seven
distinct nations: England, Scotland, Wales, Ulster, Ireland, Mannin (Isle of
Man) and Kernow (Cornwall). Meanwhile, its publishing service, The Rising Press,
distributed booklets and pamphlets covering a whole range of topics, including
works by Otto and Gregor Strasser, Corneliu Codreanu and Colonel Qathafi.
In 1998 the ENM changed its name to the National Revolutionary Faction and began
to call for armed insurrection against the British State in even stronger terms.
A series of detailed pamphlets and internal bulletins were disseminated amongst
Nationalists across the length and breadth of the country, seeking to end the
British National Party’s (BNP) obsession with marches and elections. The
revamped organisation also forged contacts with like-minded Third Positionist
groups abroad, such as Nouvelle Resistance (France), the American Front,
Spartacus (Canada), the Canadian Front, Alternativa Europea (Spain), National
Destiny (New Zealand), Devenir (Belgium), Rivolta (Italy), Free Nationalists
(Germany) and the National Bolshevik Party (Russia). National Bolshevism is a
concept which seeks to establish an alliance between East and West, and has been
around for many years. Its earliest supporters were men like Arthur Moeller van
den Bruck and Ernst Junger, both of whom tried desperately to unite Germany with
Russia. National Bolshevism today is mainly associated with the contemporary
Russian thinker, Alexander Dugin, and has become one of the NRF’s main
interests. Not least because the NRF supports the creation of a decentralised
Eurasian bloc in defiance of American hegemony.
In recent years the NRF has rejected Third Positionism and now describes itself
as a National-Anarchist movement. In other words, whilst Third Positionists are
committed to going beyond Capitalism and Communism, National-Anarchists have
taken things one step further by actually transcending the very notion of
beyond. According to the well-known Anarchist thinker, Hakim Bey, writing in
Millennium (1996): "Five years ago it still remained possible to occupy a
third position in the world, a neither/nor of refusal or slyness, a realm
outside the dialectic". He goes on to suggest that "Where there is no
second, no opposition, there can be no third, no neither/nor. So the choice
remains: either we accept ourselves as the ‘last humans’, or else we accept
ourselves as the opposition." This has led the NRF to praise Anarchist
thinkers like Bakunin and Proudhon, as well as to reject the concept of the
State and call for independent enclaves "in which National-Anarchists can
live according to their own principles and ideals". National-Anarchists
also declare that even after the demise of Capitalism they neither hope nor
desire to establish a national infrastructure, believing that like-minded and
pragmatic individuals must set up and maintain organic communities of their own
choosing. This, of course, means that whilst the NRF retains its vision of
Natural Order and racial separatism it no longer wishes to impose its beliefs on
others. The group has also been involved in ecological campaigns,
anti-Capitalist demonstrations and animal liberation circles.
The NRF has also been heavily influenced by Alternative Green, a group set up in
the wake of Richard Hunt’s resignation as Editor from the leftist newspaper,
Green Anarchist. Hunt’s unique economic analysis of the Western core’s
exploitation of the Third World periphery, as well as his wholesale rejection of
the division of labour, has led to an open-minded alliance between Alternative
Green, the NRF, Nationale-Anarchie (German National-Anarchists), the Wessex
Regionalists, Oriflamme (medievalists), Albion Awake (a Christian-Anarchist
organisation), the Anarchic Movement (influenced by both Junger and Evola) and
various other political groupuscles which all firmly believe that opponents of
Capitalism from across the board must come together in order to exchange ideas
and strategies. In May 2000 these elements staged the first Anarchist
Heretics’ Fair in Brighton, launching a new political initiative called Beyond
Left-Right. This has since been attacked by a variety of
‘anarcho-dogmatists’ on the Left, including the International Workers of the
World (IWW) and Anti-Fascist Action (AFA). To date, however, neither of these
organisations has attempted to explain precisely why the NRF or its allies
deserve the ‘fascist’ epithet or deserve their threats of violence and
intimidation. Furthermore, fewer still have tried to define the actual meaning
of ‘fascism’ itself.
Given that ideologies such as National-Socialism, National Communism and
National Bolshevism have each attempted to combine two seemingly diverse and
contradictory opposites, the arrival of National-Anarchism always seemed
inevitable. But what distinguishes the NRF from its counterparts within the
prevailing left-right spectrum, however, is the fact that it is seeking to
create a synthesis.
Indeed, Synthesis is the name of a new online magazine established by the Cercle
de la Rose Noire, through which NRF thinkers, Evolians and prominent ex-members
of the now defunct White Order of Thule (WOT) are promoting the three-fold
strategy of ‘Anarchy’, ‘Occulture’ and ‘Metapolitics’. The
Circle’s website,http://obsidian-blade.com/synthesis,
has presented National-Anarchists with an esoteric perspective, becoming a huge
counter-cultural resource from which articles, essays, poetry, interviews and
reviews can be easy obtained.
The similarities between the strategy of National-Anarchism and the triadic
analysis of the famous German philosopher, Georg Friedrich Hegel, are
tremendous. Hegel believed that when confronted with the ineffectiveness of a
thought or affirmation (thesis) and its subsequent negation (antithesis), the
result is a yet further negation as the two original precepts are united and
thus resolved at a much higher level (synthesis). Once this process takes place,
the synthesis itself can then be negated by another antithesis, until the
arrival of a second synthesis starts the whole process over again. This brings
us back to our long and repeated flirtations with trinitarianism. When
considered from this perspective, National-Anarchism appears to be the next
logical next towards the raising of
mankind’s spiritual and intellectual consciousness.
TROY SOUTHGATE FOR
PRAVDA.RU
Troy South gate is an editor of the SYNTHESIS, an intellectual and cultural
journal devoted to Anarchy, Occulture and Metapolitics. He contributed this
article to Pravda.ru.
NATIONAL-ANARCHISM:
BEYOND THE FASCISM OF THE
RIGHT AND THE DOGMATISM OF THE LEFT
IN
April 2000 a unique debate was launched on the Internet as a means of
introducing the ideas of National-Anarchism to the world for the very first
time. The news was greeted with typical hysteria by those on both the Right
and Left of the political spectrum. Indeed, whilst the former described us as
'an alliance of homosexuals and satanists' the latter insinuated that we are
'neo-nazis' and 'homophobes'. Thus we find ourselves denounced by the dogmatic
Left-Anarchists of the IWW and Freedom Press on the one hand, and reactionary
fascists like the British National Party and International Third Position on
the other. The following question and answer format should help dispel the
myths surrounding the whole ethos of National-Anarchism: A liberating and
revolutionary force for anti-Capitalism in the twenty-first century.
Q. Why
'national' anarchism? Surely nationalism is incompatible with anarchic
principles?
A.
National-Anarchists do not support nationalism in the sense that we look to
artificial nation-states or borders and boundaries. In a realistic sense we
are Indo-Europeans and therefore part of an ethnic heritage that includes not
only Europe itself but also countries like Iran, Afghanistan, India and Tibet.
Therefore we base our 'national' outlook on a much broader framework, not on
the limited parochial attitudes of nineteenth-century imperialism. When we
speak of nationhood we are referring to its tribal and organic implications.
Q. So
do you support some kind of Eurasian superstate?
A.
No. We firmly believe in political, social and economic decentralisation. In
other words, we wish to see a positive downward trend whereby all bureaucratic
concepts such as the UN, NATO, the EU, the World Bank and even nation-states
like England and Germany are eradicated and consequently replaced by
autonomous village-communities.
Q. Are
National-Anarchists racist?
A.
Certainly not. On the contrary, our vision is based upon the realities of
self-determination for all peoples and not on mindless racial hatred towards
others. Furthermore, we do not subscribe to a supremacist agenda or wish to
enforce our worldview on others. National-Anarchists are racial separatists
and wish to build links with like-minded individuals and organisations
regardless of their racial or ethnic background. This is part of our plan to
re-establish the Natural Order, of which humanity is an essential part.
Q.
Natural Order? But surely this is a man-made concept devised by those with a
given point of view?
A.
Natural Order is not a half-baked political or theological manifesto like
those conceived by Christian theologians such as Augustine and Aquinas,
indeed, it relates to the fields of ecological and environmental preservation.
Racial miscegenation, for example, is viewed by National-Anarchists as
something which runs contrary to nature. Similarly, we regard issues like
human cloning, euthanasia, homosexuality, genetically-modified foodstuffs,
vivisection and abortion in the same way.
Q. So
do you plan to outlaw mixed-race relationships, homosexuality and abortion?
A.
Not at all. These are issues which must be decided by those concerned,
although we do remain adament that such practices remain outside of our own
naturally-based Anarchic communities.
Q. But
what if people disagree with your ideas?
A.
Fine. We have no problem with that. As long as they do not prevent us from
occupying our own space and land in which to live according to our own
principles and beliefs. Those who attempt to interfere with our way of life or
prevent us from realising our distinct vision based upon Natural Order are
nothing short of fascistic and authoritarian. We do not wish to persecute
others or bend them to our will. Let them found their own communities.
Q. How
do National-Anarchists intend to pursue their objectives?
A.
In years to come the Capitalist System will begin to disintegrate in the way
that the Roman Empire planted the seeds of its own destruction by initiating a
policy of gradual expansionism and the control of the periphery. Therefore we
must hasten its demise by encouraging revolution on the periphery and, thus,
depriving the urban centres of their resources. Once we enpower the exploited
peoples in the so-called Third World, we can finally cut off the tentacles of
Capitalism one by one until the very cores of political and economic power are
completely eradicated. Destroy from within and create from without, that is
the solution.
Q. The
centres of power are mainly in Europe and North America, so what will become
of the West?
A.
Who cares! The whole concept of Western civilisation has been built on
exploitation and greed. Moreover, it is an historical progression which has
taken mankind away from its natural state and led to the enrichment of the few
at the expense of the many.
Q. But
surely this process will lead to technological regression?
A.
Of course. National-Anarchists are not opposed to technology per se -
or at least those forms which do not harm the environment - but it remains a
fact that once the internationalist system begins to wither away and people
start to return to a more natural lifestyle, the factories will stand idle and
therefore nobody will be on hand to produce computers, televisions and other
such items. People will be forced to live without cars and supermarkets, chat
shows and telephones, vibrators and central heating. Eventually this will lead
to a more leisurely way of life, quite simply because hunter-gatherers work on
average something like two hours a day in order to satisfy their basic needs.
Q. What
is the way forward for National-Anarchists?
A. We will continue
to forge useful links between all opponents of Big Business and globalisation,
in the hope that eventually we will become one of the movers and shapers of
the developing anti-Capitalist movement. So in this regard we extend
the hand of friendship and co-operation to all like-minded peoples both in
Europe and around the world.
Anarchy-Fascism
By
Bernardo Sena
Many would question
the merger between both ideologies but in reality both Fascism and Anarchy are
extreme social philosophies which are technically for the same ideals in life.
Anarchy - A
non-political platform which derives from the "individual against the point
of authority" idea. Initially it is a philosophy which supports violence
against those in power in order to achieve a peaceful existence in which
individual man can live in free will and without the restraint of social laws or
order. Anarchy can work well if adopted in the proper way. It is a good doctrine
for individuals who wish to live in a spiritually evolved state of Nature. But
this will only be achieved once complete chaos an destruction ensues from lack
of authority, which inadvertently would be the typical state of Nature put forth
by Thomas Hobbes in which everyone having no restrictions upon them would
ignorantly use their natural freedom for their own benefit in which to murder,
steal and so forth. Therefore it is through natural selection in which only the
intelligent minority would survive in such a state of Nature provided by
Anarchy. And it is through this complicated and undesirable manner in which
society could achieve a better form of life without the ignorant masses which
would be easily done away without due to Darwin's theory of "survival of
the fittest".
Fascism - A
philosophical and realistic perspective to society in which the majority are
considered ignorant and thus must be either overthrown or controlled in a
ruthless manner so as to preserve the further evolution of intelligence within
the state and the progress of said state. Unlike other ideologies, Fascism is a
more brutal and ruthless form in which extreme order has to be maintained and
respected in order for everyone to live peacefully and regulated according to
their acceptance of living under the conditional laws of the Fascist state. This
is another example of Thomas Hobbes' reasoning who explains that in order to
survive outside of a state of Nature whereupon any individual may kill or rob
you, you may give up certain unreasonable and non-important liberties in order
to gain security and prosperity. Fascism unlike Anarchy believes in strict
regulation and preservation of its people so as the there is nothing against or
outside the state that will lead to its downfall. This of course in terms of
Fascism is the belief that the intelligent individuals who accept the Fascist
rule will evolve and become more enlightened through this authority and thus
acquire further acknowledgement of their life. Fascism forces the segregation
between the intelligent from the malignant ignorant. And it is only through
Fascism in which the ignorant can be "schooled" to understand and gain
more knowledge rather than waste their lives away in utter freedom in which they
abuse their powers.
Anarcho-Fascism
- A form of Fascism in which the individual believes that only when complete
Anarchy has taken place then a more Utopian society can be achieved with the
remaining strong survivors. Thus once chaos has overtaken society the
intelligent and strong-willed can combine forces to create a decent and powerful
Fascist state.
Fasco-Anarchism
- A form of Anarchy which is followed by Anarchists who support Fascist practice
in order to achieve their chosen state of Nature. When Fascism has taken hold of
the ignorance of the majority and regulated society, only then will the
Anarchists who wish to truly live under their own terms have the liberty to
leave the state and live within their state of Nature without the hindrance of a
mass onslaught of chaos which would normally follow an Anarchist revolution.
This is a more peaceful and agreeable alternative which would be a peaceful
co-existence.
Anarcho-Fascism and
Fasco-Anarchism are
the merger between both extreme radical ideologies who are unbelievably the
closest to each other than any other political ideology. People compare Fascism
more closely to National Socialism as well as Anarchy to Socialism or Communism.
If anything these are completely at fault in regards to the specific essence of
both Fascist and Anarchist ideologies. Unlike Nazism, Communism and Socialism,
Fascism and Anarchy aren't at all political. If anything Anarchy and Fascism are
more of a social doctrine or philosophy for life seeing as they both reject
politics. Thus those supposed "anarchists" and "fascists"
who voice their opinions and ideas today yet have complete disregard for the
true facts behind both ideologies not only defame the original platform of the
philosophies at hand but put those who follow the true form of these
philosophical platform involved in the same category as them. This then causes a
miss-education of Anarchy and Fascism amongst people who lose insight on the
true format and believe instead that Fascism and Anarchy are merely violent
approaches to life simply because they are more extreme in their ideas.
But with increasing
tension between the Left and Right Bloc in the political arena (especially in
Europe and Asia) due to the corrupt Socialist/Democratic politicians, more
people are turning to the radical philosophical ideals of Fascism and Anarchy.
Both ideologies in thought are considerably Evolutionist and in some degrees
Fascism is more Futurist whereas Anarchy is Primitivist. But although they both
put forward a practical philosophical approach to politics in present day they
have a more radical approach in practice contrary to the more subtle and weak
forms projected by other ideologies. This is because both Anarchy and Fascism
require ACTION and instead of waiting and whining like most politicians do
Fascists and Anarchists would rather act on impulse. The only difference is the
manner in which both act through practice. Anarchists are more outspoken and
active in the social arena, whilst Fascists remain more reserved and watchful.
But in both ways Anarchists and Fascists are formidable brothers who are
beginning to support one another for their causes seeing that they both are for
the same ideals in life... only in a different aspect.
Copyright © 2002
:3V1L:, All Rights Reserved
BLACK
CROWN & BLACK ROSE
Anarcho-Monarchism
& Anarcho-Mysticism
IN SLEEP WE DREAM of only
two forms of government--anarchy & monarchy. Primordial root consciousness
understands no politics & never plays fair. A democratic dream? a
socialist dream? Impossible.
Whether my REMs bring
verdical near-prophetic visions or mere Viennese wish-fulfillment, only kings
& wild people populate my night. Monads & nomads.
Pallid day (when nothing
shines by its own light) slinks & insinuates & suggests that we
compromise with a sad & lackluster reality. But in dream we are never ruled
except by love or sorcery, which are the skills of chaotes & sultans.
Among a people who cannot
create or play, but can only work, artists also know no choice but
anarchy & monarchy. Like the dreamer, they must possess & do
possess their own perceptions, & for this they must sacrifice the merely
social to a "tyrannical Muse." Art dies when treated
"fairly." It must enjoy a caveman's wildness or else have its mouth
filled with gold by some prince. Bureaucrats & sales personnel poison it,
professors chew it up, & philosophers spit it out. Art is a kind of
byzantine barbarity fit only for nobles & heathens. If you had known the
sweetness of life as a poet in the reign of some venal, corrupt, decadent,
ineffective & ridiculous Pasha or Emir, some Qajar shah, some King Farouk,
some Queen of Persia, you would know that this is what every anarchist must
want. How they loved poems & paintings, those dead luxurious fools, how they
absorbed all roses & cool breezes, tulips & lutes! Hate their cruelty
& caprice, yes--but at least they were human. The bureaucrats, however, who
smear the walls of the mind with odorless filth--so kind, so gemutlich--who
pollute the inner air with numbness--they're not even worthy of hate. They
scarcely exist outside the bloodless Ideas they serve.
And besides: the dreamer,
the artist, the anarchist--do they not share some tinge of cruel caprice with
the most outrageous of moghuls? Can genuine life occur without some folly, some
excess, some bouts of Heraclitan "strife"? We do not rule--but we
cannot & will not be ruled.
In Russia the Narodnik-Anarchists
would sometimes forge a ukase or manifesto in the name of the Czar; in it
the Autocrat would complain that greedy lords & unfeeling officials had
sealed him in his palace & cut him off from his beloved people. He would
proclaim the end of serfdom & call on peasants & workers to rise in His
Name against the government.
Several times this ploy
actually succeeded in sparking revolts. Why? Because the single absolute ruler
acts metaphorically as a mirror for the unique and utter absoluteness of the
self. Each peasant looked into this glassy legend & beheld his or her own
freedom--an illusion, but one that borrowed its magic from the logic of the
dream.
A similar myth must have
inspired the 17th century Ranters & Antinomians & Fifth Monarchy Men who
flocked to the Jacobite standard with its erudite cabals & bloodproud
conspiracies. The radical mystics were betrayed first by Cromwell & then by
the Restoration--why not, finally, join with flippant cavaliers & foppish
counts, with Rosicrucians & Scottish Rite Masons, to place an occult messiah
on Albion's throne?
Among a people who cannot
conceive human society without a monarch, the desires of radicals may be
expressed in monarchical terms. Among a people who cannot conceive human
existence without a religion, radical desires may speak the language of heresy.
Taoism rejected the whole
of Confucian bureaucracy but retained the image of the Emperor-Sage, who would
sit silent on his throne facing a propitious direction, doing absolutely
nothing. In Islam the Ismailis took the idea of the Imam of the Prophet's
Household & metamorphosed it into the Imam-of- one's-own-being, the
perfected self who is beyond all Law & rule, who is atoned with the One. And
this doctrine led them into revolt against Islam, to terror & assassination
in the name of pure esoteric self-liberation & total realization.
Classical 19th century
anarchism defined itself in the struggle against crown & church, &
therefore on the waking level it considered itself egalitarian & atheist.
This rhetoric however obscures what really happens: the "king" becomes
the "anarchist," the "priest" a "heretic." In this
strange duet of mutability the politician, the democrat, the socialist, the
rational ideologue can find no place; they are deaf to the music & lack all
sense of rhythm. Terrorist & monarch are archetypes; these others
are mere functionaries.
Once anarch & king
clutched each other's throats & waltzed a totentanz--a splendid battle. Now,
however, both are relegated to history's trashbin--has-beens, curiosities of a
leisurely & more cultivated past. They whirl around so fast that they seem
to meld together...can they somehow have become one thing, a Siamese twin, a
Janus, a freakish unity? "The sleep of Reason..." ah! most desirable
& desirous monsters!
Ontological Anarchy
proclaims flatly, bluntly, & almost brainlessly: yes, the two are now one.
As a single entity the anarch/king now is reborn; each of us the ruler of our
own flesh, our own creations--and as much of everything else as we can grab
& hold.
Our actions are justified
by fiat & our relations are shaped by treaties with other autarchs. We make
the law for our own domains--& the chains of the law have been broken. At
present perhaps we survive as mere Pretenders--but even so we may seize a few
instants, a few square feet of reality over which to impose our absolute will,
our royaume. L'etat, c'est moi.
If we are bound by any
ethic or morality it must be one which we ourselves have imagined, fabulously
more exalted & more liberating than the "moralic acid" of puritans
& humanists. "Ye are as gods"--"Thou art That."
The words monarchism
& mysticism are used here in part simply pour epater those
egalito-atheist anarchists who react with pious horror to any mention of pomp or
superstition-mongering. No champagne revolutions for them!
Our brand of
anti-authoritarianism, however, thrives on baroque paradox; it favors states of
consciousness, emotion & aesthetics over all petrified ideologies &
dogma; it embraces multitudes & relishes contradictions. Ontological Anarchy
is a hobgoblin for BIG minds. The translation of the title (& key term) of
Max Stirner's magnum opus as The Ego & Its Own has led to a
subtle misinterpretation of "individualism." The English-Latin word ego
comes freighted & weighed with freudian & protestant baggage. A careful
reading of Stirner suggests that The Unique & His Own-ness
would better reflect his intentions, given that he never defines the ego in
opposition to libido or id, or in opposition to "soul" or
"spirit." The Unique (der Einzige) might best be construed
simply as the individual self.
Stirner commits no
metaphysics, yet bestows on the Unique a certain absoluteness. In what way then
does this Einzige differ from the Self of Advaita Vedanta? Tat tvam
asi: Thou (individual Self) art That (absolute Self).
Many believe that
mysticism "dissolves the ego." Rubbish. Only death does that (or such
at least is our Sadducean assumption). Nor does mysticism destroy the
"carnal" or "animal" self--which would also amount to
suicide. What mysticism really tries to surmount is false consciousness,
illusion, Consensus Reality, & all the failures of self that accompany these
ills. True mysticism creates a "self at peace," a self with power. The
highest task of metaphysics (accomplished for example by Ibn Arabi, Boehme,
Ramana Maharshi) is in a sense to self-destruct, to identify metaphysical &
physical, transcendent & immanent, as ONE. Certain radical monists
have pushed this doctrine far beyond mere pantheism or religious mysticism. An
apprehension of the immanent oneness of being inspires certain antinomian
heresies (the Ranters, the Assassins) whom we consider our ancestors.
Stirner himself seems
deaf to the possible spiritual resonances of Individualism--& in this he
belongs to the 19th century: born long after the deliquescence of Christendom,
but long before the discovery of the Orient & of the hidden illuminist
tradition in Western alchemy, revolutionary heresy & occult activism.
Stirner quite correctly despised what he knew as "mysticism," a mere
pietistic sentimentality based on self-abnegation & world hatred. Nietzsche
nailed down the lid on "God" a few years later. Since then, who has
dared to suggest that Individualism & mysticism might be reconciled &
synthesized?
The missing ingredient in
Stirner (Nietzsche comes closer) is a working concept of nonordinary
consciousness. The realization of the unique self (or ubermensch)
must reverberate & expand like waves or spirals or music to embrace direct
experience or intuitive perception of the uniqueness of reality itself. This
realization engulfs & erases all duality, dichotomy, & dialectic. It
carries with itself, like an electric charge, an intense & wordless sense of
value: it "divinizes" the self.
Being/consciousness/bliss
(satchitananda) cannot be dismissed as merely another Stirnerian
"spook" or "wheel in the head." It invokes no exclusively
transcendent principle for which the Einzige must sacrifice his/her
own-ness. It simply states that intense awareness of existence itself results in
"bliss"--or in less loaded language, "valuative
consciousness." The goal of the Unique after all is to possess
everything; the radical monist attains this by identifying self with
perception, like the Chinese inkbrush painter who "becomes the
bamboo," so that "it paints itself."
Despite mysterious hints
Stirner drops about a "union of Unique-ones" & despite Nietzsche's
eternal "Yea" & exaltation of life, their Individualism seems
somehow shaped by a certain coldness toward the other. In part they
cultivated a bracing, cleansing chilliness against the warm suffocation of 19th
century sentimentality & altruism; in part they simply despised what someone
(Mencken?) called "Homo Boobensis."
And yet, reading behind
& beneath the layer of ice, we uncover traces of a fiery doctrine--what
Gaston Bachelard might have called "a Poetics of the Other." The Einzige's
relation with the Other cannot be defined or limited by any institution or idea.
And yet clearly, however paradoxically, the Unique depends for completeness on
the Other, & cannot & will not be realized in any bitter isolation.
The examples of
"wolf children" or enfants sauvages suggest that a human infant
deprived of human company for too long will never attain conscious
humanity--will never acquire language. The Wild Child perhaps provides a poetic
metaphor for the Unique-one--and yet simultaneously marks the precise point
where Unique & Other must meet, coalesce, unify--or else fail to attain
& possess all of which they are capable.
The Other mirrors the
Self--the Other is our witness. The Other completes the Self--the Other
gives us the key to the perception of oneness-of-being. When we speak of being
& consciousness, we point to the Self; when we speak of bliss we implicate
the Other.
The acquisition of
language falls under the sign of Eros-- all communication is essentially erotic,
all relations are erotic. Avicenna & Dante claimed that love moves the very
stars & planets in their courses--the Rg Veda & Hesiod's Theogony
both proclaim Love the first god born after Chaos. Affections, affinities,
aesthetic perceptions, beautiful creations, conviviality--all the most precious
possessions of the Unique-one arise from the conjunction of Self & Other in
the constellation of Desire.
Here again the project
begun by Individualism can be evolved & revivified by a graft with
mysticism--specifically with tantra. As an esoteric technique divorced
from orthodox Hinduism, tantra provides a symbolic framework ("Net of
Jewels") for the identification of sexual pleasure & non- ordinary
consciousness. All antinomian sects have contained some "tantrik"
aspect, from the families of Love & Free Brethren & Adamites of Europe
to the pederast sufis of Persia to the Taoist alchemists of China. Even
classical anarchism has enjoyed its tantrik moments: Fourier's Phalansteries;
the "Mystical Anarchism" of G. Ivanov & other fin-de-siÉcle
Russian symbolists; the incestuous erotism of Arzibashaev's Sanine;
the weird combination of Nihilism & Kali-worship which inspired the Bengali
Terrorist Party (to which my tantrik guru Sri Kamanaransan Biswas had the honor
of belonging)...
We, however, propose a
much deeper syncretism of anarchy & tantra than any of these. In fact, we
simply suggest that Individual Anarchism & Radical Monism are to be
considered henceforth one and the same movement.
This hybrid has been
called "spiritual materialism," a term which burns up all metaphysics
in the fire of oneness of spirit & matter. We also like "Ontological
Anarchy" because it suggests that being itself remains in a state of
"divine Chaos," of all-potentiality, of continual creation.
In this flux only the jiva
mukti, or "liberated individual," is self-realized, and thus
monarch or owner of his perceptions and relations. In this ceaseless flow only
desire offers any principle of order, and thus the only possible society (as
Fourier understood) is that of lovers.
Anarchism is dead, long
live anarchy! We no longer need the baggage of revolutionary masochism or
idealist self- sacrifice--or the frigidity of Individualism with its disdain for
conviviality, of living together--or the vulgar superstitions of 19th
century atheism, scientism, and progressism. All that dead weight! Frowsy
proletarian suitcases, heavy bourgeois steamer-trunks, boring philosophical
portmanteaux--over the side with them!
We want from these
systems only their vitality, their life- forces, daring, intransigence, anger,
heedlessness--their power, their shakti. Before we jettison the rubbish
and the carpetbags, we'll rifle the luggage for billfolds, revolvers, jewels,
drugs and other useful items--keep what we like and trash the rest. Why not? Are
we priests of a cult, to croon over relics and mumble our martyrologies?
Monarchism too has
something we want--a grace, an ease, a pride, a superabundance. We'll take
these, and dump the woes of authority & torture in history's garbage bin.
Mysticism has something we need--"self-overcoming," exalted awareness,
reservoirs of psychic potency. These we will expropriate in the name of our
insurrection--and leave the woes of morality & religion to rot &
decompose.
As the Ranters used to
say when greeting any "fellow creature"--from king to
cut-purse--"Rejoice! All is ours!"
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