David Myatt

  National Socialist

      EXTRAORDINAIRE

   Page II

         

      Towards Identity and the Galactic Empire: Autobiographical Notes

      Towards the Galactic Empire: Autobiographical Notes Part II

        Towards Identity and the galactic Empire: Autobiographical Notes III

     No Regrets: A Reply to Allegations Made by BBC

     The Barbaric Nature of Prison

    Liberty and The Right of Rebellion

     Acausal Science: Life and The Nature of the Acausal

     Introduction to this page:

      A National Socialist 'Jonathan Livingston Seagull'

We received the following letter a little while ago and found this Gnostic activist and thinker, poet, classicist, philosopher, metaphysician and 'Gentleman of the Road' amongst many other things, to be one of the best image of a true Gnostic available in our dismal time. Here is a truly noble soul on the Path, revealing himself with total honesty to his readers. A gentle soul, struggling with material evil and mankind's slave mentality which sometimes even lead him into the ugly realm of violence and hatred. An a-typical National Socialist, he is also a-typical in all his spiritual pursuits. Indeed, his compassion for the suffering of mankind and his own self-understanding has excluded racism and even 'racialism' from his ideas of National Socialism. He is nothing less than a great soul, a true Gnostic, struggling for nobility, Knowledge and Liberation in a three dimensional world. His daring spirit has already explored dimensions of thought far beyond the realm set by the 'Aeons' as limit to man. A National Socialist 'Jonathan Livingston Seagull,' he soars far above his fellow humans who still bound by tribal states of consciousness and laughs from above at their attempts to interpret his words and actions by attempting to contain them within labels and doctrines. Let the earthbound pedestrians of the 'Searchlight' crowd and the professional accusers and 'anti-fascists' point their fingers at him far above and accuse him with the usual 'outraged' epithets and labels. How can the earthbound comprehend the realms of heaven? Did not Jesus the Christ say: "Throw not the pearls before the swine?" It takes a Gnostic to know one and I know this great soul because I have met him in myself. Having said this, I must admit that I appreciate him as an exceptional individual and a true Gnostic, but that I, nevertheless, disagree with him on many of his conclusions. But isn't that the name of the game anyhow? We make mistakes and arrive at wrong conclusions sometimes, because as we live and learn, we are bound to find ourselves in the 'wrong camp' occasionally. And it is a great soul indeed, who admits his mistakes freely and is thus able to change course in 'midstream,' just when everybody around him thought that they had finally figured him out, proving once again that great souls can not be contained in labels and held accountable by earthly standards. No matter what his political and spiritual conclusions are at this moment, they are but a travelogue of a great soul on the quest for liberation from this material prison earth and are not meant to be interpreted with any sense of finality. Those of us who understand him know this and only those of an earthbound, pedestrian state of consciousness will attempt to judge and condemn him because he might have offended their politically correct sensibilities. Pharisaical law-bending hypocrites all! 

Holger Werner All Hallow's Eve 2002

Three things have always inspired me: the ideal of Space Travel, the belief that our evolution, as human beings, has only just begun - that we can and indeed should evolve still further, in terms of our abilities and our consciousness - and a feeling concerning our being part of Nature. The first two are really part of one vision - the ideal of a Galactic Empire.

     Introduction

It is the vision of a Galactic Empire which runs through my past political life just as it is the quest to find and understand our human identity, and my own identity, and our relation to Nature, which runs through my personal and spiritual life, giving me the two aims which I consistently pursued since I was about thirteen years of age, regardless of where I was, what I was doing and how I was described by others or even by myself. Outwardly, my life appears rather strange, and occasionally contradictory. For in the past thirty years I have been a Taoist, a Buddhist, a revolutionary activist on behalf of an ultra-nationalist cause, a Christian monk, a pagan, and a student of Islam.

I have been a vagabond, a writer of pagan poetry and ancient Greek translations. I have been in prison twice for deeds connected with political activity, and am facing possible imprisonment again because of things I have written and am alleged to have written: political writings of which the State does not approve. I have travelled widely around this beautiful, diverse world of ours; watched and sorrowed as my wife died of cancer; wandered through deserts and over mountains; been described variously by dishonourable journalists as "an evil genius", the "most evil Nazi in Britain," and of being the evil mastermind behind a world-wide Occult-fascist terrorist conspiracy dedicated to overthrowing Western governments.

More recently, I have been called a "theoretician of terror" and a "deeply subversive intellectual".

Given such dishonourable and often fanciful allegations, and given the dishonourable rumours and allegations which have been made and which are still being spread about me, I feel it necessary to write, briefly, about myself. For whatever others say, write or believe, I am an honourable man. There was always an honourable purpose behind what I did, what I said, and what I wrote. Not that I believe that what I write now will make a great deal of difference - for dishonourable cowards will still spread rumours just as dishonourable journalists will continue to invent lies and make or repeat baseless accusations and rumours in the knowledge that they will make a better story. And whether these journalists know it or not, such lies, accusations and rumours also serve to support the dismal, dishonourable, un-numinous, and increasingly tyrannical, Establishment status quo.

For years, I challenged some of the people making these allegations and repeating these rumours to face me, man to man, and to fight a duel with deadly weapons according to the etiquette of duelling. Not one of them had the courage, the honour, the decency to accept, just as few people on hearing or reading such allegations or rumours had the honour to contact me in person and ask for my side of the story. Indeed, one of the dishonourable cowards who had made allegations about me even went round spreading the rumour that I had "bottled out" and did not turn up at a supposed arranged meeting, just as others continue to spread their lies and dishonourable allegations in publications, over the Internet and elsewhere. I maintained a dignified silence. Unlike such people, I believe in and uphold honour, and, unlike them it seems, I was prepared to face death to prove it by fighting a duel with deadly weapons. I made my challenge, several times and in public, and it was ignored. These people only show themselves up for what they really are by their behaviour and verbal abuse, and if some people are convinced by their lies, allegations and rumours, then it does not say much about these people either.

Galactic Empire and Future Evolution

Since a very early age I believed that our future evolution depended on us freeing ourselves from the chains of this world and venturing forth to explore and colonize the stars. For I felt that it was this new freedom, brought by venturing forth to the stars, which would give us the great challenges needed to evolve still further, and naturally, into another type of being. And it was the pursuit of this ideal which I believed would create noble individuals and a noble, civilized, society.

It was this great vision of Galactic Empire which has inspired me in my life-long political activity, and it was the great vision of a Galactic Empire created by human beings which has motivated me to do what I have done in politics. I knew even at that early age that two things would be required to make this vision real - the technology to enable us to travel to the stars, and the right type of society, at first here on Earth, to create the will and the means to travel into Space and build an Empire. Soon, however (when I was about fourteen years of age) I came to believe that all present societies were lacking something important and that it would probably be necessary to somehow create an entirely new type of society. Where was the spirit of Empire, of conquest - of the desire to seek knowledge and new worlds? It did not exist anywhere on Earth in any contemporary society, although at first I admit I was impressed by the Soviet Union and began to study its history and politics. But before long, I was disillusioned. Where were the warriors whom I believed were necessary to create and maintain a real Empire? Where their élan, their ethos? All I found was dispiriting Marxian dialectics.

This great vision of a Galactic Empire took shape for me when I around thirteen years of age and interested in Physics and Astronomy. Unmanned probes had already been launched to the Moon and Mars and the Apollo program was in the planning stages. It seemed then that Space was indeed "the Final Frontier" just as it seemed we could be building colonies on the Moon and Mars within fifty years and then venturing forth toward the stars. Surely it was only a matter of time before someone, somewhere, invented some kind of Star Drive to replace the rather primitive rocket and enable us to travel near or faster than the speed of light?

So it was that I began a serious study of Physics, and particularly the theory of Relativity, trying to understand Space and Time, and the very cosmos itself. I also began to study History, trying to find some clues to how to build the new society which would be needed. I studied ancient Empires from Sumeria to Egypt through to Greece and Rome, and from Europe to China. I studied ancient Greek, Latin, Chinese and Sanskrit - but soon had dropped them all except Ancient Greek, even though at the time I was living in the Far East and could easily have continued with Chinese and Sanskrit. For I became more and more enthralled by ancient Greece - the heroism of Leonidas and his three hundred Spartans, the travels and adventures of Odysseus, the warriors of the Iliad....... For months I carried around with me a copy of Thucydides and often it seemed as if I belonged in those times more than I belonged to the modern world with its lack of adventure, lack of élan, and disrespect for the ethos and ways of the warrior. But always my vision of a future Empire, founded by warriors, drew me back to the present.

One day I saw a demonstration of Martial Arts, and thereafter made a determined effort to learn such warrior skills. Thus I began a study of Taoism, for it was explained to me that this was the basis of the Martial Art I had seen. I began to feel that Taoism might be a way to raise our level of consciousness and so develope ourselves, as human beings, just as I felt that it was perhaps a rational explanation of our human identity and our relation to Nature. For I had been aware of Nature in a personal way since my early years in East Africa - some of my earliest memories are of Africa: sunsets, a dusty track of reddish earth through the bush, wild animals on the plains, snow on Kilimanjaro.

A few years later, my study of this Martial Art led me, through Bushido, to Buddhism and began my life-long admiration for the way of the Japanese Samurai and the Japanese way of life itself. I also came to admire the short-lived modern Empire the Japanese had created and those, like Yukio Mishima, who saught to revive the Samurai spirit. I was at University, I remember, when news came of his warrior death. I understood it at once, even though a friend of his, whom I was with at the time, did not, and if there was one deciding event which moved me away from the academic study of Physics and the technology of Space Travel toward full-time activity in revolutionary politics it was this.

But back in my schooldays, the main focus of my study gradually came to be Physics, and I yearned to go to England to read Physics at a University, believing that I could find or develope some theory which would lead us to travel toward the stars. And it was on arriving in England that I came across National-Socialist Germany for the first time. O level examinations came and went, and the more I learned about NS Germany, the more it seemed to me to be the answer. Here was something inspiring, something surely possessed of élan and warrior spirit. The martial music, the marching columns, flag after flag waving in the breeze of Destiny. I felt there was something incredible here - in the struggle and victory of Adolf Hitler. And there was von Braun, architect of NASA's exploration, beginning his work in Germany. Surely, had Germany won they would have gone on to conquer and build a path to the stars! And there was the SS - built upon and dedicated to the warrior code of honour and whose motto was "My honour means that I am loyal." What battles they had fought! What sacrifices they had made! Here were ancient Greek heroes come alive again - Degrelle rising from enlisted soldier to General, fighting his way across the battlefields of Russia and finally escaping his enemies by flying solo across the whole of Allied occupied Europe; a single Waffen-SS man storming a Russian tank with his last grenade as his whole company lay dead around him having fought to the death in the Battle of Berlin.

There were still some things which troubled me, particularly the claim of extermination of the Jews. But revisionism was just beginning, with claims that the extermination was a myth, just Allied propaganda, and that there was no policy of extermination. For months, I busied myself doing my own research. I wanted to believe it was a myth and it was not long before I did accept it was a myth. With that, my conversion was complete. I believed I had found the prototype of the ideal society which was needed to begin the committed exploration of Space, create the Galactic Empire and so continue our evolution as human beings. In particular, I felt an affinity with what I understood to be the ideal of Blood and Soil - that is, a real respect for Nature, for the land, and an understanding of our own place in Nature. And for thirty years - with the exception of a few years - through both overt and covert means, I strived to create, through a revolution, a new society based upon NS Germany believing it was the right, the necessary and the honourable thing to do.

Early Political Activism

My O levels gave way to A levels and I still plugged away at Physics, with less and less enthusiasm as I saw the world forsaking the dream of Space exploration and increasingly forsaking honour. More and more of my time was taken up with politics, and although I did get to University, my heart was elsewhere. For I believed it was my duty to help create the society needed and that while I might personally wish to discover a new theory in Physics or invent a Star Drive, what I personally might wish to do was not important. I was aware that nothing was being done on the practical level to create the type of society I believed was necessary to begin the real quest into Space and then one day build a Galactic Empire. All I saw was the Space program itself being cut-back, and future plans for exploration abandoned. And where were the modern warriors who would create the revolution necessary to build the new society which was needed? So I became more and more involved with practical politics, forsaking my learning of Physics to attend demonstrations, go on marches, meet people and study politics and history. I was optimistic - perhaps in five or at least ten years time we would have the revolution needed and could begin the real work - and it seemed natural, one day, that I leave University and instead help create this revolution.

For several years, I toiled away, doing all I could to help promote National-Socialism, often under cover of various nationalist organizations. Even two spells in Prison did not deter me - a revolutionary activist should expect such things. But, gradually, my naivety and optimism faded mainly because the honour, loyalty and commitment to duty I expected from fellow political comrades was often absent. It was disturbing, for instance, to find people whom you trusted spreading rumours about you behind your back and striving to tell tales just so they themselves appeared in a good light. But I realized even then that all such people needed to change them into honourable, idealistic, individuals, was good leadership: someone to motivate and inspire them. For a while, I tried to be a leader, and although I did possess some leadership qualities, I lacked some of the basic qualities a revolutionary leader required. In particular, I lacked patience, and was often inclined to react to situations and events with more emotion than was perhaps required, just as I sometimes rushed into things without carefully considering all the consequences. (See Addendum I below.)

One of my terms of imprisonment resulted from me leading a gang of skinheads in a racial attack, for I was not adverse to violence. On the contrary, I regarded violence - used for some supra-personal purpose such as to aid politics - as a purifying, necessary and maturing experience, just as I regarded "skinheads" as healthy young Aryans: as young lads who possessed the right instincts, the right attitude to life. For I understood what came to be called "the skinhead cult" as a natural Aryan, working-class, rebellion against bourgeois values and the anti-Aryan multi-racial society.

But, occasionally, during these violent years, even my own enthusiasm waned, a little, for I was still hoping that a real revolutionary leader would emerge to lead us to victory. Often, it was music which re-inspired me. J. S. Bach, Vaughan Williams, Beethoven. I would stand, or sit, in my garret listening to a sublime piece of music such as the opening of Bach's St. John Passion, and I would be overwhelmed with both sadness and joy, with my very soul reaching out into the blackness of infinite Space. There was, and had been, so much sadness in the world, so much sorrow, so much suffering - and yet: and yet there was greatness, a towering spirit of nobility to cause us to triumph even over ourselves, over our own weakness. And how much there was still to achieve! How much there was to discover, to know, to see - world upon world, star upon star, galaxy upon galaxy.....

But more and more the mundane reality of the world with its lack of genuine revolutionary leadership seemed to obscure this vision.

During these years my studies into how to understand and increase our abilities and consciousness had continued. I read Jung and began to study alchemy, then both the Western and Eastern mystical and Occult traditions. But there was very little substance, and certainly nothing that I could find which offered anything useful in the quest to continue our own evolution, or even explain in a rational way the ultimate meaning of life and the origin of such things as honour and the numinous. Furthermore, with my own scientific background, and my acceptance of reason as one of the foundations of our humanity, I found these traditions ultimately flawed. In my quest for knowledge and understanding I did attend some harmless Occult ceremonies, and even met one modern alchemist who had his own laboratory and was attempting to create the Philosopher's Stone. But I never actually became an Occultist, and certainly not a 'Satanist' as some claim, for I understood even then why and how Occultism and National-Socialism (the world view and way of life I accepted) were totally incompatible. Years later, I was to write my Occultism and National-Socialism in an effort to explain these fundamental differences, and dispel a little of the anti-Myatt propaganda.

However, I did later on realize how esoteric type groups could be useful instruments in fermenting revolution. At the time, I was associated with the underground National-Socialist group Column 88 and it was this group with gave me the idea of concentrating on covert action. For I was coming round to the conclusion, following the failure of nationalist organizations to gain any real success, that any and all means were justified to undermine and bring down the System - the Establishment, the State itself. I regarded the State and its officials as our mortal enemies. Revolution - and a new society built upon honour and idealism - were the goal, and any means were justified in an attempt to bring about the revolution and create the new society, the New Order, which would build the foundations for a future Galactic Empire. If I or others had to suffer and die to do this, then so be it. I felt the future was slipping away from us.

Perhaps I should add - in view of recent allegations and rumours regarding Column 88 - that I regarded it then, as now, as an organization of dedicated and sincere National-Socialists which was trying to keep alive the National-Socialist spirit and trying to bring together National-Socialists from various countries. On several occasions I tried to persuade its organizer to take a more militant, and revolutionary stand, and a short speech I gave at one of C88's Fuhrerfests about the need for practical covert action was well received. But as far as I am aware, nothing substantial was done.

The unsubstantiated allegations about C88 allege it was the British part of a pan-European network, called Gladio, set up and trained by Special Forces units to act as an underground resistance in the event of a Soviet invasion of the West. Some journalists have even said that the person behind all this was Colonel David Stirling, founder of the British SAS. But as far as I was concerned, C88 was simply a covert National-Socialist organization.

Vagabond and Monk

After over six years of often violent political activism I became disillusioned with politics, and in particular with the leadership of the various "Right-Wing" organizations. Several incidents combined to make me re-think my plans and my way of life. The first was when, at one of my criminal trials following a demonstration and brawl, I surmised, rightly or wrongly, that one of my so-called comrades must have secretly co-operated with the Police in order to clear himself and incriminate me. For that was the only conclusion I could draw from events. The second was when, at this same trial, a Policeman lied under oath when recounting the events that led to my arrest. Perhaps I should have been angry - perhaps I should have become more fanatical than I was. Instead, I felt rather sad. The Police Officer may well have been put under pressure by his superiors, and put his career before the truth. These two incidents, combined with many others involving dishonourable conduct by people, led me to walk away from active politics, and people.For a while I wandered around, a vagabond. Initially, this was interesting and enjoyable as I aimed to be like the Taoists I had studied and learned from. Then, worn by fatigue, hunger and cold, I became stoical, and then finally accepting in a proper Taoist way.

I settled down to live in an unheated caravan, reading about Taoism and Buddhism, and writing poetry. I travelled some, thought a lot about the meaning of life, and lived a while in a Buddhist monastery, trying to gain insight, enlightenment and a higher consciousness - to perhaps open a portal that might lead to the stars. There were moments of great peace; and moments when I believed I understood things. For a while, I considered myself a Buddhist. But there were moments of doubts, and then a restlessness because a part of me always felt I was being selfish, that I was shirking my duty to create a better world. I was torn between trying to live an inner peaceful vision, and striving to create a new society where others might one day understand and share this vision. For a long time I wrestled with questions such as: how can people be motivated to create a better world? In the end, I always seemed to come back to politics, and to motivating people through appealing to what I then understood as their sense of identity: their homeland and "national" culture.

And it was this that led me back toward Christianity and the cultural traditions of my ancestors. I remember listening to one of those programs that Radio Three used to do so well and hearing ancient Gregorian chant, as I remember re-reading for the first time in years the poetry of T. S. Eliot and the writings of Goethe, Boehme and others. But it was a performance of J. S. Bach's Matthew Passion which sealed my fate. For the first time in my life I felt the allegory of the birth, life, and passion of Christ - not read about it, or thought about it or studied it, but felt it in all its numinosity in my heart. Perhaps, after all, there were mysteries here which would bring personal understanding, inner peace and perchance a new world.

Slowly, I came back to the Catholic Church of my family and thereafter it was a logical step to enter the noviciate of Christian monastery and study the mystical and esoteric traditions of the Church. After a while, I thought deeply about my political beliefs and whether they were as I believed a way to create a better world and then a Galactic Empire. After what seemed a long and somewhat anguished time, I decided they might be. I was not a very good monk, for I lacked the humility required and took to running a great many miles through the valley, its forest and around its lakes to try and quell my restless nature. I even tried to teach Martial Arts to one of the monks but he soon decided it was not for him just as I came to the conclusion that monastic life was not for me. I had a duty to strive for what I believed in and I was shirking that duty by hiding away in a monastery.

Perhaps I should add, in view of recent and older speculation about what some regard as my "change of beliefs" that I even then regarded Buddhism, Taoism, Christianity, classical Hinduism and the many other Ways which I had studied as not being incompatible with National-Socialism - or rather, as not incompatible with the esoteric Hitlerism explicated by Savitri Devi, Miguel Serrano and others.

Covert Action

I left the monastery wanting to do my honourable duty, but unsure of how I might do this duty, or even what this duty really was. For a few years, I worked in various occupations, travelled, and strove to find answers to the many questions which perplexed me, and as the years went by I came to focus more and more on personal honour and the way of the warrior. This brought me back to my warrior ancestors - then the striving for a new Empire, and National-Socialist politics as a means to create this, or at least begin the quest. I also began trying to make real the ideal of Blood and Soil by creating a small rural community, but nothing came of this - it was just too impractical, given my meagre resources and the lack of interest from others.In respect of more practical politics, I had hitherto followed what had become the accepted strategy within National-Socialist circles - try to work within what was called the 'democratic system' by either infiltrating nationalist organizations, and gaining converts, or creating a National-Socialist political party to win or seize power.

This strategy did not seem to be working. I had yearned, and did again yearn, for a National-Socialist revolution within ten years - perhaps fifteen at the most. My political life began nine years previously. After nine years, the NSDAP of Adolf Hitler had hundreds of thousands of members and was a powerful political force, within striking distance of power. We had a few hundred committed followers, and even the nationalist organizations had only a few thousand members, with no political influence and no prospects whatsoever. Where we the organizations we needed? Where was the leader to led us to victory? I knew I lacked the qualities necessary to be a leader as I believed I knew that overt political action - working within the System to overthrow the System by winning elections - would not work. It had been tried for decades without any success. Perhaps covert action was the only way to create the revolution?

Remembering my Occult studies of years ago, I conceived a plan to use or if necessary create secret Occult-type groups with several aims. These groups would be allied to and aid a real covert organization dedicated to the overthrow of the System. One of the aims of these Occult-style groups was to infiltrate people into various positions in society where they could aid our Cause; another was to subvert people in influential positions by drawing them into these secret groups and then gradually converting them to the Cause. Another was to try and establish international links and spread the idea of a world-wide revolution and world-wide National-Socialist renaissance. The final aim was to attract people to these groups and gain information from them, using one obvious means which various other intelligence groups had used over the centuries to gain useful information. Since I once again passionately believed that any means were justified in bringing down what I regarded as a tyrannical, oppressive System, I had no doubts about following this strategy and using the tactics necessary. Always I had before me my aim of creating a National-Socialist revolution - the first step toward the conquest of the galaxy.

In pursuit of these covert aims I infiltrated several already existing Occult-type groups and created a new one. For many years, I continued with this strategy and did gain some converts for the Cause, both in this country and in other countries. However the results and meagre achievements were far outweighed by the problems these groups caused, and the time came when I judged this strategy a failure. One of the greatest problems was the lack of a real underground movement planning and organizing a real, practical revolution by force. There were several attempts to form such organizations, but they did not last either because they were soon infiltrated by the Security Services or because the right type of people could not be found. Most who agreed with the aims and methods of such organizations preferred words to deeds, and almost all were not prepared to put their life and liberty on the line for the Cause. Some would agree to do things, but when the time for action came, so did the excuses for not acting.

So, while some converts were obtained, and some useful contacts made by means of the Occult-type groups, there was no sense of any progress toward the aim of revolution. I also came to the realization that such a covert organization would only be useful if it was aiding a proper political covert direct action group whose aim was insurrection and chaos and then a political revolution, just as I came to the conclusion that if a covert direct action group was properly organized, and followed the right strategy and tactics, then it did not really need the support of such subversive Occult-type groups.

Combat 18 and the NSM

After abandoning that particular form of subversive strategy, I busied myself with travel, translating ancient Greek literature, and once again seeking answers to the perplexing questions about life. I veered back toward Buddhism, away from active politics, then after a while back toward political involvement, and began writing about the Cause I believed in. I had originally intended only to write a concise introduction to National-Socialism but on completion of this I decided to write some more to try and express in words what I felt and understood about the way to create a better world. This way was the way of honour, loyalty and duty. In addition, I began to circulate a small newsletter, The National-Socialist in the hope of inspiring others and rousing them remember their warrior heritage and culture. It was around this time that the London-based group Combat 18 was becoming well-known, and it seemed to me that many of those involved with this group were doing what was necessary - revolutionary street-action in the name of National-Socialism. I came to admire them and openly declared my support for them. I also gave a personal pledge of loyalty to Combat 18's leader, Charlie Sargent, and his brother, Steve.

In a short space of time Combat 18 had built up a fearsome reputation and done what no other group had done - gained street power from those opposed to National-Socialism. Not surprisingly, the Press, aided by MI5, began a campaign to discredit C18, as both MI5 and Special Branch sought to infiltrate and disrupt the organization.

In article after article, in letter after letter, in discussion after discussion, I warned of the danger and urged people to uphold the values of honour, loyalty and duty. I also urged them to consider that the best way forward was a proper National-Socialist organization and to forget plans and talk of an imminent armed insurrection, for - as I had discovered from practical experience - the time was not yet right for such plans: we needed the people first, properly motivated, in their thousands, and we had but dozens. But the poison of the State took effect. People in nationalist organizations began to believe the clever MI5 dis-information about C18 being a MI5 run group, created to disrupt the so-called 'nationalist cause'. Some nationalists even went so far as to describe Charlie and Steve as 'informers'. Perhaps MI5 were also successful in disrupting C18 itself, or perhaps it was only the result of the ego and disloyalty of one individual.

Whatever the first cause, open feuding broke out between the two C18 factions, resulting in one death, and the arrest for murder of Charlie Sargent and his loyal comrade Martin Cross. I was honour-bound to stay loyal to Charlie Sargent, and decided to form and lead the National-Socialist Movement to continue the work he had begun. As a result, a smear campaign against me began. Rumours of Occult involvement - never entirely absent thanks to a few dishonourable and cowardly individuals - increased. But I believed I could ignore them as I hoped others around me would ignore them and hold fast to honour, loyalty and duty.

The decision for me to come back into public prominence by forming and leading the NSM was easy, even though I knew what would happen with regard to rumours about me, and even though I never intended to stay for long as the leader, lacking as I did the qualities of leadership. Yet, secretly, in my heart, I yearned for a quiet rural life, working on a farm and undertaking Greek translations in my spare time.

However, the decision to form and lead the NSM was easy because I felt it was my duty - I believed I was responsible for what had happened to Charlie as I believed that someone had to publicly support him. I was responsible because in truth I - the exponent of honour, loyalty and duty - should have done something to prevent the situation that arose. I should have tried to bring the factions together on the basis of duty to the Cause first and foremost. I even went to Charlie's committal proceedings, after he had been charged with murder, in the belief that matters could even at that late date be sorted out. For I had a somewhat naive belief that the opponents of Charlie would see reason, ignore MI5 dis-information, and agree to put loyalty and the Cause first.

But the more I found out about what had happened, and was happening, the more I knew there could be no compromise with those who had betrayed Charlie, particularly by giving evidence against him in Court. This betrayal by giving evidence in a Court of Law was totally unacceptable behaviour - totally dishonourable. For we National-Socialists regarded the State and its Institutions such as the Police as our enemies, as we believed we should settle any disputes among ourselves in our traditional warrior way through a fair fight or a duel. Moreover these people continued parroting MI5 dis-information, and accused both Charlie and Steve of being informers when the truth was that the leader of their faction was the biggest informer of all, helping as he did to convict Charlie and Martin and supporting as he did the State and its dishonourable laws. Twice we who were loyal to Charlie waited for this informer and his supporters to turn up to sort matters out with a fair fight, once at Chelmsford and once in north London - and twice they did not turn up.

Several times I publicly challenged this person to a duel with deadly weapons. He never contacted me, but one of his supporters did send me an abusive E-mail, as this supporter and other supporters of his continued to spread rumours and allegations about me. I decided to try and maintain a dignified silence for I believed the Cause was more important than a personal squabble. But I myself was now in the firing line, being the leader of what was regarded as the loyalist faction of C18. So an intensive campaign was launched against me, of the kind the State favoured because they knew from experience that it worked.

First, they used their informers in nationalist groups to spread dis-information about a person, knowing that the rumours, gossip and allegations would soon spread, given the dishonourable nature of some people. Second, they had a few of their tame journalists sniff around and concoct some sort of expose of the person. Third, they got the Police to raid the dwelling of the person and arrest that person on whatever they thought might result in a conviction, using the raid to sift through political and private documents in an attempt to find anything incriminating or useful to them. Fourth, they tried to use dis-information to drive a wedge between the person and his supporters - using Police officers and Police informers and anyone they could to try and get these supporters to be suspicious of that person, for they knew that true loyalty was a rare commodity and that often people believed the worst on the most feeble of pretexts. Thus did the Police arrest me and several other members of the NSM in what was a long-running and international investigation into Combat 18, involving MI5, Interpol, the FBI and a Special Operations unit of Scotland Yard.

I weathered all these storms sent by the State, as did our small band of loyal supporters. But it was not long before I concluded that, with me as leader, the NSM was not achieving what it should. I had never intended to lead the organization for very long, aiming only to do what I considered necessary, chief among which was to publicly support Charlie and continue along the path he himself had begun to take before his arrest. Nevertheless, it was with some sadness that I resigned as leader of the NSM. I resigned because I believed it to be the best thing for the Cause I had fought for and because I knew I did not have the qualities of a true leader.

I continued to produce The National-Socialist and other publications, and thought much about the best way to begin the creation of a Galactic Empire. It seemed that another set-back on the road to revolution had occurred. Thirty years on, after years of effort, I had not achieved a great deal. I had achieved a little notoriety, of the wrong kind, which surely pleased my opponents be they in positions of State power or otherwise.

For a while I believed it was a mistake for me to resign - for the disloyal, dishonourable opponents of Charlie had no one to publicly oppose their lies. Such is the nature of these people that they - and others like them - were using as evidence against Charlie national newspaper articles and television programs written and produced by arch enemies of National-Socialism, saying that these articles and these programs "proved" that Charlie was an informer and that the original C18 was an MI5 set-up. And they said and wrote these things despite their past rhetoric and their past beliefs that such newspapers and such programs were tools of the State. In their attempt to defend their conduct they used the dis-information of MI5 and anti-fascist groups, just as MI5 and those groups hoped that they would.

But as the Police investigations following my arrest continued - with me being investigated for incitement/conspiracy to murder and incitement to racial hatred - I began to consider what new strategy might be used to bring about the type of society needed to build a future Galactic Empire: and in particular what tactics might and should be used to overthrow what I still regarded as an evil, tyrannical, System dedicated to everything which I and all National-Socialists loathed and detested.
 

A New Beginning

For months, I toiled on a farm, doing good, honest, manual labour. I spoke to no one about politics, and wrote nothing about politics. Most of the time I worked by myself, outdoors, in all weathers, and slowly, like Winter changing into Spring, I began to realize how little I knew, and how little I understood, despite some of the rhetoric of my past.

I seemed to slip back in time. Decades - to the days spent as a homeless vagabond; further still - to my childhood with my often happy memories of Africa and the Far East.

There was a river near some of the fields where I worked and I would often go and sit there during my lunch-break, watching the clouds, the water, the wildlife (a Kingfisher, for instance), and my own slow thoughts. Here was life, and it seemed to me many times that the distant life of the distant cities and towns was somehow unreal with its speed, its haste, its consumerism based on abstract ideas unconnected with Nature and the cosmos itself..

I was but a speck of life, carried along by a river which began somewhere and ended somewhere else, and I could no more control the river than I could control the star around which the planet I lived on orbited.

What was Nature? A separate being of some kind? Were we slowly, in a painful, harrowing often unconscious way, working our way toward understanding, toward finding and expressing our humanity? Was it right for me - for any of us - to have a concept of an ideal society, constructed by our own imperfect, fallible, thoughts, and strive for this, whatever the cost in human terms? What were ethics? Were the suppressed, natural, ethics of my own culture really different from the ethics accepted by all modern States? What, really, was the origin of the good? What, indeed, were our own origins, as beings? Evolution - or God? There were many things I did not know, and many ways yet to explore.

So it was that I embarked upon a new quest which led me to seriously study Islam.
 
 

Leeds 1972-1974

Recently, a former political associate of mine [Eddy Morrison] has written his version of some events which occurred in and around Leeds between the years 1972 and 1974. Since his version of events differs from the reality I remember it is only fitting that I present here "my side of the story".

It should be noted that - despite some personal and political differences between myself and this person - I steadfastly defended him for well over ten years, often praising his commitment and dedication to "the Cause". In the 1980's I had occasion to defend and praise him to John Tyndall, then leader of the BNP. This led Tyndall to comment: "your loyalty to him is commendable..." Yet I was to learn that this person - or Street Soldier as he styled himself - had also been in contact with Tyndall, and "warned Tyndall about me", having sent copies of newspaper articles about me containing unproved and dishonourable allegations of involvement with Satanism. Tyndall was one of the very few people, over the past three decades, to have the honour, the decency, to ask me in person for "my side of the story".
 

Ok, we thought, if they want trouble we'll go over the top. We booked an open air public meeting for a Saturday morning
(1973)  and again our blaring red posters announced that our National Leader, Colin Jordan would be speaking. When we
arrived (about twenty of us), the whole area was occupied by a veritable sea of reds. Not only IS turned up to stop our
speaking, but the Communist Party and a host of smaller groups. We were badly outnumbered but steamed into the reds. In a
few seconds, fist fights had broke out all over the Town Hall steps. I was struggling with a Zionist "class warrior". I noticed
Dave Myatt was on the floor being kicked by the reds. We pulled him away and with a  few cuts and bruises to our credit, we
beat a hasty but sensible retreat.  (Memoirs of a Street Soldier.)

From the first it was attack, attack, attack! Our first activities included the turning over (twice!) of an Anti-Apartheid Exhibition in Leeds. Another activity that got us a stack of publicity and our first arrests, was a counter-demo to an Anti-Racist march in Bradford. This one hit the news because some of our lads captured their main anti-racist TUC banner and publicly burned it!  (Memoirs of a Street Soldier.)

At this time I had the unpleasant duty of rooting out and expelling a small bunch of "Satanists" who thought that tying our White Nationalism with their weird cult practices would get us front page publicity. It did! But although they say any publicity is good publicity, it isn't always. I had to take a bunch of our inner core harder members and eject about seven of these Cult people from our membership and ban them from our HQ. It was a pity as one in particular whose name I have mentioned earlier was a stalwart founder member. Why he went off the rails I'll never really know, and expelling him was painful but very necessary.  (Memoirs of a Street Soldier.)

There was no small "bunch of satanists": just one newspaper article which made sensational claims about me. I had in my naivety decided to give an interview (my first) with a journalist to talk about our new NS movement, the NDFM. I briefly mentioned how it might be possible for chaos to be created by subversive means, and subversive groups, as a prelude to a revolution which an NS movement could take advantage of, just as I made one passing reference to having a theoretical interest in "the Occult" and to having considered investigating it further. The journalist promised to let me read his final copy before it was published and several photographs of me were taken, with him suggesting I hold something to do with the Occult, which I again naively did. Our conversation lasted for about half an hour, during which he took a few notes (it was not recorded).

I assumed in my innocence that he would simply recount what I had said. Of course he neither showed me the article before publication, nor printed what I said, except for one short sentence about causing chaos. The whole article was a fabrication, designed to be sensationalist and to discredit me. This whole episode was to be a very interesting, worthwhile, experience for me: a learning from experience, as Aeschylus wrote.

The "Street Soldier" did indeed "expel" me from the NDFM even though it had been founded jointly by him and myself, but this expulsion" lasted only about six weeks, after which it was "business as usual".
 

We organised a meeting on Leeds Town Hall steps in the Summer of 1974 and I was the main speaker. We had fifty or so NDFM "stormtroopers" protecting the meeting, but were opposed by a bunch of red weirdos including "Transexuals Against the Nazis". I spoke for about twenty minutes whilst the lads (and some lasses) held back the red filth. There were local reporters everywhere and although the police soon closed the meeting, we got away with two arrests and a few cuts and bruises. (Memoirs of a Street Soldier.)

The "We" who organized this meeting were the Street soldier and myself, and he was not the main speaker. I was. I spoke for nearly half an hour and managed to control the seething crowd of Reds by haranguing them. Then the Street Soldier began to speak. He spoke for only a few minutes before the Reds surged forward and fighting began. It was then - as I recalled above - that I was jumped on from behind by a Red and then by a Policeman. I and one other NDFM member were arrested and subsequently charged with "Breach of the Peace". Several Reds were also arrested and charged with various offences.

When my case came to Trial, the Prosecution tried to prove that I had "incited the crowd", and there was no mention whatsoever by either the Police or the Prosecution of the "Street Soldier" having spoken or having "incited the crowd". I was found guilty on the lying evidence of one dishonourable  Police officer, and one of the Reds was also convicted and sent to Prison.

We were told by London nationalists that NOBODY spoke at Hyde Park Corner. That was an open invitation for us to book a coach and take fifty NDFM down to Speakers Corner in Hyde Park. We set up a stand and three of our people spoke, whilst I controlled the stewards. We soon attracted a large crowd of lefties and for some reason a stack of anti-fascist Jewish taxi drivers. We held them at bay as long as we could. I was knocked senseless by some Zionist wielding a metal object. With blood streaming from quite a few cuts we marched away under police observation singing "We'll meet again" to the Reds. It was only a short meeting but we had broken the taboo. White Nationalists had again spoken at Speakers Corner.

Happy Days .....
 

What exactly was your involvement with Combat 18?

Before Steve Sargent and I formed the National-Socialist Movement (NSM) it was mainly producing propaganda and newsletters such as The National-Socialist although I did try and form a revolutionary cadre composed of committed National-Socialists. This was intended to be the nucleus of an effective covert and insurrectionary group, but it was the usual post-First Zionist War scenario: several people expressed their intention to do something, but when the time for action came, so did their excuses.

Why did you form the NSM?

To continue the work that Charlie Sargent - the founder and leader of C18 - had started. At the time, Charlie was in prison, charged with murder and someone called Browning was helping the State - ZOG - to divide C18 and convict Charlie and send him to prison for a very long time. Charlie's arrest followed an incident when a supporter of Browning was killed.

At the time, there was some feuding within C18 itself, with Browning challenging Charlie for the leadership and accusing him - on the basis of ZOG disinformation - of all sorts of things, such as stealing some funds. As for Charlie, he was convinced that Browning had stolen the missing C18 funds. What was interesting about this particular accusation was that Charlie and his wife were living in run-down Council accommodation for homeless families, while Browning was living in a smart expensive Apartment near the river Thames.

On the personal level, I had given a personal pledge of loyalty to Charlie and this meant that I had a duty to support him: his enemies, were my enemies. This also meant that I ignored any and all rumours and stories about Charlie, most of which were manufactured by ZOG in an attempt to discredit him. Unfortunately, some people involved in C18 believed this ZOG disinformation, and sided with Browning.

As I said and wrote at the time, the National-Socialist, the Aryan, thing to do was for Browning to meet Charlie face-to-face to try and settle their differences, failing which they should engage in either a fair fight, or a duel. Charlie - true to his NS beliefs - wanted to do this, but Browning refused to meet him, and instead just carried on spreading malicious, dishonourable rumours. Then the incident occurred that led to the death of a Browning supporter.

Instead of doing the honourable thing - closing ranks against the State - Browning went to the Police and agreed to give evidence in a ZOG Court against Charlie. Since we all were supposed to regard the Police, the Courts and the whole system of so-called justice run by our government as our sworn enemies, this to me at least amounted to treachery of the worst kind, and so I challenged Browning, in public, to a duel. I did this not once, but twice. But neither he nor any of his supporters ever contacted or met with me in response to this challenge.

I was prepared to put my own life on the line in defence of Charlie, while Browning was aiding and abetting our sworn enemies because he put his own personal vendetta against Charlie before the principles he was supposed to uphold and believe in. This co-operation by Browning with ZOG was even confirmed by a former friend of Browning's, Thomas Nakaba, who said that the information to arrest and convict him on bomb charges could "only have come from Browning."
 

Why did you resign as leader of the NSM?

Basically because I believed I had achieved all I could, given my own limited leadership abilities, and that it was time for someone else to take over. I never intended to lead the NSM for long, and did hope that someone, some leader, would emerge or make themselves known.

In addition, I desired to spend some time with my family since for well over two years I had been away almost every weekend, meeting people, attending meetings and so on, and spent most of my time, during the week after work, doing things for C18 and the NSM.

So you didn't as some claim, "run away" following an article about you in the Searchlight magazine?

(Myatt laughs). I think the people at Searchlies overestimate the impact of their dis-information. I have never "run away" from anything, and especially not from so -called Media pressure, contrary to the lies of cowards like the Zionist Nick Lowles.

Consider what happened after my so-called "exposure" by BBC's Panorama programme and newspaper article which had a photograph of me on the front page, and a picture of my home together with the name of the village where I lived. What did I do? Tried to reform the NSM on the basis of leaderless resistance. A sort of "up yours!" attitude.

As for the more distant past, if you are involved in covert operations - or striving to organize a covert group or recruiting people for covert operations of different kinds - publicity is somewhat detrimental. Therefore a good "cover-story", or two, are useful, to divert attention.

According to Nick Lowles in his book White Riot: The Violent Story of Combat 18 did you not offer to write anti-racist articles for Searchlight about that time?

Those people have no sense of humour. I did indeed offer to send them a few articles I had written - including Why National-Socialism Is Not Racist - as I did offer to explain how a Muslim could be a National-Socialist. All these articles were published by me, before or shortly after this most generous offer, and most have appeared on various Usenet newsgroups.

As for the allegation that following an article in Searchlies I dropped out of the NSM and converted to Islam, their time-scale once again is completely wrong. I believe the time interval between the article and my conversion was around eight months, just as it was many weeks after the article that I resigned from the NSM.

I issued several rebuttals to the hackneyed "Myatt is a satanist!" lies and dis-information contained in that particular Searchlies article, and no one in the NSM at the time took it seriously or believed any of it anyway. Indeed, I regarded it - just like I now regard all the anti-Myatt lies and propaganda and disinformation in the White Riot book - as something of a compliment, a tribute to the effectiveness of my writings and the NSM itself.

If some people choose to believe the lies about me in such Zionist articles and books, then they do. And if they do, they are acting dishonourably. For the honourable, the Aryan, thing to do is for a person to ask me, personally, for my side of the story, just as you have done.

The fact is that the Zionists - and all those who oppose the aim of a free, independent, Aryan homeland governed according to our unique Aryan laws - have no answer to the Aryan ideals I have propounded and explained over the past twenty or so years. Therefore they continue to smear me using one fabricated so-called "interview" which was printed nearly thirty years ago.

I have explained in clear words - in writings such as my The Complete Guide to the Aryan Way of Life - what our Aryan ethics are, what our Aryan way of life involves, what our system of government should be, as I have consistently championed the cause of Aryan freedom and Aryan culture. By trying to discredit me with their lying "black propaganda" about my non-existent involvement with satanism the Zionists - and all who oppose the aim of a free, independent, Aryan homeland - hope that Aryans will ignore my writings and the ideals I have expounded. That so many Aryans, it seems, continue to believe and parrot such Zionist "black propaganda" just reveals how far we, as a people, have strayed from our civilizing ideals of honour, loyalty and duty to the folk.
 

What happened to your reformed NSM?

It was cancelled after six months or so due to lack of interest, so I decided to concentrate on Reichsfolk and the aim of rural folk communities. Together, of course, with striving to forge an alliance between Muslims, who upheld the true Deen, and National-Socialists.
 

Getting back to Combat 18, what is your opinion of the White Riot book?

It is basically a piece of Zionist disinformation designed to praise Browning and smear everyone else. The book constantly praises Browning - "fearless fighter"; "revered in Europe"; "loyal" and so on - and makes excuse after excuse for his behaviour, especially for his betrayal of Charlie and his part in getting Charlie convicted by a ZOG court. In addition, it parrots Browning's lies about Charlie - especially concerning the events leading up to the killing of Chris Castle - without giving Charlie's version of events.

In contrast to Browning, the other C18 characters are portrayed as "misfits", weirdoes, outlandish, teenagers who couldn't grow up, and so on ad nauseum.

Why are the Zionists praising Browning? Because he knowingly or unknowingly did their work for them by disrupting C18 and getting Charlie convicted and sent to prison for a very long time. And because he continued to put his irrational personal hatred of one person before the political ideas he was supposed to believe in thus further dividing the NS cause in this and other countries.

Finally, do you have any regrets about your involvement with C18, the NSM or anything you have written?

I have only one regret, and that is that we did not achieve what we could have achieved and wanted to achieve: a National-Socialist revolution in this country.

Many of us have learnt a lesson from what happened, as some of us have adapted or changed our tactics accordingly.
 

(Interview by JRW, December 112yf)

"Three things have always inspired me: the ideal of Space Travel, the belief that our evolution, as human beings, has only just begun - that we can and indeed should evolve still further, in terms of our abilities and our consciousness - and a feeling concerning our being part of Nature. The first two are really part of one vision - the ideal of a Galactic Empire."
 
 

A New Strategy: Toward Islam and Understanding Esoteric Hitlerism

Following my resignation as leader of the NSM I concentrated once more on writing about the noble Cause of National-Socialism and trying to build a solid foundation for the Reichsfolk organization.

Reichsfolk was an organization which I created with the two-fold aim of propagating the idealistic philosophy and ethical values of National-Socialism, and forming rural communities where National-Socialists could live according to the ethos of their Aryan culture: in a natural and healthy way, with respect for and understanding of Nature.  The members of Reichsfolk were, and are, expected to uphold, and live by in their daily lives, the ideal of honour. The emphasis of Reichsfolk was, and is, on the Way of Life of the individual. In this sense, it is not a political organization at all as its tactics are based on the assumption that it would be many decades before National-Socialism would have a large following again. The basis of these tactics is personal conversion to the Cause - honourable individuals aiming to convert others on a personal basis and through personal example. No Reichsfolk rallies; no attempt to hold large meetings; no political rhetoric, and not even any propaganda addressed to 'the public'.
 

It was at this time that I came to learn more about several militant religious groups. These groups were actually trying to do something practical about the power and influence of international finance with its materialistic, culture-destroying, capitalist-consumer ethos.

The more I discovered about these groups, the more I came to admire them, for I still retained the wish, the hope, that this ignoble System would be destroyed within my own lifetime.  Was it possible for such groups to bring about the breakdown of the System, somewhere, and if so, what kind of State would they create? Would or could such a State be an ally to a group struggling for freedom against the capitalist enemy? Would, or could, such a State create a new Empire founded on spiritual values?  Would these groups be interested in co-operating with another anti-capitalist movement?

Perhaps I should explain that I, like all National-Socialists, regard all modern societies in the West to be indirectly controlled by the forces of international finance. I had written about this in great detail over the years - and used  the term social engineering to describe how these capitalists saught to influence and control the peoples of the West and make them into materialistic consumers and worker-drones lost to their ancestral culture and their traditional, ancestral way of life. This control and influence was mainly through certain political and social ideas, all based upon a materialistic, culture-destroying, ethos and all dedicated to the mechanistic, Nature-destroying, ideas of "progress" and "profit". Over decades, Western societies had been changed fundamentally, with Western - or more correctly Aryan - culture and customs suppressed and often outlawed, and with our ethos of Blood and Soil - of respect for Folk and Nature - destroyed through the selfish pursuit of pleasure, materialism and profit. I had also come to understand - as several other people had - that world capitalism and Marxian socialism were allies: or rather, two aspects of the same materialistic, culture, destroying, Nature-destroying, mechanistic, ethos, with Marxist social engineering, through the creation of tyrannical "politically-correct" societies, paving the way for, and aiding, international capitalism with its consumer and worker-drone values.
 

Since many of these militant religious groups also regarded the capitalist-consumer West, and international finance, as enemies, there was a certain common ground: a common enemy. Would it be possible for there to be co-operation between these militant, Islamic, groups and National-Socialists?  Maybe just a tactical co-operation in the future? We both, it seemed, wanted to overthrow the existing power-structure of the West. I still passionately believed that the System was so repressive, so inherently evil - contrary to everything I believed in - that any assistance in undermining and destroying it would be welcome.  To be honest, I did not have any hopes that something immediately helpful to the Cause I believed in would result - but I did feel that I had to at least try, for I sensed there could be an opportunity here, or in the future, and if I did nothing, I would never know. Furthermore, I wanted to discover if my life-long vision of a Galactic Empire, based upon an Earth united in its very diversity and difference, was possible.  As often in my life, I wanted to do something - to try and make a difference, or try and find some answers - regardless of whether other people supported what I was doing or even understood what I was doing.

So I set out to find out more about these groups and about Islam itself. I came to greatly admire these modern fighters in the cause of Islam as I came to admire and, I believe, understand Islam itself. I met people from all over the Islamic world - from the Arabian peninsula, from Pakistan, from Africa, from Asia.  But how could a National-Socialist - an admirer of Adolf Hitler and his SS - come to sit happily in the homes of a Pakistani, an Arab, an African from Chad, share a meal, talk affably about God, our dreams for the future, the need for a spiritual renaissance, and, of course, the common enemy?

Because the truth about National-Socialism has been obscured for over fifty years, thanks to the intensive, hateful, world-wide, well financed and unending propaganda campaign directed against it.

I never lived up to the stereotyped Marxist-Capitalist image of a National-Socialist - that is, some sort of rabid so-called "racist" who hated other races, saw them as inferior, and who would want to create "another holocaust". Rather, and in common with all true National-Socialists, I loved my own people, valued my own heritage and wished to see the creation of independent homelands where the different races and cultures could live in freedom according to their own customs.

I personally had a vision of a new world composed of such homelands, led by honourable, idealistic, rational individuals who also cared for their people. This vision was of such homelands co-operating together for their mutual benefit, with such co-operation being one of the foundations necessary to begin the creation of a Galactic Empire.  I understood long ago that the age of Empire solely on Earth was gone, never to return - that it was ultimately a waste of our human potential.  Indeed, it was such a noble vision of diverse ethnic nations co-operating together which also inspired many influential people in the Third Reich and particularly in the SS, and which led to the alliance with Japan, the creation of non-Germanic SS divisions, and the plan to create many more had Germany won the war.

I saw myself as carrying on this National-Socialist and SS tradition of seeking knowledge, understanding and co-operation while always bearing in mind that my foremost duty was to my own people - to their freedom and their culture. [ See Footnote (1) - a quote from Waffen SS General Leon Degrelle. ]

So I studied, learnt and tried to move toward understanding and perhaps useful co-operation now or in the future. I felt some similarity between the idea of a revived Islamic Khilafah and my vision of a new Empire spreading out from Earth, as I came to a better understanding of the wide-sweep of world history itself and those forces which are tearing us apart, despite all the good and often honourable intentions. Not long after I began a study of Islam, I became a Muslim because it seemed to me not only a most honourable way of life but also offered - or seemed then to offer - the possibility of continuing in a practical way my life-long struggle against world capitalism.  I was particularly impressed by the achievements, and writings, of Imam Khomeini, and the Islamic Republic of Iran itself where a remarkable fusion seemed to have taken place between Iranian culture and Islam, producing what is possibly a new civilization: a modern rebirth of nobility and honour.

Just as, years ago when a Buddhist, a Taoist, or a Christian, I had considered those ways of life as not incompatible with my heart-felt belief in what is often described as esoteric Hitlerism, so too did I consider Islam as not being incompatible. After all, I knew that over sixty thousand Muslims had joined the SS, and that many National-Socialists - Hitler, Himmler and Leon Degrelle included - had a great respect for Islam.  I also knew that Major General Otto Ernst Remer - one of my National-Socialist heroes since the early days of my political involvement - had lived for several years in exile in Egypt and Syria and had made many Muslim friends in those countries.

In particular, there was one verse in the Quran which intrigued me before my own conversion to Islam, and after reflecting upon this verse, I considered  it might be possible somehow to forge some kind of alliance between Muslims and National-Socialists in the cause of both fighting their common enemy and building a new world based upon nobility and honour, and dedicated to the pursuit of the numinous.
 

This verse was: "We made you into different nations and tribes, that you might recognize [and cooperate with] one another." (49: 13. Interpretation of meaning by T.B. Irving, Tehran, 1419 AH)  This seemed to me to reflect the essence of National-Socialism: individual nations, based upon ethnic tribes, co-operating together in the pursuit of nobility, and respecting each other's freedom and culture.

I was to find many ordinary Muslims who admired Hitler and the Third Reich, as I found some who understood what he was trying to achieve for Germany and Europe. I myself read some of the writings of Mohammed Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who lived for many years in National-Socialist Germany and who helped recruit Muslims for the SS. He also restored Al-Haram al-Sharif, in Al-Quds (Jerusalem), which contains Al-Aqsa Mosque, and the Dome of the Rock, and which is regarded as the third most sacred place in Islam after Makkah and Madinah. It was Mohammed Amin al-Husseini who further beautified the Dome of the Rock by covering it in gold.

 Also, I understood both Islam and National-Socialism as striving to create a better world based upon noble ideals and encouraging individuals to change themselves through a triumph of the will. Both upheld the noble ideals of honour, loyalty and duty.

But did not Islam condemn "racism" - and surely National-Socialists were racists? No, and again no. "Racism" itself was a modern abstract idea, invented by Marxists and used by social engineers to mentally condition people and so enable those social engineers to construct the modern tyrannical, dishonourable, usury-driven societies I had often written about and condemned.  Islam simply expresses the divine truth, which I accept, that all human beings are equal in the sight of God and should be treated with fairness, dignity and respect. As for genuine, modern, National-Socialism (or perhaps, better, esoteric Hitlerism), it was not a "racist" philosophy at all (according to the definition of racism given by the social engineers), as I had tried to explain particularly through the Reichsfolk organization - an organization which, like the SS, accepted members from different cultures. Instead, genuine National-Socialism, as I and people like Leon Degrelle and Otto Ernst Remer understood it, believed in the development of separate, free, ethnic nations, with their own culture and identity, and in these nations co-operating together, with no one race believing they were somehow superior to, or better than, any other race, but with each striving to achieve their differing Destinies. Furthermore, in genuine National-Socialism there was no hatred of other races but instead a respect, deriving from honour.

Having thought about the matter over the past three years, I consider such terms as "racism", "sexism" and so on as ultimately detrimental to reason and honour and creating a civilized way of life, and so consider it impossible to define or explain or represent National-Socialism in such abstract Marxist, sociological terms. For when someone thinks in such terms, or uses them in their speech and writing, they are actually thinking, writing and speaking in the socially conditioned way the Marxist social engineers want, and thus are in effect being mentally controlled by these abstract sociological ideas, which is one of the fundamental aims of Marxist social engineering.

I was to find, however, that modern Marxist and sociological ideas had infiltrated and infected even the world of Islam so that many Muslims - particularly those living in Western countries - no longer thought in pure Islamic terms but rather in the political and sociological terms of these social engineers. Essentially, I felt, and feel, rightly or wrongly, that Islam was and is in danger of being subverted by these ideas, a concern which I understand is shared by many Muslim scholars today.

Now, after living for several years as a Muslim, I feel a little closer to the understanding of life and the cosmos I saught in my youth. But I have never, in my heart and mind, renounced my belief in Adolf Hitler as a good man, an honourable man, who - believing in God - strove to create a just and noble society, and who was destroyed by the ignoble machinations of those opposed to what is good and who have spread dishonourable lies about him, his followers and his Cause. Thus it is that I find I cannot denounce this noble man and those who fought and died for the cause he upheld, as I cannot and will not denounce those who today honourably (and I stress honourably) continue the struggle in his name.

I know that I could be wrong about this, but I can only strive on the basis of what I know and understand, however unpopular and misunderstood what I know and understand is. If I am wrong, I pray that God will guide me toward the truth and give me the understanding to act according to the truth.
 

Because of these beliefs, I may find myself condemned by some Muslims, just as I now find myself condemned for being a Muslim by some of those who describe themselves as National Socialists but who do not seem to understand honour or even National-Socialism itself.  But I am used to being misunderstood through striving to be a nexus between what many believe are different worlds.

Is my quest finally over? I would like to believe it is, but I do not really know: only God knows. My intention - God willing - is to continue to strive to know, and to honourably strive on the basis of that knowledge to make this world a better place through doing and enjoining what is good. I still possess the hope that has motivated me in my decades long quest: that we can change ourselves for the better, through ideals such as honour, and so some day begin the practical exploration of the cosmos. To do this, I believe we need to create noble societies based upon both the Islamic and National-Socialist ways of life, with these societies co-operating together both for their mutual benefit and in order to make the world a better place through fighting those forces, of decadence, materialism, and mechanistic "progress", which are taking us back to barbarism and thence toward destruction.
 
 

David Myatt
 

Footnote:

" German racialism meant re-discovering the creative values of their own race, re-discovering their culture. It was a search for excellence, a noble idea. National Socialist racialism was not against the other races, it was for its own race. It aimed at defending and improving its race, and wished that all other races did the same for themselves.

That was demonstrated when the Waffen SS enlarged its ranks to include 60,000 Islamic SS. The Waffen SS respected their way of life, their customs, and their religious beliefs. Each Islamic SS battalion had an imam, each company had a mullah. It was our common wish that their qualities found their highest expression. This was our racialism. I was present when each of my Islamic comrades received a personal gift from Hitler during the new year. It was a pendant with a small Koran. Hitler was honoring them with this small symbolic gift. He was honoring them with what was the most important aspect of their lives and their history. National Socialist racialism was loyal to the German race and totally respected all other races. "

Leon Degrelle - Epic: The Story of the Waffen SS (Lecture given in 1982). Reprinted in The Journal of Historical Review, vol. 3, no. 4, pp. 441-468.

Towards Identity and the galactic Empire

Autobiographical notes, by David Myatt

This is the revised, and final, version of a Statement sent by me to the British Broadcasting Corporation in May 2000 AD (111yf)

The allegations concern: 1) the involvement of the now disbanded organization the National-Socialist Movement in what have become known as the "London nail-bombings"; and 2) the role the literature published by the NSM (some of it attributed to me) may have played in inciting these bombings.

The allegations were put to me one rainy Friday morning by a BBC film-crew (complete with "minders") who waylaid me on my way to work. The crew were part of an "investigation" by the Panorama programme. Several other people associated with the NSM have also been waylaid in the same manner and similar allegations made to them. This programme is apparently to be broadcast after the trial of the person alleged to have committed these bombings.

My reply to most of the allegations was "I have no comment to make." Yet, on reflection, I believe it is necessary to answer these allegations because someone should challenge them since this is the honourable thing to do, for otherwise the facts will not be known, and the dishonourable allegations will continue to be made.

What I did, I did from honourable motives and because I believed it was the right, the honourable, the necessary thing to do.

Neither myself nor anyone else connected to the NSM can be held responsible for these bombs in any way. That responsibility lies with the person who constructed them, planted them and caused them to explode. Only that person, and God, know the motive behind the attacks. I do not know, and so refuse to speculate or make any further comment in this respect, since this is the honourable thing to do.

(1) All bombs are terrible and barbaric. Whether made by one person in their own home, or whether manufactured legally by some big company; whether detonated by a lone bomber or dropped from some military aircraft, bombs (and missiles) are designed to injure and kill. Western governments have in recent years killed scores of civilians by dropping bombs on them, or firing missiles toward them - in Iraq, in Serbia - and these bombings are just as barbaric as those in London. The Zionist imperialists who occupy Palestine have been killing civilians with bombs and missiles for over fifty years, yet few voices in the West have been and are raised in protest at the terrible and barbaric suffering inflicted by those bombs and missiles.

Those who defend such government-sponsored bombings - and who excuse the killing they cause as "regrettable, but necessary" - and yet who decry the London bombings are being hypocrites. It could be argued that dropping bombs - or firing missiles - from a military aircraft when there is a risk of civilian casualties is just as cowardly an act as someone leaving a bomb in a public place.

Furthermore, it is no excuse to say or write or believe that such government-sponsored bombings are "justified" because a state of war exists, while such bombings as the London "nail bombings" can never be justified since they are "terrorist". It is no excuse because the individuals and/or organizations responsible for what are described as "terrorist" acts believe or know they are fighting a war, and have often issued a declaration of war before undertaking such bombings.

(2) The NSM was a revolutionary political movement which regarded the Government of this country as not only the enemy, but also repressive - as witness the many laws restricting freedom of speech, freedom of demonstration; and the laws which gave the Police sweeping powers of arrest, detention and interrogation. The literature of the NSM was designed to reflect this viewpoint. The NSM considered the creation of a revolutionary situation in this country as necessary since it wished to build an entirely new society, based upon personal honour, and believed this could only be done by destroying the dishonourable and corrupt society of the present. However, the NSM neither preached, nor saught to incite, what is called "racial hatred". Instead, it strove to propagate the warrior values of honour, loyalty and duty, and make the British people aware of, and come to value, their ancestral warrior culture and warrior heritage.

During my time as leader of the NSM I strove to make these values of honour, loyalty and duty known by what I wrote, what I said, and what I did. My own writings are full of references to how we should strive to act honourably. I can in truth say that when I led the NSM I never did anything which was dishonourable just as I did not seek to encourage anything dishonourable.

I reproduce below an article - Cosmic Perspective - I wrote several years ago. The article reflects the beliefs and attitudes I had endeavoured to use as the foundation of the NSM itself. Since I consider this article reflects the true nature of the NSM it should serve as a further rebuttal of the allegations made against the NSM, its members, and myself.

As I wrote in that article:

"I personally regret nothing. There is nothing to apologize for; nothing to plead or feel guilty about. I have done nothing dishonourable. What was written, was necessary - an expression of the noble duty I have and which I have striven to do to the best of my ability."
 

David Myatt
2000 AD
111yf

What happens to me, as an individual, is not important - what I do for my race, what happens to my race, is important. Indeed, this duty which I have towards my race is my reason for living - for our primary purpose, as individuals, is to work to secure a future for our race and so aid it to achieve its Destiny, its cosmic purpose.

Most people today, however, do not feel or understand this duty which we all, as living beings dependant upon Nature, have. Furthermore, the unnatural society of our times actively persecutes those who still possess this noble sense of duty. Thus it is that I find myself facing a prison sentence for having written about this duty which we as individuals have toward our race.

Yet prison and its personal hardships are fundamentally irrelevant - they cannot and will not affect what has been written, published, read and acted upon by others. I personally regret nothing. There is nothing to apologize for; nothing to plead or feel guilty about. I have done nothing dishonourable. What was written, was necessary - an expression of the noble duty I have and which I have striven to do to the best of my ability. What was written was what must be expressed, at this moment in the history of our race, if our race is to survive, prosper and fulfil its glorious cosmic Destiny.

My own perspective is not that of my own short lifetime - it is of centuries, of thousands of years. I think not of the life which lies ahead for me as an individual who must die, and possibly suffer, but of the cosmic, organic, process of which I am but one very small part. For I am but a brief living link - a nexus - between the past which is my folk and the future which will be my folk. I am them as they are me: past, present and future. And I like all the individuals of my folk can create or negate the future which can be by what I do, or what I do not do. The promise of the future is latent within me and my life is but a means to strive to make that future real by doing my duty to my folk - but helping my folk survive, prosper and fulfil its Destiny.

If our race is indeed to survive we must have this cosmic vision - this knowledge of ourselves as a nexus between the past and the future. We must know our duty, and do our noble duty, whatever the personal cost to ourselves, as individuals.

For myself, I have simply transmitted in written form in my own native language the wisdom of life - the wisdom of Folk and Fatherland - which already exists, and which has existed for thousands of years before me. I, as an individual, have experienced, thought, and after many years personally re-discovered the cosmic essence which is this wisdom of life - the essence which is now hidden behind the facade of our modern materialistic and unnatural society. Having re-discovered this essence, I have tried to do my duty and express this essence, this wisdom, in words so that others may come to learn the truth about the meaning of life.

My own personal life, my own background - anything and everything to do with me as an individual - are irrelevant, and of no consequence. So it is that I have maintained, and will maintain, a dignified silence about all the rumours, lies and allegations which the enemies of this wisdom have written and spoken about me in the hope of discrediting me and thus what I have written. Furthermore, in the end, my forthcoming trial, and my imprisonment are not important - their only significance being that they will prove the truth and importance of what I have written, as they will reveal this State for the tyranny it is. A tyrannical System which is built upon lies and which has brainwashed its people, year after year and decade after decade, has to persecute and imprison writers who write about the forbidden wisdom. Why else persecute and imprison someone just for writing some articles, some pamphlets or some book?

But the truth about Folk and Fatherland - the almost forgotten wisdom of life - has been re-discovered, written about and so will live on, transmitted by both old and new means. So will it live to reach a new generation and the generations after that until, sometime in the future, this truth will be made real again in a new Golden Age society.

The persecutions of the present only serve to hasten this glorious future of ours, for as the Greek poet Aeschylus wrote nearly two and half thousand years ago, there is and will be a learning from adversity.

Prisons are barbaric because they all treat individuals in an uncivilized, a dishonourable, way. This society, like all other Western societies and indeed all societies in the world, accepts Prisons, and regards them as necessary.
 

Prisons are inhuman because they use the tactics of the cowardly bully; that is, they are based upon the law of the bully: those who have power (the Prison guards, the Prison officials such as the Governor) demand that prisoners do what they are told or they will suffer. And those in power have the right, the authority, to use whatever force they deem necessary to enforce their will. Thus, if someone does not "behave" and do as they are told and live in the degrading way which all Prisons demand, then they can be physically subdued, thrown into a special punishment cell, and punished by being given a longer prison sentence.  Quite often, such troublesome inmates are physically attacked by the guards: "to teach them a lesson and show them who is the boss". This is ignoble; it is barbaric.

Successive governments have accepted and condoned this barbarism, this institutional bullying. In the so-called "democratic" countries of the West, this bullying is most often a moral type of blackmail: "Do what we say and you will be released from Prison early. Disobey us, and we will keep you in Prison for longer." But even in these countries there is often real bullying, real physical intimidation of inmates, by both guards and fellow prisoners.

Prison is an affront to human dignity; it is denial of the most fundamental rights of a human being. Prisons treat people like animals: caging them; punishing those who "misbehave" and rewarding those who do what they are told. The system only works because the inmates know that they are powerless: any attempt at rebellion will be swiftly put down by extreme, brutal and if necessary lethal force, as has happened many times in the past. So the inmates are cowered into submission, into accepting, year after year after year, the degrading way of life which exists in all Prisons.

The conditions inside modern Prisons in our society may be better than in the past - plentiful food, warmth and so on - but otherwise Prisons are still barbaric, primitive institutions based upon the law of the bully and dedicated to enforcing the dictates, the authority, of the government of the day. Prisons have made bullying into an art.
 

Primative Retribution Versus Civilized Change

Whatever a person has done - or is alleged to have done - nothing justifies this institutionalized bullying, this inhuman, degrading treatment.

No society which accepts and condones Prisons can call itself a civilized society. It is uncivilized, inhuman, for a society to accept and condone the concept, the idea, of forcefully punishing a person for doing what that society has made "illegal" through some law or laws. The whole concept, the idea, of some government, some Institution, exacting "retribution" from a person by confining them to Prison is uncivilized.

No words are too strong to condemn the idea of Prison, and the barbaric system of retribution, of "criminal law", which underlies all modern societies. For these societies are based upon the primitive uncivilized idea that people cannot fundamentally change, and should seldom if ever be given a "second chance".

The civilized way, the human way - the way of Folk Culture - is for those found guilty of some wrongful deed to be given a choice between: (1) making amends in some way, through voluntary work in the community or through compensating their victims or victims financially, which may involve the offender working in a job for a set period and giving most of their earnings to the victim or victims; (2) exile, that is, through leaving the society and making a new life for themselves somewhere else.

That is, the civilized way, the human way, is to respect the dignity of the person, whatever that person has done or is alleged to have done: to still allow them a choice; to still allow them to be free; and most important of all to allow for them to change themselves for the better through honest hard work.
 

The very foundation of civilized life is freedom: the ability of the individual to be free, to have a choice; to be able to decide their own fate. And it is this freedom, and the honour and dignity which goes with it, that society has taken away with its primitive idea of punitive punishment, of primative retribution, and its primitive institution of Prison.

It must be repeated: Whatever a person has done - or is alleged to have done - nothing justifies this institutionalized bullying, this inhuman, degrading treatment.

What is uncivilized is to deprive an individual of their freedom, for however short a time: to force them, either physically through superior force, or morally through moral blackmail, to do as they are told.

What is uncivilized is to forcefully restrain a person: to fetter them in any way, through handcuffs, or chains, or any form of restraint, including the use of "medicines". To do this, is to treat a human being like an animal: it is to deny their human status.

Such a use of force, such a taking away of the liberty of the individual, is barbaric.
 
 

The Modern Idea of Rehabilitation of Offenders

Of course, most modern societies have tried in some ways to move toward the "rehabilitation of offenders" but this is mostly done within the Prison system. That is, the bullying, undignified way of life of Prisons is still the basis for dealing with offenders. All that has been done is to try and give those in Prison some training, some skills, so that when they are released, they may stand a better chance of getting a job.

The fundamental way of dealing with offenders is still the same as it was: the severe punishment of removing them from society, from their family and friends, and condemning them to live as caged animals. Well fed, and sometimes "well treated" by their guards, but nonetheless still caged like animals, and still treated according to the law of the bully.
 

The Civilized Way of Exile

Some people cannot or do not wish to change, as some people may not initially benefit from being given a second chance. The civilized way to deal with such people - that is, with those who have not benefited from having to work to recompense their victim or victims, and/or who continue to re-offend - is to exile them; to remove them from society and thus make them into "outlaws".

The problem with this, in this modern world, is that there are now few, if any, areas where people can be exiled to, or where such outlaws could go. Few, if any, nations in the world today would accept such exiles. There are few, if any, opportunities today for such exiles to start a new life, to make something out of themselves.

That this is so is a sad reflection on the modern world: on its lack of humanity, based as this lack of humanity is on a primitive, uncivilized, irrational, view of human nature itself.

To be civilized is to be optimistic about human nature: to accept that most people, given the right circumstances, and the opportunity, can change themselves for the better. To be civilized is to accept that there are few really bad people in this world, and that most people who offend some law or other, can change for the better, can contribute in a positive way, given the right circumstances, the right opportunity, and most importantly given the right difficulties to overcome.

The civilized way is to allow for such a change in people: to give them a chance, and present them with challenges and difficulties, for most human beings, when faced with problems, with great difficulties, with great challenges - whatever their past deeds - will rise to the challenge.

Lacking vast, underpopulated, ungoverned, undiscovered, pioneering areas and territories - which would provide the opportunities, the difficulties exiles needed to change - the civilized thing to do is for nations to get together and establish some area, some territory, where exiles can go to and live. Or failing this, for one nation, opting to live in a civilized way and so abolish its Prisons, to set aside an area of its own territory for such exiles: where those exiled can freely live and which that nation has declared to be "outside the law", with there being an established and guarded border.
 
 

Bad by Nature

Of course, even given such opportunities as this, given such places of exile as these, there will probably always be a few individuals who by nature are bad and who will never change.

How to deal will this small minority? Such really bad people - who have not been reformed through honest hard work - will be exiled, and having been exiled, will be free to prey upon other exiles: free to do bad and possibly terrible things. But such bad people will always be exiled as individuals; they will arrive in the outlaw territory by themselves, and given the fact that these bad people will be in a minority even in such outlaw territory, they will have to face others who are not so bad as them and who will not be prepared to be bullied or intimidated by such people.
 

What is important about exile, about an outlaw country - a place where there is no established law - is that individuals have the freedom, and the ability, to defend themselves. That is, that the only law in such places is the law of personal honour: people are responsible for themselves. They have the freedom to act: to determine their own future.

Naturally, they may well be gangs of bad people formed, or gangs led by a bad person, who will prey upon other exiles. But it is up to these other exiles to deal with this, through defending themselves. They will at least have the opportunity, the freedom, to do this, and may well seek other people like themselves, and so join together to fight these bad gangs. History is replete with such examples: indeed, the creation of civilization itself arose from such conflict, from free men and women, fundamentally good in nature, getting together to take on those who were bad in nature or being led by someone who was bad.

The knowledge of such things as this in such outlaw territories will be sufficient reason for some offenders - given the choice of exile - to decide against exile, just as it will make others, both bad in nature and good in nature, willingly take or accept such exile.

In a sense, such bad people as will exist in such outlaw lands will be dealt with by Nature: by the natural process of growth, of change; by the natural processes, the natural laws, which exist and have always existed.
 
 

A New Nation

What will happen over time in such outlaw territories is that a balance will be attained between those who have made something of themselves, and changed for the better, and those who are and who will remain, bad in nature, with there being "wild" areas controlled by these bad people, and areas controlled by those who wish to live with some kind of "law and order".

It may well be that, over time, those who have changed will want to control in some way those who live in such uncontrolled areas, and so desire to bring their own new laws into these "wild areas".

So it may well be that a new nation is one day born in the outlaw territory, with its own identity, its own unique way of life, its own character, thus beginning a new episode in the saga of our human history, of our continuing change and evolution. For this new society may and should wish to continue the human way of living, and so desire to create its own area where it can send its own exiles.....
 

This natural, organic, civilized change and human progress can and should go on, century after century. One day in the not too distant future, we should establish our first colonies on other worlds - perhaps at first on the planet Mars, and then later on, on some planet orbiting some far distant star. The way of exile is the way such colonies can grow: the way we as a species can and should continue growing; the way we can and should produce new cultures, new nations, new diversity.

Understood in this way, the way of the present - of Prisons, of bullying - is incredibly wasteful of our human potential, condemning us as it does to living in a primitive, inhuman, way.

In contrast to the present, the way of exile, of reform, is our opportunity to act like human beings: an opportunity to treat others in a human way, as well as an opportunity to continue the saga of our human evolution.
 

David Myatt
JD2451899.979
 

Freedom and Government:

True freedom involves the free giving of personal allegiance, with such allegiance being given on a person's word of honour. Such a giving of personal allegiance, and the principle of personal honour, defined as personal honour is through a Code of Honour, are the basis for liberty and dignity: an expression of the civilized way of life. Personal honour is thus the criteria for judgement: the basis of what is fair and just.
 

Thus, a free individual only accepts the authority of someone to whom that individual has sworn allegiance and thus obedience. In the case of a Government or any other Institution, the same principle applies: a free individual only accepts the authority of officials if that individual has freely made, on their honour, an Oath of Allegiance to that Government or Institution.

A Government is a government of freedom - an upholder of liberty and honour - when and only when it gives and allows its subjects, its citizens, the right to freely give their allegiance to it and thus to those officials its appoints and who represent that Government and its authority. Furthermore, such a Government of liberty and honour makes it a condition of citizenship that every adult swear, before witnesses, an oath of Allegiance.
 

Anyone who does not freely give their allegiance to such a Government - who refuses to swear, on their honour, an Oath of Allegiance to such a Government - or who before witnesses renounces a freely given Oath of Allegiance, becomes a rebel, and a Government of liberty and honour gives every such rebel the right the leave the territory and live, as a free individual, elsewhere. A denial of this right of exile, of this right of an individual to become an outlaw in a territory or territories over which the Government does not exercise authority, is evidence of tyranny.

A Government of liberty and honour thus respects the sovereignty of the individual: the right of an individual to freely give, or freely deny, their allegiance; the right of an individual to rebel and choose exile; and the right of an individual to use personal honour as the criteria for personal judgement: as an expression of what is right and just. This sovereignty of the individual is the true basis for individual freedom and true democratic government.

It is tyrannical for a Government to assume that its subjects or citizens - those who reside in the territory over which it claims authority - accept its authority, or to not allow them to freely make, or freely deny, their allegiance.
 

Laws, Courts of Law and Personal Honour:

A tyrannical Government is one which takes away by presumption or force or legislation, or by all or any combination of these, the sovereignty of the individual. Any law, edict or judgement by any Government which does not use or express or imply the criteria personal honour as the basis for that law, edict, or judgement, is a tyrannical, unjust, dishonourable law, edict or judgement.

Before any judgement is made in any Court of Law, and before any trial in any Court of Law, it is the duty of officials of a Government of liberty and honour to ascertain if the individual before that Court and the subject of such a judgement has given an Oath of Allegiance to the Government from which such Courts derive their authority.

If such an individual has not given such an Oath, then any and all proceedings are null and void, and until it has been proven that such an individual has given such an Oath, on their honour, or until that individual does take or does re-affirm that Oath in such a Court, the proceedings and judgement are invalid because tyrannical and dishonourable: a taking away of the sovereignty of that individual, of the right of that individual to exercise their own judgement, based on honour, and on the right of that individual to freely give their allegiance: to freely accept the authority of an individual, an official or a Government.
 

Rebellion:

It is the right, the moral duty, of every individual to rebel against a Government which denies and takes away by any means whatsoever the sovereignty of the individual: which thus denies or does not allow or which forbids, through any law or laws, the right of an individual to freely give, and freely deny, their personal allegiance, and which takes away by any means or through any law the right of every individual to defend their own personal honour according to a Code of Honour.

A Government which does these things is a tyrannical Government and its dishonourable actions demand that honourable individuals formally and before witnesses renounce their Oath of Allegiance to it, and then either declare war against such a Government, as so seek its overthrow, or seek exile elsewhere. Should such honourable individuals who seek such exile, having renounced their Oath, or not given an Oath, to such a Government, not be able to live in exile elsewhere because of Government restrictions, Government measures or the use of force by such a Government, then those honourable individuals are honour and duty bound to declare war upon such a Government.

It is the right, the moral duty, of every individual to use whatever force is necessary to overthrow such a tyrannical Government.
 
 

David Myatt
JD 2451888.316

The word of a man of honour is his bond - when a man of honour gives his word ("On my word of honour...") he means it, since to break one's word is a dishonourable act. An oath of loyalty or allegiance to someone, once sworn by a man of honour ("I swear by my honour that I shall...") can only be ended either: (i) by the man of honour formally asking the person to whom the oath was sworn to release him from that oath, and that person agreeing so to release him; or (ii) by the death of the person to whom the oath was sworn. Anything else is dishonourable.

A man of honour is prepared to do his honourable duty by challenging to a duel anyone who impugns his honour or who makes dishonourable accusations against him. Anyone so challenged to a duel who, refusing to publicly and unreservedly apologize, refuses also to accept such a challenge to a duel for whatever reason, is acting dishonourably, and it is right to call such a person a coward and to dismiss as untruthful any accusations such a coward has made. Honour is only satisfied - for the person so accused - if he challenges his accuser to a duel and fights it; the honour of the person who so makes such accusations or who so impugns another man's honour, is only satisfied if he either unreservedly apologizes or accepts such a challenge and fights such a duel according to the etiquette of duelling. A man of honour may also challenge to a duel and fight in such a duel, a person who has acted dishonourably toward someone whom the man of honour has sworn loyalty or allegiance to or whom he champions.

A man of honour always does the duty he has sworn to do, however inconvenient it may be and however dangerous, because it is honourable to do one's duty and dishonourable not to do one's duty. A man of honour is prepared to die - if necessary by his own hand - rather than suffer the indignity of having to do anything dishonourable. A man of honour can only surrender to or admit to defeat by someone who is as dignified and as honourable as he himself is - that is, he can only entrust himself under such circumstances to another man of honour who swears to treat his defeated enemy with dignity and honour. A man of honour must die fighting, or die by his own hand, rather than subject himself to the indignity of being defeated by someone who is not a man of honour.

A man of honour treats others courteously, regardless of their culture, religion and race, and women gallantly, and is only disdainful and contemptuous of those who, by their attitude, actions and behaviour, treat him with disrespect or try to harm him, or who treat with disrespect or try to harm those he has personally sworn loyalty to or whom he champions.

A man of honour, when called upon to act, or when honour bids him to act, acts without hesitation and if necessarily quite ruthlessly provided always that honour is satisfied.

A man of honour, in public, is somewhat reserved and controlled and not given to displays of emotion, or to boasting, preferring as he does deeds to words.

A man of honour does not lie, once having sworn on oath ("I swear on my honour that I shall speak the truth...") as he does not steal from others or cheat others for such conduct is dishonourable. A man of honour may use guile or cunning to deceive his sworn enemies, and his sworn enemies only, provided always that he does not personally benefit from such guile or cunning and provided always that honour is satisfied.

A man of honour strives to dress in a clean, discreet way in practical clothes devoid of ostentation and suitable to the task in hand.

Science is generally regarded and generally understood to be the rational pursuit of knowledge by empirical means - that is, through observation, experiment and the use of reason, or logic. Genuine scientific theories are only a rational explanation of what has been observed, in an experiment or via the senses, or what has been assumed to exist on the basis of observation, experiment or logical reasoning.

All reasoning, however, has to be based upon some fundamental assumptions, or some fundamental beliefs. These beliefs or assumptions, which underlie science by the nature of knowledge itself and by the nature of the pursuit of knowledge, concern the fundamental reality - the nature of what we call existence itself.

So far in the history of human thought, there have been two quite different but comprehensive answers given to the nature of Reality. The first of these, though not the most ancient, is what we may call the rationalist answer, and this underlies what has become to be called modern Science. This answer is based upon the assumption that Reality can be defined - or rather, understood - by us. The assumption here is that what is called the natural or physical world - observed, known or understood by our senses - is the basis of knowledge, and that anything which is not immediately observable, and thus not subject to experiment and verification,  cannot form the basis for a proper, rational, understanding.

The second, and perhaps the more ancient, answer is based upon the belief that there is a hierarchy of realities, of which the observable and thus physical reality, of which we are part, is but one and perhaps the lowest one. The highest reality is considered to be the realm of God - or 'the gods'. Most of the higher realities beyond us are considered to be unknown to us and unknowable by us. Belief in such things as miracles, and 'magic', depends on this particular answer to the nature of Reality. In contrast to the rationalist answer, this may be called the theistic answer to the question: What is the nature of Reality?
 

The real beginnings of the rationalist answer occurs in the works of Aristotle. According to him: (i) the cosmos (or Reality) exists independently of us and our consciousness, and thus independent of our senses; (ii) our limited understanding of this 'external world' depends for the most part upon our senses - that is, on what we can see, hear or touch; that is, on what we can observe or come to know via our senses; (iii) logical argument, or reason, is the means to knowledge and understanding of and about this 'external world'; (iv) the cosmos is, of itself, a reasoned order subject to rational laws.

The importance of these Aristotelian essentials needs emphasizing, for they enable us to avoid the  speculation, the confusion and the often irrational assumptions and conclusions that mark the theistic attempts at understanding. For example, what is beyond our senses and our direct experience cannot form the basis of understanding, and is therefore irrelevant - for what is important to understanding is what is known, what is perceived by us, and what can be logically extrapolated from this understanding. Using these Aristotelian essentials, we can soon appreciate some of the most important conclusions which Aristotle himself reached. These logical conclusions, based on the essentials we have accepted, form the basis of our own enquiry. They are:

(1) Since the cosmos is an order, a changing, which we because of our consciousness can understand, the change, or movement, of things in this cosmos does not have a beginning as it does not have an end. Therefore, any speculation about the 'origin' of this cosmos is idle and useless because the cosmos is eternal.

(2) This changing of the cosmos - the movement within it, its cycle of growth, decline and growth for example - is itself dependent on something. This is the timeless, or eternal, 'prime mover', or 'First Cause', which itself does not move, as measured by time. Time itself is the measure of movement - that is, time is implicit in, or is a part of, movement. Expressed another way, time is the measure of change.

(3) All life implies 'ordinary' matter plus an extra "something". Our own human life possesses more of this extra "something" than other life. Thus do we and we alone of all life that we know have 'consciousness', an awareness of our surroundings, and 'the desire to know'.
 

The Acausal and The Soul of Living Beings

All living beings, because they are living beings, possess what may be termed acausal energy. The acausal energy which life - which all living beings - possess because they are living may be described, somewhat inaccurately, as the "life-force" or "the soul" of that living being, for this acausal energy is not destroyed, or lost, when that living being ceases to live in the causal, physical world. That is, this acausal energy is preserved beyond the physical, causal, death of that living being.

Furthermore, all living beings - however small - possess acausal energy.

The science of Physics describes the ordinary matter of the cosmos and its movement, or change. This description depends on ordinary or causal time. But this is an incomplete description of the cosmos because it considers such movement in isolation, in purely causal terms, whereas the cosmos, and the matter/energy within it, is both causal and acausal. Furthermore, the changes which Physics describes are described by an earth-derived and earth-bound causal time based on our own planetary-sun cycle of change.
 

What needs to be understood is that this other aspect, the acausal, can be experienced and known - that is, it exists in the physical sense, can be discovered by us, and known. It is not 'immaterial' in the sense of being 'spiritual', and neither is it unknowable in the sense of theistic philosophy. The best way is to consider this acausal as another type of energy or change, different from ordinary energy and ordinary, causal, change as measured and understood by causal, earth-derived, time. This acausal is most evidently manifest to us in living things - in we ourselves, and in the aspects or life-forms of Nature.

To make this acausal real for ourselves - to fully understand it - we have to somehow discover, describe or capture and express this acausal in some physical way. We must find some means of describing the changes of this 'acausal matter/energy' in terms of 'acausal time'. For this, the mathematical descriptions used by Physics to describe the changes of ordinary matter will not do because such descriptions describe such changes in terms of causal time, even when non-Euclidean geometry is used.
 
 

  Causal Time and Space:

First, it is necessary to try and describe the causal 'world' of matter, motion and causal time: that is the phenomenal world of Physics.

The traditional description of causal, or ordinary, matter and its movement or change involves the use of a frame of reference, or geometrical co-ordinate system, whether this be an absolute one, as posited by Newton, or a relative one, as posited by modern Physics. Space is defined by this frame of reference - for space, in the physical sense, is said to exist between two objects, or points, which are themselves described by fixed co-ordinates of a frame of reference. Space is simply 'extension'. In this simple sense, causal time is the duration between the movement of an object, measured from some starting point in a frame of reference, to the measured end of that movement in the same frame of reference.

The notions of 'force' and 'energy' are used to describe changes which an object or objects can undergo, and such changes are dependent on the mass, velocity (or movement), rate of change of velocity and the distance of movement of the object or the other object(s) which affect or cause an object to so change. Force, and energy, are basically expressions of the changes of causal matter over causal time.

Modern physics assumes these things - force, space and time - exist, of themselves. That is, that space exists and that a particular force, for example the gravitational force due to a massive object, exists in the space around that massive object - or may even be some function of this abstract Space itself.

Whatever the reality of such concepts in actual, cosmic, terms, they have hitherto proved useful in describing the motion and behaviour of observed and observable physical matter, as they have provided a basic understanding of the known physical cosmos.

In the overall, cosmic sense, the Physics of causal matter, and the laws which form the basis of this Physics, should be considered to be a special, or limiting, case of the  Acausal or unitary cosmos described by the laws and processes and concepts of acausal matter and acausal time. That is, the laws, process and concepts of acausal matter and acausal time should also describe, as a limiting case, the laws, processes and concepts of known physical matter.

Furthermore, it should be noted that the modern theories of quantum mechanics and 'chaos' are just as much bound to causal concepts of Time and Space as the older theories such as that of Newton. Similarly, abstract mathematical models such as those of n-dimensional non-Euclidean geometry are also based upon the causal when applied to actual physical concepts: they always imply some sort of 'metric', some notion of causal Space. The thinking, the perception, the models and theories which result are still causal - still seeking to describe the cosmos in terms of a causal time and a concept of Space which is inherently causal. This is so because the very concept of Space, however described in current philosophical, physical or mathematical terms, is always defined through causality. Only when Time itself is defined as being both causal and acausal can Space itself be properly defined, with their being causal Space and acausal Space.
 

Acausal Matter and Acausal Time and Space:

It should be understood that there are two different types of 'acausal matter' (or acausal being) which exist. There is: (1) pure acausal matter (or more correctly pure acausal energy) which exists purely in the realm (or 'universe' or 'dimensions' or continuum) of the acausal; and (2) that acausal matter (or acausal being) which by its nature, its very being, exists in both the acausal and the causal. An example of this second type is life itself - that is, life is considered to be a manifestation of acausal energy in the causal continuum.

Acausal matter of the second type - which exists partly in the causal - may be defined as ordinary, causal, matter plus an extra "acausal something" - rather like a charged particle is ordinary matter plus the extra "causal something" of electrical charge. For the present, and for convenience, we may call this extra "acausal something", acausal charge.

The basic properties of acausal matter are:

(1) An acausal object, or mass, can change without any external force acting upon it - that is, the change is implicit in that acausal matter, by virtue of its inherent acausal charge.

(2) The rate of change of an acausal object, or mass, is proportional to its acausal charge.

(3) The change of an acausal object can continue until all its acausal charge has been dissipated.

(4) Acausal charge is always conserved.

(5) An acausal object, or mass, is acted upon by all other acausal matter in the cosmos.

(6) Each acausal object in the physical cosmos attracts or repels every other acausal object in the physical cosmos with a magnitude which is proportional to the product of the acausal charges of those objects, and inversely proportional to the distance between them as measured in causal space.
 

Acausal time is implicit in acausal matter, because causal space, as such, does not exist for acausal matter - that is, such acausal matter cannot be described by a frame of reference in causal space. Separation, in the sense of physical, causal, space measured by moments of causal time or a duration of causal time, does not exist for acausal matter because such a separation implies causal time itself. Hence the principle that an acausal object or mass is acted upon by all other matter in the cosmos because all such matter can be considered to be 'joined together' - to be part of an indivisible whole, a unity. In this sense, the acausal may be described as organic. In the abstract and illustrative sense, we could say that all acausal matter with acausal charge exists in the physical world described by causal space and causal time as well as existing simultaneously in a different continuum described by acausal space and acausal time, with this 'acausal space' incapable of being described in terms of conventional physical space, either Euclidean or non-Euclidean. This 'acausal space' and this 'acausal time' are manifested by, and described by, acausal charge itself - that is, by the extra property which acausal matter possesses because it is acausal.

The properties of acausal matter, enumerated above, form the basis for the new Physics which describes acausal matter and its changes, and it is no coincidence that many of them express, for acausal charge, what the ordinary Physics expresses for ordinary matter and electric charge.
 

Detecting Acausal Charges:

The acausal charges should, if they exist - that is, if the suppositions above are correct - be capable of being physically detected. That is, they should be capable of being observed, by us, and should be capable of being measured quantitatively using some measuring device devised for such a purpose. Following such detection and measurement, observations of the behaviour of such acausal charges could be made. Such observations would then form the basis for theories describing the nature and the laws of such charges. The result would then be the construction of organic machines and equipment, following the invention of basic "machines" to generate, or produce, moving acausal charges.

A useful comparison to aid the understanding of such a process of discovery, measurement and theory, exists in the history of electricity. Static electricity was known for many centuries, but not understood until the concept of positive and negative charges was postulated. Later, instruments such as the gold-leaf electroscope were invented for detecting and measuring such charges. Other instruments, such as frictional machines and the Leyden jar, were invented for producing and accumulating, or storing, electric charges, and producing small 'galvanic currents' or electricity. Then the  great experimental scientist Faraday showed that 'galvanic currents', magnetism and static charges were all related, and produced what we now call an electro-magnetic generator to produce electricity. From such simple experimental beginnings, our world has been transformed by machines and equipment using electricity, and by the electronics which has developed from electricity.

It seems logical to suggest that acausal charges cannot be detected by any measuring equipment based on electricity, or any electrical property such as resistance - for electricity is purely a causal phenomena, describable in terms of causal Physics. To detect acausal charge and thus some acausal change, something acausal may have to be used.  This may well be something organic - that is, something living which possesses the property of responding to the presence (nearness) of the acausal charge(s) inherent in living things.
 
 

Life and the Acausal Charge

Life implies the following seven attributes - a living organism respires; it moves; it grows or changes; it excretes waste; it is sensitive to, or aware of, its environment; it can reproduce itself, and it can nourish itself.

The acausal charge or charges which a living organism possesses is what causes or provokes the physical and chemical changes in an object so that it exhibits the above attributes. For instance, a living cell could not be made from its molecular constituent parts and then be expected to suddenly become 'alive'. The process of life occurs only when acausal charges are present in addition to the ordinary matter (of elements, molecules and so on) which make up the substance of an organism.

An organism - something which is alive - obeys the ordinary laws of physics (with one known exception) but is also subject to the laws which govern acausal matter. Ordinary matter, or a dead once living organism, does not obey the laws which govern such acausal matter.

The one known exception is the second law of thermodynamics - a living organism represents an increase in order: a re-structuring of physical matter in a more ordered way. This change toward more order may be said to be 'powered' or caused by the acausal energy of acausal charges. The causal energy changes in organisms, which can be described by ordinary chemical reactions between elements and molecules - that is, in terms of chemical energy - are produced or caused by acausal charges. In effect, such chemical reactions are one of the physical manifestations of acausal charges in the causal continuum. Being 'alive' means ordinary physical matter is re-organized, or changed, in a more ordered way. A living organism possesses the capacity, by virtue of its acausal charges, to create order, to synthesize order from the less ordered physical world. Life implies an increase in order in the causal continuum.
 
 

Acausal Technology and Medicine

The basic properties of acausal matter enable us to really begin to understand, for the first time, the real nature of the cosmos, as they can show us the way toward developing a truly unitary, or organic, technology and an unitary, or organic, medicine capable of replacing the rather lifeless, primitive and often damaging medicine of the present which relies on traumatic surgery and often debilitating pharmaceutical compounds.
 

One way of capturing the acausal is to develop a truly organic technology - that is, to grow living machines from organic material. Such an organic technology would be totally different from the current concern with "molecular electronics" and "nanotechnology" because these concerns still depend on manufactured, discrete and dead electronic components which themselves are based on descriptions of causal matter using causal time.

Electronics, for example, is a means of describing the changes of a particular type of causal matter - electrons - over causal time, and enables components and circuits to be built to alter and control the flow of electrons. Thus, for example, using organic 'molecules' to store data is not a genuine organic technology, because: (i) such molecules are manufactured to do one or two specific, inert, tasks; (ii) such molecules are not basically alive as independent changing organisms - that is, not possessed of the acausal; and (iii) they would still be somehow connected to, and dependent upon, electronic components.

A truly organic technology uses one type of acausal matter, living matter, and its changes, or growth, in a living way to produce an organic machine made entirely of organic matter, with no dead, discrete, manufactured components - electronic or otherwise. We ourselves would interact with, or control these organic machines in a living way, for example by using our "thoughts" (via "biofeedback" or something more sophisticated) or a living symbiotic relationship, such as the relationship of a hunting man with his well-trained, and well-cared for, hunting dog. In either case, the parameters of change, of control, of such organic machines would be natural or living ones determined by the acausal, or living, changes of that organic machine - rather than determined by causal, inert, matter such as an electronic, electrical or mechanical circuit. In the example of the hunting dog, the parameter of control is the relationship which exists between the dog and its master. Such a truly organic technology would enable us, for instance, to build or create an organic space-ship capable of travelling between the stars, with this ship being a living, existing, being, capable of living or existing in interstellar space, and having some kind of symbiotic and probably caring relationship with its crew or its controller.
 

David Myatt
JD 2451513.86458

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