THE FRANKLIN COVER-UP
Child Abuse, Satanism, and Murder in Nebraska


 

CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE

 

"Conspiracy of Silence" is a powerful, disturbing documentary revealing a nationwide child abuse and pedophilia ring that leads to the highest levels of government. Featuring intrepid investigator John DeCamp, a highly decorated Vietnam war veteran and 16-year Nebraska state senator, "Conspiracy of Silence" reveals how rogue elements at all levels of government have been involved in systematic child abuse and pedophilia to feed the base desires of key politicians.

Based on DeCamp's riveting book, The Franklin Cover-up, "Conspiracy of Silence" begins with the shut-down of Nebraska's Franklin Community Federal Credit Union after a raid by federal agencies in November 1988 revealed that $40 million was missing. When the Nebraska legislature launched a probe into the affair, what initially looked like a financial swindle soon exploded into a startling tale of drugs, money laundering, and a nationwide child abuse ring. Nineteen months later, the legislative committee's chief investigator died suddenly and violently, like more than a dozen other people linked to the Franklin case.

So why have you never heard of the Franklin cover-up? Originally scheduled to air in May of 1994 on the Discovery Channel, "Conspiracy of Silence" was yanked at the last minute due to formidable pressure applied by top politicians. Some very powerful people did not want you to watch this documentary.

You may find yourself becoming angry or upset while watching "Conspiracy of Silence." Many people do. However, consider that each of us has at times in our life acted out of selfish motives when it comes to sexuality and ended up hurting others in one way or another. Let us take this information not only as a call to stop this kind of abuse at the nationwide level, but also as a call to examine our own sexual relationships and make a commitment to deep honesty and integrity in our own lives around this most sensitive issue. Thanks for caring and may we all work together to build a brighter future for ourselves and for our world.

A copy of this videotape was furnished anonymously to former Nebraska state senator and attorney John De Camp who made it available to retired FBI Agent Ted L. Gunderson. While the video quality is not top grade, this tape is a blockbuster in what is revealed by the participants involved.

NOTE; This film had to be reassembled from remaining VHS fragments after an all-out effort was made to block the films release and destroy all extant copies. Every effort has been made to restore it to the original and complete "meant to be broadcast" version.

For additional information on this video, and download information:
http://www.archive.org/details/ConspiracyOfSilence-SexAbuseRingOfWashingtonDc

Here are some related articles: http://www.american-buddha.com/franklincoverup.13.htm

http://www.jesus-is-savior.com/Evils%20in%20Government/boys_town_abuse.htm

http://franklincoverup.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=...

 

by Senator John W. DeCamp

Dedicated to the children who have been, or will be, abused because of the Franklin cover-up.

Second edition 1996 @ 1992 AWT, Inc. ISBN: 0-9632158-0-9 Library of Congress Catalog Number: 92-070074

First edition: First printing, May 1992 Second printing, August 1992 Third printing, February 1994

Second Edition: First printing, December 1996 Second printing, January 2001

                         

CHAPTER 21

DRUGS AND THE MONARCH PROJECT

On August 18-20, 1996, a California newspaper, the San Jose Mercury, published a series of articles implicating elements of the U.S. government in running tons of cocaine into U.S. cities during the 1980s. Based upon recently declassified government documents, eyewitness reports, and court records, Mercury reporter Gary Webb provided a detailed account of how the Contras financed their war against the Sandinista regime of Nicaragua by flying tons of cocaine into the West Coast, where it would be turned into the deadly, instantly addictive "crack," and sold to such street gangs as the Cryps and the Bloods.

All of this began after the U.S. Congress in the early 1980s passed the Boland Amendment, which stopped all official financing for U.S. intelligence's "covert war" in Nicaragua. The whole project was taken "off-line," and financed by drug sales-the subject of Webb's articles.

Indignation exploded when Mercury series hit the streets. Maxine Waters, Congresswoman for South-Central Los Angeles, one of the areas hardest hit by crack and drug-related violence, sent a letter to Central Intelligence Agency chief John Deutsch demanding an investigation of the Agency, in which she said, "As someone who has seen how the crack cocaine trade has devastated the South-Central Los Angeles community, I cannot exaggerate my feelings of dismay that my own government may have played a part in the origins and history of this problem. . . . The impact and the implications of the Meneses/Blandon/Roiss Contra CIA crack cocaine connection cannot be understated. We all have an obligation to get to the very bottom of the origin, development, and implementation of this seedy enterprise."

While many were shocked at the news of apparent U.S. government drug-pushing, to me it was one more confirmation of a key aspect of the Franklin case. As I had discovered early on (as had Gary Caradori), the sexual abuse of children was only one part of the Franklin story. During the 1980s, many of the children, such as Alisha Owen and Paul Bonacci, said that they had been used as drug couriers to bring cocaine in from the West Coast for Alan Baer, Larry King, and others.

Then, on September 11, 1996, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Representative Harold James, chairman of Pennsylvania's Legislative Black Caucus, and a former undercover narcotics cop himself, also put out a call for an investigation. In the course of that press conference another name popped up, that I knew well from the Franklin investigation: George Bush.

Flanked by political leaders of both the city and the state, James declared: "As a retired undercover Philadelphia police officer who worked on narcotics cases, I know we can better impact the flow of drugs if we stop drugs from coming into this country, arrest those at the top levels of control, and punish the white-collar dealers who try to keep their hands clean while they run the entire operation. On this occasion, we must not allow anyone to use the 'pretext of national security to accomplish another cover-up. We need an investigation that goes right to the top."

As to where the "top" might be, James charged, in his release to the press, "previous investigations of the Iran-Contra scandal, particularly the U.S. House and Senate joint hearings in 1987, revealed the central role played by then Vice-President George Bush in covert intelligence operations. . . . One of Bush's key lieutenants was Oliver North. Bush was also appointed by Reagan to run the National Narcotics Border Interdiction Sys- tem, which supposedly coordinated efforts of all federal, state and local anti-drug agencies, especially along the south Florida coast. Bush was responsible for the White House anti-drug effort while, at the same time, according to the recent newspaper reports, tons of cocaine were allegedly supplied to street gangs by CIA-related networks."

Concluded James, "There's something wrong with this picture." In response to a question from one of the ten reporters in attendance about the role of Bush, Philadelphia City Council President John Street replied, "If George Bush is involved in it, someone should find it out. This kind of activity has been going on for well over a decade."

Lt. Col. Oliver North - whom at least one witness reported seeing at a party thrown by Larry King-had overseen the Contra resupply effort, and had been fully aware of the plane-loads of drugs coming into the United States. A U.S. Senate subcommittee report under Massachusetts Senator John Kerry cited extensive evidence that the Contras were involved in drugs, and North had noted the fact in his publicly exposed note-books.

From what I know from my own corner of the world, there is excellent reason to investigate Bush for possible involvement in the dope business. Think back to what I reported in Chapter 13, "The Washington Connection," about how George Bush and Larry King were linked in multiple ways, including eyewitness reports placing Bush at King's sex parties. Think about the constant rumors that King was financing the Contras, who have now been proved to have been running dope by the ton.

The first investigative reporter to ever look at Franklin, the World Herald's James Flanery, told associates that King was "running guns and money into Nicaragua," and that the CIA was heavily involved. (Flanery was soon taken off the story and shipped out of state for a year.)

Records exist to show that Larry King was a top contributor to a Contra "support committee," the Citizens for America (CFA). King's own public relations firm was also used by the Contras.

I became convinced early on that King was deeply involved with the Contras. I am reminded of the phone call State Senator Loran Schmit received on the Senate floor as the Franklin case was just beginning to break. The caller warned him off the case, because "it would lead to the highest levels of the Republican party." I am reminded of when Larry King was finally arrested-just as he was about to go to a breakfast party in Omaha for his buddy, George Bush! I am reminded of the reports I used to hear that certain people in Omaha were charging that Omaha Police Chief Bob Wadman was protecting the expansion of the Cryps and Bloods into Omaha-far from their home turf of Los Angeles.

So, was Larry King's buddy George Bush the country's "drug kingpin" in the 1980s? I don't know. But what I do know, is that if Bush were running the Contra affair, and drugs were a big part of it, that would certainly jibe 100% with everything known or rumored about Bush, Larry King, and the Franklin Credit Union. Congresswoman Maxine Waters and Representative Harold James are right - let's investigate!

. . .

As follow-up investigation from the Franklin case shows, drugs are not the deepest level of government -sponsored evil. I think the lowest level of Hell is reserved for those who conjured up and carried out the "Monarch Project."

"Monarch" refers to young people in America who were victims of mind control experiments run either by U.S. government agencies such 'as the Central Intelligence Agency, or military intelligence agencies.

The story told by Monarch victims - one of whom is Paul Bonacci - is that they were tortured for the purpose of creating "multiple personalities" within them. These multiple personalities could then be programmed as desired - as spies, "drug mules," prostitutes, or assassins.

Because of legal cases still pending, I am severely limited in what I can say about the Monarch Project. Suffice it to say at this point:

Major intelligence programs in this country did and do exist for the purpose of protection of this country and to learn what other countries, particularly our Cold War enemies, were doing in this area of mind control.

I asked Bill Colby to tell me what he could or would, about this. He said:

"Of course the CIA in particular was involved in investigating, learning and, on occasion, using, everything we could learn about mind control-and with extremely good reason. Following the Korean War, this country's military and intelligence communities went through a period of absolute paranoia about just how far our enemies were ahead of us in mind control and related activities.

"There was no particular program called' Monarch,' contrary to what you want to think. 'Monarch' was merely a name that some participants in the program-who knew very little about it, other than from their own limited participation-were given to identify themselves. But, as far as the CIA was concerned, there was no such program named 'Monarch.'

"But, with respect to mind control, I will tell you that this country spent millions upon millions supposedly catching up to our Cold War adversaries, because we believed they had developed mind control technology which exceeded anything we had. In fact, we at the Company [CIA] truly believed for a substantial period of time, that technology and techniques and drugs had been developed by Russia which would enable them to have agents who in fact really were able to have and use ESP-extra sensory perception.

"Can you imagine," Bill continued, "how dangerous for this country it would be if you could have had someone meeting the President of the United States, who was actually able to read what was in the President's mind?

"I know," Bill continued, "it may sound silly today to get all carried away with this fear; but I can tell you that we took it all very seriously and believed this ESP thing for some significant time period.

"I will tell you one other thing," Bill said, somewhat ominously, "we are not behind in knowledge of mind control. In fact, we never were, but we only found that out much later, after we had poured incredible resources into this area. And yes, I am sure, there were some problems and abuses that occurred and we will talk about them at another time."

We did have that other talk. And, I intend, when I am freed from court restrictions, to tell that entire story in an upcoming book. I have deposited extensive documentation on the Monarch Project with people who have the means, the motivation, and, most importantly, the guts, to print the entire story, should I suffer an "accident" before I get around to it. Here, I will merely quote from the work of one of America's finest investigative reporters, Anton Chaitkin.

I had known of Chaitkin, who writes for Executive Intelligence Review magazine, from the book he co-authored with Webster Tarpley, George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography. This 659-page-book is a devastating expose of Bush, and it played a notable role in helping to shape the 1992 presidential campaign, which Bush happily lost.

Perhaps it was because the name "Bush" was all over the Franklin scandal, that Chaitkin showed up one day in my Lincoln law office. I told him, "Look, I know you have been in some tough spots before, but are you really sure you want to poke around in this? This question of 'mind control' - the Monarch Project - is the most scary and, dangerous thing I have ever encountered." As I came to know Anton, probably all that little lecture did was to spur him on. Chaitkin got his story on the Monarch Project, and printed it in the December 13, 1993, New Federalist newspaper under the headline, "Franklin Case Witnesses Implicate FBI and U.S. Elites in Child-Torture and Murder." Here follows an abbreviated version of that article:
. . .

WHAT IS THE
FBI PROTECTING?

Since the 1992 publication of John DeCamp's book, The Franklin Cover-Up, Paul Bonacci has filed new affidavits and has given extensive interviews to investigators including reporters for Executive Intelligence Review and New Federalist. Bonacci's disclosures have been cross-gridded with evidence supplied by authorities in law enforcement, psychiatry, and the intelligence community. The result goes a long way to explain the high stakes involved, and the frantic nature of the Franklin cover-up. . . .

Paul Bonacci has described in detail being dragged to Washington for use as a sex toy for Larry King's clients. Bonacci told investigators he was in one of the private White House tours for young male prostitutes conducted by lobbyist Craig Spence, a close political associate of Larry King in the cloak-and-dagger Contras enterprise. Spence turned up dead in a Boston hotel room in 1989, soon after his and King's "compromising" business was exposed in a Washington Times June 29, 1989 story, headlined: "Homosexual Prostitution Inquiry Ensnares VIPs with Reagan, Bush."

'MONARCH': OR, AUSCHWITZ - TAKE 2

From very early childhood, Paul Bonacci was subjected to tortures as profound as any the Nazis inflicted on their captives. This is not merely a comparison; rather it is an actual continuation, as we shall see. From sexual degradation, from witnessing and forced participation in Satanic cult murders, Bonacci suffered the cracking of his mind into what is called "multiple personality disorder" (MPD). Tens of thousands of American children have been diagnosed MPDs; virtually all of them are thought to have resulted from sexual abuse, of which perhaps 85 percent were cases of Satanic ritual abuse.

Psychiatric professionals specified in Paul Bonacci's legal proceedings that through it all, Paul's different "personalities" have emerged incapable of lying, with an ultra-sharp memory. In one instance detailed in The Franklin Cover- Up, Paul was taken by Larry King and others to a wooded area in California - identified after publication as the Bohemian Grove. There Paul and another boy were forced to do sex acts with and to consume parts of a child whom they had watched being murdered by the cultists. The body was to be disposed of by "the men with the hoods." A "snuff" pornography film was made of these events; it was directed by a man the party had picked up in Las Vegas whom Paul identified as "Hunter Thompson" -the same name as a well known sleaze-culture figure.

Paul has told investigators that the ring which plunged him into Satanism was centered at Offutt U.S. Air Force Base near Omaha; that he was taken to Offutt to be sexually victimized by a babysitter's boyfriend when he was about three years old, around 1970. Offutt is the headquarters for the Strategic Air Command, and has had a cadre of thousands of intelligence personnel.

At Offutt, and later at other military installations, Paul says this ring "trained" him by tortures, heavy drugging, and sexual degradation, while instructing him in military arts including assassination. In fact, his personal knowledge in these realms can scarcely be accounted for other than by crediting the indictments he has made.

Larry King, FBI agent Gerry Wahl/ Alan Baer, Harold Andersen, and former Omaha Police Chief Robert Wadman have all been reported as collaborators with this Satanic military-based ring. King reportedly told Paul's captors at Offutt, "He's young-but you trained him good." A member of Nebraska's Concerned Parents group reported hearing from two North Omaha witnesses that "King used to send limousines down to Offutt Air Base to pick up CIA agents for parties." Larry King reported his own adoring relationship to the late CIA Director William Casey in a Sept. 7, 1988, interview in the Omaha publication Metropolitan.

Psychiatrists who have treated a growing number of MPD cases, victims of Satanic ritual abuse, report an alarming pattern of findings in many of their child patients. There is a structure to the personalities, conforming to what is evidently a deliberate breaking and reshaping of the mind. This phenomenon was identified to Paul Bonacci by his tormenters, and to other victims and witnesses, as the "Monarch" project. At Offutt Airbase, Paul was told that what he and other children were being subjected to was in aid of national security.

The use of mind-altering drugs, sensory deprivation, and other brainwashing techniques on U.S. citizens as subjects was the admitted practice of the CIA, certain military arms and private institutions joined in the MK-ULTRA, Artichoke, and Bluebird projects beginning in the early 1950s. A national security pretext often cited was the need to keep up with the Soviets in the race to develop a workable Manchurian Candidate human robot. With the "Monarch" (or whatever official title may be attached to it) project, the idea is extended to the production of a horde of children in whom the soul is crushed, who would spy, whore, kill, and commit suicide.

The material presented here, on this subject, must be under- stood to be only a bare introduction to a complex story with immense political and strategic ramifications. It is a beginning. Professionals probing the child victims of "Monarch" say there are clearly two responsible elements at work: the government/military, and cooperating Satanic (or more exactly pagan) cults. These are multi-generation groups, where parents donate their own children-who are proudly called "bloodline" or simply "blood" cultists - to be smashed with drugs and electric shock, and shaped. Other children are kidnapped and sold into this hell, or are brought in gradually through day-care situations.

Paul Bonacci and other child victims have given evidence in great depth on the central role of Lt. Co!. Michael Aquino in this depravity. Aquino, alleged to have recently retired from an active military role, was long the leader of an Army psycho- logical warfare section which drew on his "expertise" and personal practices in brainwashing, Satanism, Nazism, homo- sexual pedophilia and murder.

A former director of the CIA was asked directly, "what about 'Monarch' "? He replied angrily, and ambiguously, "We stopped that between the late 1960s and the early 1970s." If a statement of fact, this would presumably relate to official participation of the CIA.

SOME CODES AND ASSIGNMENTS

The disclosures of Paul Bonacci, which cohere with reports of MPD professionals in other cases, point to a particular artificially induced mental structure as common to many victimized children. Space permits only the briefest treatment of this here; this is intended mainly to begin to "blow the circuits," so to speak, when followed up by professional therapists and investigators.

These are some of the widely occurring separate "persons" which have been formed under torture, and the corresponding "triggers":

. General personality-accessible under the code name ALPHA, with possible Alpha-001, Alpha-009, etc. "persons" with distinct task orientations.

. Sex programs, accessible through code name BETA; particular programs (and thus commands) are for pornography, acting, oral sex, etc.

. Assassination programs, utilizing very specific modes, and espionage, accessible through code DELTA.

. OMEGA, self-destruction programs, ranging from self mutilation to suicide by many different specific possible acts.

. GAMMA, system deception, amnesia and disinformation programs. Under this or 'other codes are track-covering false origins for the structure, giving the child memories of tormenters dressed as space aliens or Mickey Mouse or in Wizard of Oz costumes.

There are said to be such other personality levels as Master Programmer, Black Master, and different mental levels of backup programs. There are reported to be personnel who have large numbers of child-victims' assignments and triggers neatly filed in their little computers.

Paul Bonacci reports the following "Monarch"-related activities, often involving his "Commander" at Offutt AFB, Bill Plemmons, and Lt. Co!. Michael Aquino:

. Picking up cash in exchange for drugs at various Tennessee locations. Bonacci identifies several country music personalities as contacts.

. Trips on behalf of the North American Man-Boy Love Association (NAMBLA), the pedophile group now given semi- official status by the United Nations. Paul cites travel to the Netherlands and Germany carrying child pornography for sub- sequent "import" to the U.S.A. to avoid prosecution. In Amsterdam, he names "Charles Hester," and the British "Tommie Carter," who had on computer a global list of child pornography users. NAMBLA is also cited for organizing auctions of children.

. Travel to Hawaii, New York, Washington (in connection with Craig Spence) to compromise public figures by performing homosexual pedophile sex with them.

. The trip to California where the boy was ritually murdered, accompanied by "Monarch" contact, Mark Johnson of Denver, Colorado,

. Travel to .Mexico for the transportation of drugs, guns, and children. Paul was accompanied by the gangster-figure "Emilio," who otherwise directed the kidnapping of Johnny Gosch of Des Moines, Iowa. Johnny Gosch's parents commend Paul Bonacci as an accurate witness relative to that crime.

. Training under "Captain Foster" (survival skills) at Fort Riley, Kansas, under "Lt. Dave Bannister" (intelligence) at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, under "Col. Harris Livik" at Fort Defiance, Virginia, who is said to run a military school and to have housed "Monarch" boys. "Col. Bill Risher" of Bamberg, South Carolina, is said to have supplied children for Michael Aquino.

. Travel to Dresden in communist East Germany, where weapons were inspected. There and in the Federal Republic of Germany, the "Monarch" personnel were frequently neo-Nazis. This milieu is a special project of Lt. Col. Aquino, who was a West European adviser to the U.S. Chiefs of Staff. Paul Bonacci has extensive experience in the Aryan Nation and other White Supremacist cults.

An account of the origin of the "Monarch" project has been compiled by those who have been debriefing MPD child-victims. Nazi experimentation in World War II concentration camps were said to have gone beyond simply insane physical tortures. They brainwashed people, for military and strategic purposes. After the war, Allen Dulles and other Western intelligence people brought Nazi doctors out for use in the United States. A teenaged concentration camp inmate named Greenbaum, who had participated to save himself, also came to the United States. Known later as "Dr. Green," he became a high- level brainwasher, and is widely represented in brainwashing programs with a distinctive Cabalistic magic theme.

The precise details of these horrors lie deeply buried in national security archives. But this history, as told to psychiatrists, dovetails with what is definitively known about Anglo- American intelligence operations and the German Nazis. And once again, the story goes right back to Nebraska.

The killers in the Nazi camps were themselves trained and organized by psychiatrists and eugenicists, operating from the "T4" bureau. These psychiatrists had long been the pets of white supremacist British and American financier networks.

At least some of these Nazi doctors were spirited out of Germany under the supervision of for Bank of England Governor Montagu Norman and Tavistock Institute Director John R. Rees on behalf of the British government. Norman, personally an insane Theosophist who had been chief of the prewar pro-Nazi faction within England, and Rees organized postwar propaganda and continuing psychological warfare activities, and created "Orwellian" groupings within U.S. psychiatry and mental health fields.
 

EPILOGUE

I finally understood the true meaning of the Franklin case one night in early 1996. Watching television and skipping through the channels, I came upon the movie Billy Budd. Instantly I zeroed in on this movie, and my heart, rather than the channels, started skipping.

By the time the movie ended, the Franklin cover-up made sense. Alisha Owen's imprisonment for telling the truth made sense. The protection of the perpetrators by our highest public officials, finally made sense. I understood, also, why it was necessary to discredit me, John DeCamp, and to kill Gary Caradori, with his eight-year-old son. Any nagging doubts I may have had about any aspects of Paul Bonacci's charges were laid to rest. And it was clear to me, at last, that public officials at all levels knew Paul was telling the truth, as they set out to destroy him.

Where did the blinding revelation come from? Let me go back a few months, to my last attempt to get a new trial for Alisha Owen. At that hearing, Troy Boner, who had originally told Gary Caradori the truth, and who had been forced to recant, was preparing to testify - to tell the truth as you read it in his affidavit in Chapter 21. Troy Boner was going to provide the information in open court, under oath, that would blow the lid off the Franklin case and force a new trial for Alisha Owen.

As Troy came into the courthouse, he was immediately ushered into a private room by county judicial authorities. He was advised that a "Special Attorney" had been appointed to protect him. For approximately one hour, while the hearing was delayed, Troy was cornered in a room with this "Special Attorney" and with other officials from the prosecutor's office, the very same prosecutorial team Troy was about to testify against.

When Troy came out of the meeting, I knew he was broken, his morale smashed. His head hung down. He could not, or would not look at anyone.

As I approached Troy, his new court-appointed attorney tried to step between us. With probably the last ounce of courage he could muster, Troy leaned over and whispered to me, "Oh God, forgive me. They guaranteed if I talk here today, they will put me away for twenty years. Guaranteed I would never see the light of day again. Told me that I would be charged with perjury for my original testimony, if I opened my mouth today in court. Don't ~all me up there. I can't survive in prison. I know they can put me there. Look what they did to Alisha. Look what they did to my brother. I've got no choice. They told me I had to take the Fifth Amendment and refuse to testify. Otherwise, they promised I would be taken directly from court to jail"

We all proceeded into the court room, where I called Troy to the stand. I showed Troy his affidavit. He hung his head, and when I asked my first question, "Would you please state your name?" Troy responded, "I take the Fifth Amendment," an answer he repeated, in a barely audible voice, to all my other questions.
It was hopeless. I ceased my questioning, and shortly thereafter the hearing ended.

I walked back to the judge's chambers to clear up any final details. Judge Enbody had been specially appointed by the Nebraska State Supreme Court to this hearing, which I had won from the Supreme Court based on Troy's new information. (The next day I learned that he had been appointed to the Court of Appeals-a very substantial advancement in his career.)

Sitting in Judge Enbody's chambers, with my head hung so low it was hitting my shoestrings, I was given the key to unlock the meaning of Franklin. "I do not understand it, Your Honor," I kept repeating. "As God is my witness, I do not think that there is a judge or other person involved in this case who does not know that horrible injustice has been done. Everybody knows that Alisha Owen is telling the truth and that she is being punished for it. And, Your Honor, a person has to be deaf, dumb, blind, and totally dishonest, not to know that some of this state's and nation's top businessmen and public officials have engaged in the worst crimes possible, which are now being covered up. And these kids, instead of being honored and protected for exposing these things, are being sent to prison. Why? Why? Why?"

Judge Enbody looked at me. Slowly, his voice shaking, he began to talk.

"I am just a man. I am not a god. I wish I were. I have no choice in what I have done. I am just a man, just a man, not a god. I am doing what I must do with the evidence before me," Judge Enbody concluded. He appeared even more shaken and upset than I was.

I shook my head. "I don't understand. I just don't understand," I kept repeating. "Everybody knows what is happening, but nobody is willing to do anything about it. Why? Why?!!" Judge Enbody looked at me and said, very slowly, "If you want to understand the entire Franklin case, I can help you. Go read 'Billy Budd.' Read 'Billy Budd.' If you will do that, John, and if you understand the book, then you will understand the what and why of Franklin, and why it can be no other way. I do not say you will like it. I do not say you will agree with it. But at least you will understand it. That, I promise you. Go read 'Billy Budd'."

Those were the last words I spoke with the Judge on the case. I left his chambers, burnt out, but angry. And I forgot all about Billy Budd, until the night I happened upon the movie. The story of Billy Budd is set in the British Navy near the end of the eighteenth century. Billy was a young sailor, who, although impressed into the British Navy, bore no ill will to the authorities for having dragooned him; indeed, he was the very picture of innocence and good-will, and was almost universally loved aboard his war-ship. One officer, however, developed an insane jealousy of Billy, and set out to frame him up for allegedly inciting mutiny. Since there had been several notorious mutinies in the British fleet at the time, the mere whisper of "mutiny" was enough to spread panic among the ship's officers.

To make a long story short, because of certain incriminating appearances in the case, the captain and his senior officers, although they knew Billy was innocent of all charges, nonetheless sentenced him to hang, a necessity - as they viewed it - to "save the system," not just on their own ship, but in the British fleet as a whole.

Now I think I do understand the Franklin case. I know, now, that all the public officials involved in Franklin-whether they ever heard of Billy Budd or not-fully understood what they were doing.

And what they all have done, and will continue to do in this case, Franklin, and no doubt many others like it, is this: Protect the "system" at all costs. The "system" is the only ultimate sacred cow-not any particular law or constitution, but only "the system." Because, ultimately, it is the system which makes certain that the individuals functioning within it - from judges to lawyers, to prosecutors, to politicians, to businessmen - have their places and positions, and opportunities and pecking order, and future.

And, though it is unfortunate, that on occasion the protection of the "system" requires the deliberate sacrifice of perfectly innocent people, that is hoped overall to be the exception rather than the rule. But without the "system" . .

So, Judge Enbody, now I understand. And, as you said, I may not agree, but I do understand.

But then I have one final, nagging question. How do I know when, or if, the "system" itself has become so corrupted, that evil is the rule, rather than the exception? And when that occurs, what do I do about it?
But I think I know the answer to that one - my oId commanding officer in Vietnam told me what I had to do. I made some promises to Bill, and I intend to keep them.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Senator John DeCamp has the honor of being the Nebraska state senator most praised and most attacked by the Omaha World Herald. He was hailed by that paper as the most powerful and effective senator, between 1976 and 1986. During the past two years, the World Herald has attacked him, sometimes daily, for daring to fight against the drug runners and pedophiles they protect.

Today, Senator DeCamp is the lawyer for two victim-witnesses in the Franklin case, Paul Bonacci and Alisha Owen.

DeCamp is known for his tendency to "overturn the apple cart," and powerful people shake in their boots when DeCamp files an aggressive civil rights suit. There is a method behind this approach, in a state where cowardly cover-up and pitiful inaction have become all too common.

DeCamp served as an officer in Vietnam, and has often said that because of what he has seen, he is determined that the United States must never become a "closed society," where freedom would disappear as the citizens lost the opportunity to know or affect what was happening around them.

DeCamp was born in Nebraska, but his unusual experiences early in life helped make him a man of uncommon independence and determination. On his own from the age of thirteen, he traveled, lived, and worked in Europe and Iran.

John DeCamp was a captain in the infantry in the Vietnam War and also served with the CORDS program there. He was decorated, and honored at the White House, as one of the outstanding veterans of the Vietnam War. He is proud that he was also the initiator and organizer of the internationally famous Operation Baby Lift, which evacuated 2,800 Vietnamese children who were orphaned in the war in 1975. All the children were subsequently reunited with people from their families, or adopted. On one flight alone, nearly 800 children were evacuated, probably the most people ever flown on one plane. DeCamp and his wife were foster parents for some of these children, until they could be placed for adoption. They have four children of their own.

While still in Vietnam, DeCamp became the first person ever to win election to the Nebraska Legislature, while serving in combat abroad. Although known as a key figure in Nebraska politics, he was not known to agree to any political deal that would compromise his principles. Senator DeCamp was regarded as powerful, but not politically "owned." He once bucked political powerbroker Eugene Mahoney, by running against Mahoney's choice for U.S. Senator.

As a Vietnam veteran with thirty percent disability, DeCamp has been the attorney and state lobbyist for both the Disabled American Veterans and the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and a national committeeman of the VFW and member of the American Legion.

John DeCamp has emphasized that in his mind, his experience in saving the defenseless children who were victims of war, and his commitment to save children victimized by the pedophile ring, are equivalent. At the beginning of 1991, DeCamp filed a twelve-count suit in federal court, charging sixteen prominent individuals and institutions, including Larry King, Harold Andersen and the Omaha Police Department, with conspiracy to deprive Paul Bonacci of his civil rights. DeCamp's suit detailed slander, false imprisonment, child abuse, assault, battery and infliction of emotional distress suffered by Bonacci.

DeCamp has been the target of energetic and systematic efforts to bankrupt him, by behind-the-scenes pressures to deprive him of law and lobbying clients, as a result of his Franklin-related work.

Since taking Bonacci's case in 1990, DeCamp has also been on the receiving end of personal threats. He told a journalist that during the previous year, "enough events, and mysterious deaths, and personal communications to me from extremely credible and responsible people, have made me believe that there is a very grave potential for getting killed. . . . " Bonacci's life, he added, "I think. . . is on a lot, lot, lot thinner string than even mine."

On June 21, 1991, the day Alisha Owen was convicted, DeCamp received another message, suggesting that he leave Nebraska for his and his family's safety. DeCamp treats these signs of danger seriously, but says he can't turn back. John DeCamp's actions speak loudly and clearly about his intentions. He is staying, and he is fighting.

THE CIA TRAFFICS IN DRUGS, CHILD RITUAL SEXUAL ABUSE, AND GLOBAL MURDER.

"They count on the fact that the more bizarre and perverted they act the safer they are because the average joe cannot even fathom the depths of evil that this agency perpetrates. "

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I published 'The Franklin Cover-Up,' as much as an insurance policy for myself and my family, as for any other purpose.

Colby had pointed to the extreme danger for a person to have secret knowledge about a situation, that others who are affected want to keep out of the public's view.

"Some people will go to any lengths to make sure things stay secret," Colby had often repeated to me, "which is why the CIA and the KGB sometimes find their agents dead. Your best interest," he argued, "may well be in publishing what you know and are able to prove, rather than keeping those facts secret. Whether you ever sell a single book or not does not really matter. Putting your information on the public record is what is important. That way, there is no logical reason to harm you or your family, to suppress some truth you have already documented. That is probably your real life insurance policy in something like this Franklin situation," Colby had advised me...

Now, four years later, without a single dollar spent in advertising or promotion, over 50,000 copies of this book have been sold nationwide. I am convinced that this is why I am alive today, although I did receive a warning in September 1996, through reliable sources, that I am targeted--"just like they got Colby."

There have also been innumerable attempts to disbar me. Although I have thus far been able to defeat every one of these attempts, they keep coming; to silence me through disbarment is, for those trying to hide the truth on Franklin, the equivalent of assassinating me.

So, the battle continues, both in the Franklin case per se--about which I include stunning new material which proves the truth of Part I of this book--and in the new cases in which I have become involved.

As a result of the first publication of The Franklin Cover-Up, as an attorney, I have become involved in some of the most famous legal cases now occurring in these United States, from cases involving the militia movement, to the Oklahoma City bombing, to the notorious Gordon Kahl shootout with U.S. Marshals, about which documentaries and movies have been made, to appearances before the U.S. Senate on all of these matters, including Ruby Ridge and Waco. I have appeared on all of the national TV networks, and on many national shows, such as Nightline with Ted Koppel, Good Morning America, CNN's Burden of Proof, America's Most Wanted, and others. So, I say, as I dedicate this second edition of The Franklin Cover-Up to my friend and mentor, William Colby: "Thanks, Bill. You were right, so right it terrifies me. I told the truth, just as you instructed. Now, as a result of the publication of the original Franklin Cover-Up, I have ended up in situations, where, once again, the truth must be told on some explosive new issues, whose consequences rival those of Franklin, for the future of this country."

Thus, this new edition contains eight dramatic new chapters (and an epilogue): The Franklin Investigation, and Cover-up, Continue; Four Years Later--Where Are They Now?; Troy Boner Steps Forward; Drugs and the Monarch Project; From Montana to Oklahoma City; The Oklahoma Bombing; The U.S. Justice Department Murder of Gordon Kahl; and In Memoriam: Bill Colby.

This concluding chapter will reveal more about Colby's role in Franklin, and his very last instructions to me, two weeks before his death. Finally, the last word on the Franklin cover-up is delivered in the epilogue--not by me, but by the nineteenth-century novelist Herman Melville. Besides his famous Moby Dick, Melville wrote short stories. A high-ranking personage involved in the Franklin case, told me that one of these stories contained the ultimate secret behind the Franklin cover-up. He was right.

CHAPTER 18 THE FRANKLIN INVESTIGATION , AND COVER-UP, CONTINUE

When the first printing of what you have just read appeared in May 1992, I was threatened with countless law suits by individuals named in the book. I was told by their attorneys, from some of the most prominent law firms in the state and in the country, that "We will destroy you in court."

As it turned out, although there have been numerous attempts to disbar me only one law suit for libel and slander was ever launched as a direct result of the book--and that was a suit I launched and won, as I will relate. My victory in that case was but one of a series of what I call the "mini-miracles"--perhaps a hundred or more unforeseen events since the book first hit the streets, which prove the truth of The Franklin Cover-Up. I have chosen a small sampling of these "mini-miracles" to recount here.

After this book appeared, attorneys for Franklin-related individuals repeatedly appeared in the printed media (particularly in the Omaha World Herald) and on TV to make statements such as: "This book is the most libelous and slanderous book I have ever read. The individuals who have been slandered in this book will definitely be filing legal actions to stop distribution of this book and against Mr. John DeCamp personally. That is certain. This book will be stopped and Mr. DeCamp will be proved to be a liar and made to pay damages." When reporters who interviewed the lawyers or principals named in the book contacted me for my response to their threats, I had one standard answer:

"I agree with certain things these people and their attorneys attacking me are saying. I agree that the things described in this book are horrible. If anyone had said these things about me, I agree that I would sue them. I believe if there is anything false in this book or if they believe I have not told the truth in this book, that they should sue me. In fact, I welcome their law suits, because that will help develop the truth. I personally believe I have been most careful and cautious in the way I have handled matters, and only written about those things I can absolutely document."

So, what happened with those threats? Who sued whom? Who proved what?

The only major lawsuit for libel and slander arising from this book was my suit against Atlantic Telecast, owner of a television station in Wilmington, North Carolina, WECT (Channel 6). I charged that statements made on a WECT news broadcast on November 12, 1992, attacking me and the book were false. I demanded a retraction and public apology. The first response I received was from WECT's station manager, who informed me that WECT had consulted its attorneys, that the station had thoroughly investigated the matters described in my book, and that WECT was not only not going to apologize, but planned to repeat the attacks. WECT's attorney further advised me that the station had investigated, in part, by talking to U.S. Senator Bob Kerrey from Nebraska, who was running for president of the United States at the time, and who had visited Wilmington, and met with representatives of the TV station. Further investigation, he claimed, was conducted by talking to the new Wilmington police chief, a man named Robert Wadman--the former police chief of Omaha, Nebraska, who had come to Wilmington in the early 1990s!

After hearing this, I gave a simple demand to WECT: "Rest assured I am ready to prove everything I wrote in my book. I hope you are ready and able to prove your claims made on TV. I give you three weeks for further investigation, and then I will move forward aggressively on my lawsuit against you. At that time, I will seek not only an apology, but substantial monetary damages." Just under three weeks from the date of my ultimatum, attorneys from Atlantic Telecast contacted me and stated that they had done further investigation and acknowledged that now they, not I, were in trouble. Shortly thereafter, a settlement agreement was reached which stipulated: (1) WECT TV would broadcast a retraction and public apology to me on its news broadcasts, and would issue a press release to the same effect; (2) WECT would pay me money damages and other financial benefits; (3) All other details of the settlement, other than those stated above, would be kept confidential for the benefit of the TV station. I accepted the settlement offer, and dismissed my lawsuit. WECT lived up to its part of the settlement, and I have lived up to mine. My lawsuit intersected a fierce political battle between Chief Wadman, upon whom WECT had relied for its information, and his own police department, particularly with an officer named Sgt. Robert Clatty. Sgt. Clatty is the Wilmington Police Department's expert on satanic ritual abuse of children, and is one of North Carolina's recognized experts as well, with published works on the subject. Chief Wadman, on the other hand, claimed that there was no such thing as satanic ritual abuse; he attempted to make it impossible for Sgt. Clatty to carry out his work, and, at one point, suspended him. The publicly waged war between Chief Wadman and his wide array of defenders in Wilmington and across North Carolina, and Wadman' s adversaries, led primarily by Officer Clatty, went as high as the State Legislature. From 1992 until roughly mid-1994, it divided the city of Wilmington, and even the state of North Carolina. The outcome of the war between Chief Wadman and his own force was that in early July 1994, a secret meeting was held with city officials and Wadman's attorney. On July 11, 1994, Wadman resigned as police chief. Although city officials refused to comment on what had transpired in the meeting, Wadman himself admitted in a television interview later that month, that he had been ordered to resign from the Wilmington Police Department.

In May 1992, shortly after the first edition of this book was published, Monsignor Robert Hupp, who had been the head of Boys Town from the late 1970s through the decade of the 1980s--the critical time in question for the Franklin case, contacted me and asked to have a meeting, at which he specified that witnesses must be present. I anticipated that his purpose was to attack me, and to deny what I had written about Boys Town. I was completely wrong. With two witnesses present, Monsignor Hupp opened our discussion with the simple statement: "John DeCamp, your book stated the game; I hope I can help with some of the names." Monsignor Hupp and I then entered into an in-depth discussion on the entire situation involving Boys Town, Larry King, Peter Citron, the pedophile problem in general, and the entire story of the Franklin cover-up. He verified piece after piece of evidence of the Franklin story for me, and provided guidance on other directions in which to look, to develop further proof of the children's stories of abuse by this country's wealthy and powerful. When I asked Monsignor Hupp how this ever could have happened at Boys Town, he looked at me and told me, so apologetically, "I am like the wife who did not know, and was the last to find out. And when I finally did suspect something and tried to act, the Archbishop [Daniel Sheehan] elected to do nothing about it, when I asked him to help. And then, when I came upon something horribly evil, I found public officials and the Church would do nothing-apparently terrified at the damage it would do to the Church and to the entire city of Omaha," Monsignor Hupp said.

"What are you talking about?" I asked him. "Is there some particular story or incident you are talking about in the book that you have more information about? Please explain what you mean," I asked the Monsignor. He then described an incident in 1985, in which a young boy named Shattuck, who lived in Elkhorn, Nebraska, had been sexually abused and then killed. The Monsignor told me that he was certain who had killed the boy, a man he identified as a member of the Catholic clergy in the Omaha Archdiocese. Monsignor Hupp provided precise detail which he said proved beyond any doubt, that the particular individual he named was in fact, the child's murderer. "The Church is plagued by these sexual abuse problems across the country and by the devastating publicity the clergy abuse incidents have caused," Monsignor Hupp explained. "The Church's reaction to these sexual abuse problems is, in most cases, to immediately get the clergy member involved out of the state and, if possible, out of the country, and hopefully into treatment. I know that may not be right, but it is a difficult situation to deal with, and simply moving the priest or the brother out of the state or country has been the traditional approach by the Church in America to addressing the problems. In this case, where an innocent child was murdered and where I know that a member of our clergy has done this, I felt I had a moral obligation overriding all other things, to bring the situation to the attention of the appropriate authorities. And I did," Hupp concluded. The Monsignor then shocked me for the second time that day--and in a way that brought back to me the horrible memories of the Franklin cover-up. He explained that after he determined that the Catholic Archbishop of Omaha was not going to take action on the case he then went to the FBI and to the Omaha law enforcement authorities to provide complete details on the child's murder.

So, what happened as a result of Monsignor Hupp's actions? Apparently, nothing. Each year on the anniversary of the child's murder--now almost ten years--the media talks about the case as still being "under investigation," and street rumors persist about the Catholic clergyman--the one Monsignor Hupp believes killed the child--who was shipped out of state for alcohol treatment right after the murder. In the aftermath of our meeting, Monsignor Hupp ran into his own problems. In September 1992, the Monsignor advised me that he was receiving all kinds of pressure and criticism and was, he feared, being forced to leave Boys Town. Shortly after that discussion, in a controversy that received national press attention on how resources should be used at Boys Town, Monsignor Hupp was removed from his post. He now lives quietly in a home in West Omaha, Nebraska. Monsignor Hupp has shown incredible courage, as he has continued to provide me direction and assistance in the Franklin investigation and related matters. Monsignor Hupp is not some 13-year-old kid whom the cops say they cannot trust or believe. On the contrary, he is one of America' s most famous and nationally honored clergymen; the author of two best sellers; a former Presidential Appointee as Special Ambassador to the United Nations; and the former head of America's most famous child care institution (Boys Town). Monsignor Hupp showed his courage yet again, when he repeated his charges a year later to a British TV team making a documentary on the Franklin cover-up, entitled Conspiracy of Silence.

In mid-1993, after The Franklin Cover-Up had been circulating for almost a year, the British-based TV station, Yorkshire Television, sent a top-notch team to Nebraska to launch its own investigation of the Franklin case. Yorkshire had a contract with the Discovery Channel to produce a documentary on the case for American television. They spent many months in Nebraska, and also traveled this country from one end to the other, interviewing, filming, and documenting piece-by-piece the Franklin story as I had told it in the book. They spent somewhere between a quarter-million and one-half million dollars investigating the story, deploying probably a thousand times the resources and abilities that I personally had. Over the year that I worked with them, I was amazed at the team's ability to gather new documents and witnesses which kept opening up new and frightening facts about Franklin. They were a crack team. In the final weeks that they were in Nebraska, they expressed their certainty that they would win awards for this documented horror story of government-sanctioned drug-running involving children; government-sanctioned abuse of children; and government protection of some of this country's most powerful businessmen and politicians, who had been the chief actors in the Franklin story. Finally, the big day came. Their documentary was to air nationwide on the Discovery Channel on May 3, 1994. It was advertised in the TV Guide and in newspapers for that day. But no one ever saw that program. At the last minute, and without explanation, it was pulled from the air.

It was not shown then, and has never been broadcast anywhere since. I have a copy of that program, which arrived anonymously in my mail in late 1995. When I watched this pirated copy, I could see clearly why the program had been suppressed. Conspiracy of Silence proved, beyond doubt, that the essential points I had stressed in the book (and more) were all true. For instance, the team had interviewed Troy Boner. Sometime after that grand jury was over, Troy, guilt-stricken because of his lying over Gary Caradori's death, contacted me and told the truth about what had happened. This is recorded in a remarkable affidavit (see Chapter 20). The Yorkshire TV team spent a small fortune to confirm Troy's charges. They flew Troy to Chicago and paid for a lengthy polygraph (lie detector) test at the Keeler Polygraph Institute. With the results of that test, the Yorkshire team was so convinced that Troy was telling the truth, that they featured him in their documentary. It was only in mid-1996, that I finally pieced together, through sources I am not at liberty to disclose, what happened to stop the broadcast of this documentary.

1. At the time the Yorkshire TV team and the Discovery Channel were doing the documentary, they had no idea how high up the case would go into Government, and; what major institutions and personalities in this country, would be found to be linked to the Franklin story. Ultimately, the documentary focused on several limited aspects documented in this book, and developed them much more extensively than I ever had the resources or abilities to accomplish.

2. These areas which the documentary focused on, were: (a) the use and involvement of Boys Town children and personalities in the Franklin Scandal, particularly Peter Citron and Larry King's relationships to Boys Town; (b) the linkage of Franklin to some of this country's top politicians in Washington, and in the U.S. Congress, with particular attention on those who attended parties held by Larry King at his Washington mansion on Embassy Row; (c) the impropriety of these-politicians and businessmen and compromising of these people by Larry King, through drugs and using children for pedophilia.

3. When the broadcast tape was sent to the United States, Customs officials seized the documentary and held it up as being "pornographic material." Attorneys for Discovery Channel and Yorkshire TV were able to get the documentary released. Then, the lawyers went through the film for months, making this or that change or deletion, so that the documentary ultimately advertised to be shown on the Discovery Channel on May 3, 1994, would survive any claims of libel or slander that any of the individuals identified in the documentary might attempt to bring. The lawyers had cleared the documentary for broadcast.

4. During the several months that the documentary was being prepared and advertised for showing, major legislation impacting the entire future of the Cable TV industry was being debated on Capitol Hill. Legislation, which the industry opposed, was under debate for placing controls on the industry and the contents of what could be shown. Messages were delivered in no uncertain terms from key politicians involved in the Cable TV battle, that if the Conspiracy of Silence were shown on the Discovery Channel as planned, then the industry would probably lose the debate. An agreement was reached: Conspiracy of Silence was pulled, and with no rights for sale or broadcast by any other program; Yorkshire TV would be reimbursed for the costs of production, the Discovery Channel itself would never be linked to the documentary; and copies of Conspiracy in Silence would be destroyed. Not all copies were destroyed, however, as I and some others received anonymously in the mail a copy of the nearly-finished product.

I said in Chapter 12, "The Omaha Business Community": "As essential to Franklin as [Harold] Andersen's fundraising and publicity were, the credit union could not have functioned for a single day without the complicity of Nebraska's largest bank, FirsTier.... Every dollar that went into Franklin Credit Union--the missing $40 million was no exception-went into its account #153-7-353 at FirsTier." In October 1994, evidence released through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) proved exactly how right I was. These FOIA documents showed that some of the same attorneys who had threatened so loudly to sue me, together with the FirsTier Bank with which they were associated, had reached a financial settlement with the National Credit Union Association (NCUA), in which they agreed to pay the NCUA $10 million in damages for their role in improprieties involving Franklin. The attorneys had to come up with over $6 million, and First Tier itself, over $3 million. Despite the fact that the FirsTier case was the biggest malpractice settlement in the history of Nebraska, and despite the fact that the settlement involved very prominent individuals--including former Republican Governor Charlie Thone and attorney Jay Derr--the story received almost no coverage in the press, that is, before the FOIA material became public. Then the World Herald jumped in with a huge editorial in October, 1994, entitled "Franklin Credit Union Crimes Unfairly Claim New Victims." The World Herald wrote: "Some defendants, including banks and a law firm, have agreed to pay more than $10 million to the NCUA to settle the claims. They admitted no wrongdoing. They said they acted to avoid prolonged litigation. Their position is understandable. Litigation is expensive. Moreover, this particular litigation ran the risk of creating a false impression.... The impression could have taken hold that a wide circle of legal and financial advisers sat on the knowledge that King was looting the credit union.... Such an impression would have been false."

There was, indeed, "a wide circle of legal and financial advisers" in on the looting of Franklin, just as I had charged, and whom I name in Chapter 12, "The Omaha Business Community." Finally, some of them, at least, had to pay for it. Nor was this the only multi-million dollar scam to be exposed in the wake of the first edition of this book.

In Chapter 6, I described another big money scheme that intersected the Franklin case--the looting of the Commonwealth Savings Bank, in which I filed a claim on behalf of the Commonwealth victims. To my surprise and joy, I succeeded beyond all my expectations in this case--until a strained interpretation of our state Constitution was put forward by Nebraska's Supreme Court. First, I presented to the Claims Board the Commonwealth story exactly as described in this book, but with even more extensive documentation. The Claims Board agreed and reached a Settlement for some $16,000,000.00 to be paid to the Commonwealth victims. But, the Legislature had to approve this, as did the Governor. So, we took the matter of the settlement--with me as attorney for the Claimants and victims--to the State Legislature. Surprise--in a close but bitter battle, enough Senators stood up to acknowledge the horrible acts that had occurred, and the intense suffering of the Commonwealth victims that resulted. The settlement was approved. Next, we went to the Governor, who signed the legislation for the settlement. Then, the matter was taken to court by certain unnamed individuals (concerned citizens), who claimed that they did not want their tax money used to pay these Commonwealth victims. Nebraska has a unique section in its State Constitution which forbids the state from using any tax dollars for purposes of extending the credit of the state or granting a gift. The result: that which the Claims Board, and the Legislature and the Governor all agreed the Commonwealth Savings Bank victims were entitled to because of the failures of the Government in Commonwealth, was taken away by the Supreme Court of the State of Nebraska. The Court claimed that Nebraska's Constitution forbids paying the money to the victims, because they were only victims of moral wrongdoing, rather than legal wrongdoing. And John DeCamp, who would have become a multi-millionaire out of the case because I had done it on a contingent fee basis, ended up with nothing but the certain knowledge that I had established the truth as I have written in this book with respect to Commonwealth Savings Bank and certain of the personalities who are today so prominent on the national scene-Senator Bobby Kerrey, for example.

Besides Yorkshire TV, the most notable among the electronic media which became interested in the Franklin story was the TV program, America's Most Wanted (AMW). In several episodes, AMW opened up a whole new dimension on just how high up politically the story went and how wide it reached across the country. For a while, I had great hopes. For example, AMW interviewed Paul Bonacci in prison and broadcast his account of a host of specific details about individuals, places, activities, kidnappings, etc., in which he said he had participated.

To the shock of AMW (and sometimes, of myself), the incidents Paul Bonacci described, when investigated by AMW, turned out to be exactly as Paul had recounted. For instance, a young boy named "Jimmy" who had been branded by pedophile perpetrators--like you would brand a steer.

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