Huey Long
American Populist

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We need you Huey!

  By Holger W. Haffke

       

             

If there ever was a truly populist American politician, it was Huey Long of Louisiana. A man of the American dream, of the people, by the people and for the people....A populist in the truest sense of the word! Politically astute with a shrewd sense of his time and mission. A realist and a dreamer all in one. A visionary utopian caught within the framework of the American political machine and its machinations of power. A man of the people who's ideas were so revolutionary and in the truest sense national socialist, as opposed to international socialism, that the international cabal who hid behind the scene of all the "isms" of his time, including the "democrat-ism" and "republican-ism" in America, became extremely alarmed.

           

What made him even more dangerous was the fact that he truly cared about people, loved people and was ready to fight for the people of America no matter what the obstacles were. - And he couldn't be bought with money nor promises of easy power because he was a man with a vision, a dangerous dreamer, a "loose cannon" with a mission which he felt would lead him far beyond the scope of back-room politics and cabal influence. He aimed for the presidency of this nation with the drive, charisma and inner fire of a true idealist. For this aim, as he saw it, would enable him to put his vision of social justice into reality. Being a simple man but by no means a simpleton, he had the charisma to touch the hearts and souls of the disenfranchised victims of the "great depression" as people loved him more than the international cabal could permit. Not sophisticated enough to become ensnared into the Fabianist subtleties of socialist doctrines and manifestos, speaking the language of the people, he had to be destroyed in one way or another.

      

Thus, at first the propaganda machine of the cabal throughout the whole range of American politics was set into motion. Portraying him either as a clown and incapable country-bumpkin or as a fascist dictator hoping that this would turn the American people against him.

 

"What he did and what he promised to do are full of political instruction and also of warning. In his own State of Louisiana he showed how it is possible to destroy self-government while maintaining its ostensible and legal form. He made himself an unquestioned dictator…. In reality, Senator Long set up a Fascist government in Louisiana. It was disguised, but only thinly. There was no outward appearance of a revolution, no march of Black Shirts upon Baton Rouge, but the effectual result was to lodge all the power of the State in the hands of one man. If Fascism ever comes in the United States it will come in something like that way."

~ The New York Times, September 11, 1935

But it didn't work, as this false picture of him only endeared him more to the people. He delivered through his emotional and colorful speeches to the American people his vision of social justice and true democracy straight to their hearts. Bringing hope to millions of depression ravaged souls. They could just feel that he was one of them and that. And they knew that he hadn't sold out to the robber barons and their big corporations. He understood their desperate plight! He was their man, their advocate and only hope....He was to them like a light shining into the darkness, illuminating a path towards a better America. He was their American dream becoming a possibility! And he wasn't a "pie in the sky" type of religious hustler, but a man whom they could trust with their lives. Having concrete plans of immediate action to relieve their suffering, plans which weren't bound to foreign ideologies and cabal financing, but good and honest plans rooted in the soul of the American dream. He wasn't a wild eyed revolutionary promising a complete change of the American form of government through violence. That would have never appealed to the disenfranchised and starving masses of this country. No, he only wanted to institute many of the social programs we have today.... Except, his vision was purer and much more benevolent. He envisioned a truly sharing society with caps on the income of the very rich and more just taxation and social programs needed to ensure a healthy and moral nation.

One of his most famous speeches was titled "Every man a king." And thus, from then on he became the "Kingfish," as the masses began calling him lovingly. What he saw was a uniquely American form of socialism which I can't help but see as "national socialism" at its best. Not the Hitler-fascist type, but just a simple American form of socialism needed to make a decent life possible. Wasn't America the land of plenty? Wasn't this great nation blessed by God with seemingly unlimited resources and natural wealth? Wasn't there more than enough for everyone to have a good and happy life? Why then was there such gap, such discrepancy, between the rich and the poor. Why was there depression after depression, robbing the people of everything which they earned with such hard, excruciating labor? Was it true, that these "depressions" were artificially created and not the result of bad government entirely? ...People were beginning to understand, in bits and pieces at first, why their plight was never getting much better and why the American dream was just that, a dream. People were beginning to ask hard questions and the government had to eventually yield to the outcry of the American people for social justice....And they then decided to put some of Huey Long's proposals into effect. Not the real thing mind you, but a much watered down version of a few of his plans. One of them was the Social Security Insurance act which gave hope and peace in old age to untold millions. And which another puppet of the cabal, George W. Bush, is hell bent on destroying in our time. Huey Long knew how greedy and relentless the rich were, but he probably never imagined the extent of their power and the real threat he posed to their plans....

FDR and Morgenthau in car

Henry Morgenthau and Franklin D. Roosevelt

When the cabal realized that the "Kingfish" was on his way to the presidency of this nation and that this would mean that their man, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, could possibly loose his bid for re-election, they plotted to have Huey Long assassinated. What else could they do? He practically ignored their offers of money and whatever else they could dangle in front of him. He was his own man, a man of the people and not a team-player or pawn in their game to bring about the birth of the New World Order. No, he had to be eliminated once and for all. Roosevelt was a seasoned player and ready to do their bidding and he had to be re-elected or all of their plans for the future of not only the USA, but of the whole world, would, if not collapse, loose valuable time and momentum. So much was at stake.

   

At the same time, across the Atlantic ocean, in Germany, Hitler had been elected. The German people, also ravaged by the same "depression," had succumbed to Hitler's rhetoric, seeing him also as a ray of hope to a starving and war-ravaged nation. It was almost entirely the same scenario as in America, only worse. Having been found guilty of having caused and started the first World War, the German people had to pay exorbitant amounts of restoration to their former enemies. Money and goods which she neither had nor could spare without deliberately starving it's population. When money couldn't be paid, the debtor nations took possession of its raw materials such as coal in the Saar and Ruhr valley, as well as machinery and agricultural goods. Hitler's National Socialists were the only ones who could possibly be perceived as able and willing to save the people from starvation. And he did buck the whole world and forged a new Germany out of the ashes of the Weimar republic. But where was the money coming from? How was he able to attain what was un-attainable before? Who financed his plans and who financed his gradually emerging military machine? Did the money come to the national socialist German government from the same sources within the cabal that financed Roosevelt? But how can the same cabal of international financial interests finance their arch enemy, an anti-Semitic, dictatorial government???

Rockefeller in 1904. He lost ALL his hair from worrying that oil reserves were going to run out and ruin his empire!!                       

                                                                    Rockefeller in 1904                     Warren Buffet - Arnold Schwarzenegger - Lord Rothschild

Why would the Rothschilds and Morgans and Rockefellers through their spider-web of banks and financial branches even consider doing business with an openly anti-Semitic German government? Perhaps asking that question is like asking which came first the chicken or the egg. Did Hitler know well and clear whom he was dealing with through his financial advisors? Or was he too uninvolved to put the puzzle together and get a clear understanding? Or did he think that he could out-fox the foxes in the end? Was he fully aware of who would pull the strings if he accepted money from the international bankers? For that matter we should at least consider the claim that Hitler was really the illegitimate son of a Rothschild for whom his mother worked as a servant, and that he was for that reason, knowingly or unknowingly, groomed for his coming role to bring about the second World War which was of such monumental importance to the cabal. Was he duped or was he a real player? There are no, and perhaps never will be, satisfying answers to these questions and all we can do is stand back and attempt to get a clearer picture of the whole situation through reasoning and deductions. What we do know is that in June 1934 Hitler "cleaned house" and had many of his former SA leaders as well as most of the known left wing leaders like Gregor Strasser executed.

 

Adolf Hitler in center and Gregor Strasser on right side

A dastardly act which enabled him to change the course of the national socialist party from a revolutionary social movement, a patriotic workers party, towards an elitist fascist party without opposition. With the emergence of the SS as the leading branch of the party and Heinrich Himmler as its leader, National Socialism came under the control of reactionary elitists who squelched all revolutionary doctrines and formed the beginnings of what would culminate in Himmler's plans for an European SS state. A fascist state in which an elite would lord it over peasants and workers with slave laborers working out of its concentration camps. A nightmare state which had absolutely nothing in common with the original concepts of national socialism.

In this connection it is no secret that the reactionary, elitist Wehrmacht (Army) pressured Hitler to curb the strength of the SA because they felt threatened by the SA's many left wing sympathizers who were militantly opposed to Wehrmacht influence. The SA was supposed to become the new revolutionary army of the third reich and the SS was supposed to be nothing more than an elite protection unit to the fuehrer. The Wehrmacht hated the "rabble" of the SA and did everything in their power to eliminate their strength and influence. Thus Hitler was promised Wehrmacht support if he cooperated and guaranteed them that the SA's membership and influence would be severely curbed and that the SA would not supplant the Wehrmacht. When Hitler ordered the arrest and execution of many of his SA leaders he not only betrayed his own comrades but also the German people who had voted for him in the mistaken belief that the NSDAP (nazi party) was a nationalist worker's party with a revolutionary social agenda. He sold out to elitist fascists who not only changed everything the party originally stood for but also had connections and financial interests bound to the international cartels and corporations and thus the Rothschild banking interests and influence. Josef Goebbels who became propaganda minister was part of the party's left wing aligned with Gregor Strasser and could barely save his life by promising Hitler his devout obedience shortly before the purge...Much of the excesses of the third Reich like the extreme racism, brutality and blind fanaticism as well as the extensive concentration camp network must be blamed on the fascist SS under Heinrich Himmler. And it is so very amazing to see that it is the high ranking members of the SS who were able to escape through various underground connections which reached from the Vatican to the OSS (forerunner of the CIA). But should it be surprising in the light that the SS had connections to many of the most important international corporations whom they supplied with slave laborers from all over German occupied territories. Ruthless and efficient they were entrenched in underground money transfers and exchanges of goods as well as of information with the enemy.....

Otto Ohlendorf describes the difference between original National Socialism and it's gradual descent into ruthless elitist Fascism during his revealing testimony at the Nurnberg trials.

Photo di Otto Ohlendorf

Perhaps we find an answer to our questions regarding the financing of National Socialism in its change towards Fascism. As insignificant as it might seem to the un-initiated, it is quite meaningful in our attempt to understand source and motivation. The cabal plays through ALL political orientations and organizations. Only that this is no game at all but a brutally serious life-action drama which has brought unspeakable suffering to the world with much more to come.

The international corporations in Germany were given free reign and the money began flowing to the now Fascist regime. I.G. Farben, Krupp, Siemens, General Motors through its German Opel subsidiary, National Cash Register, Ford, IBM and countless others which included even Coca Cola, continued unabashedly to do business there and even expanding their production to supply work for the unemployed masses and needed money for the military machine. We should also understand that Adolf Hitler wasn't the demon driven sadistic madman that allied propaganda made him out to be. Much of this deceptive picture of the Fuehrer was based on a spurious book called "The Voice of Destruction," written purportedly by the former national socialist president of the Danzig senate, Hermann Rauschning, who fled Germany and became a professional anti-Nazi ...... Which has now been found to be a propaganda piece written by allied ghost-writers under Rauschning's name.

Hermann Rauschning

Whoever Hitler was, he was neither fool nor demon driven madman. What must be looked into more extensively are his years as a young man in Vienna. As it seems to be in Vienna where he was either groomed for his future role or brain-washed into becoming a patsy for the cabal's plans. Also his years immediately after World War I should be scrutinized for clues as to the origins, the true origins, of his "anti-Semitism" and his vision for Germany and the German people. There is no doubt that he was an exceptional soldier who earned the Iron Cross many times over as a field messenger but how did he get his job as an informant for the army after the war had ended? Who was his handler and who guided him into becoming member number seven of the totally obscure "Deutsche Arbeiter Partei" (German Worker's Party)?  -Again we run into a stone wall as so very little information on this aspect of his life is available. But nevertheless, it should be obvious that he was indeed carefully groomed for his role as future "Fuehrer" who would lead his people into the total devastation of the second World War, and who would thus make it possible for the Cabal to  quickly establish the United Nations Organization, Israel (with help from the so called "Holocaust" which would later lead to laws against "anti-Semitism" and racism which have become the basis for censorship and incarceration of dissidents in most European countries) and Communist rule over much of Eastern Europe....and thus lead the way to today's New World Order. Which will appear as a one-world government as brutal as the Roman Empire or even worse.

Carl Weiss the Assassin of Huey Long

All this might possibly never have happened if Huey Long had not been assassinated through the help of Carl Weiss the purportedly Catholic Doctor who studied in Europe and who seems to have a Jewish name and looks Jewish to boot....if the "Kingfish" had thus become president of the United States, instead of the hypocrite and liar FDR. That Huey Long was indeed a true "man of the people" and a populist with an immense and loyal following should also be clear because otherwise he wouldn't have been assassinated. He indeed stands tall amongst the other men of courage and honor, the likes of John F. Kennedy, Robert Kennedy and last but not least Dr. Martin Luther King....

Could he have kept America out of the second World War? Most likely not. Perhaps if Gregor Strasser had been able to wrestle the National Socialist Fuehrer position away from Hitler in the early days of the movement....But even then, the cabal would have done away with him also. The possibilities are endless.

Why did the Nazi regime frantically expedite their incarceration of Jews in concentration camps despite the war on so many fronts and the fiasco in Russia? Why spend incredible amounts of money, resources and manpower for this insane enterprise when all of it was needed so badly in the war effort? Why did Eichmann, an SS leader speak Hebrew if his aim was to exterminate all the Jews he could find? And why was the ruthless partly Jewish Heydrich allowed to become an SS leader of the highest rank? And how did Alfred Rosenberg, despite his Jewish name, become the party ideologue with such a "questionable" background?

Why did London and New York newspapers bear headlines like "Judaism declares war on Germany" when the Jewish leadership in both countries must have been aware of the dire consequences for the German and European Jews? And why was a provocative book with the title "Germany Must Perish" and authored by a Jew published in 1941 when Jews were already rounded up and put into concentration camps in Germany and its conquered territories? Does this make any sense?

 And why were Zionist Jews trained in anti-Semitic Nazi Germany for their future role in a yet to be established Israel at the same time ( transfer agreement)? And why are there Holocaust museums in all Western nations? Is it perhaps to create and maintain a blood-bond of fear in Jews and a warning of Jewish power to Goyims? Was Jewish fear and hysteria to be the motivator for settlement in Israel? Would Israel even exist without Hitler and his Third Reich? And why was the establishment of Israel of such monumental importance to the cabal? Is it to create a safe haven for Jews all over the world or is it to be the headquarter of the New World Order? Something like a "safe-house" for their activities all over the world?

Rothschild financed Supreme Court Building in Israel with "All Seeing Eye Pyramid" on left rooftop

Are the Rothschilds really interested in the safety and wellbeing of Jews or are they just using Jews as pawns in their final assault upon mankind? Haven't Jews fallen into the same trap of Blood and Honor - Fascism as the Germans did under Hitler? Are they not doing the same things or worse to the Palestinians and other Arabs as the Germans did to them and to the Slavs and Gypsies? How can such brilliant and gifted people let themselves be manipulated into Rothschild puppets of the Luciferian New World Order? Did the Jewish people learn nothing from their lot in Nazi Germany? Or did they learn all too well from German blood-Fascism?

But enough of the endless questions and possibilities! The spider web of the cabal is growing as we contemplate their machinations and strangely fascinating intrigues. We are so tired of it all! We are so sick in our hearts and souls as we watch the world moving towards another, and this time final, Armageddon. Too weary to even hope for help, we can only watch in silent despair as the drama gradually unfolds....

How innocent and lovely Huey Long's America seems in retrospect and in comparison to our own complex and ruthless era. Somewhat deceptively beckoning us like into another dimension of thought and life. With America firmly in the hands of the cabal we are but helpless bystanders as we watch with ever increasing awareness the fate of our world as well as the fate of our once great and free nation fall to the "hordes at its gates," ruthless and merciless barbarians plundering and pillaging everything we once cherished as our Western civilization...

Was the hurricane that destroyed the eastern coast of Louisiana an indicator of things to come? Did the American government under president George W. Bush show such callous, criminal negligence in helping the storm victims of New Orleans and all the other areas destroyed by its unprecedented fury, stall rescue efforts on purpose to warn us of our total vulnerability so that we would learn how to become obedient slaves? Was it to install fear in us to accept even more restrictive laws in the rapidly expanding police state? Or was it just callous incompetence?

Why are our southern and northern borders left wide open while old people, grandparents of American heritage are searched like suspect criminals in our airports? Everything seems so senseless in this "War on Terror" and that "War on Drugs" and yet nothing seems to get accomplished as things get worse and worse and the government fights more and more so called wars....To add to the puzzle, in 1990 former president George Bush, the father of our present president, declared the New Word Order in a speech given on September 11....to the day eleven years before the infamous date with American destiny 9-11-2001 !!! Symbolic choice or just another coincident? Is there some kind of Kabalistic importance to the number 11? One thing is for certain though, the New World Order became entrenched as a police state in America after the 9-11 attack and our once beloved USA will never be free again. Just another coincident?

 

We, the people, need help! We the people need a champion who can stand up to the rich, elitist bullies....
We need you so desperately Huey Long!

 

 

Arne Swabeck

The Long and Coughlin Movements

(May 1935)

 

From New International, Vol.2 No.3, May 1935, pp.103-106.
Transcribed & marked up by
Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).

THE RECENT battle of vituperation between General Hugh S. Johnson, Senator Huey P. Long and Father Coughlin brought the latter two into particular public prominence. Apparently the choice gibes flung across the field attracted the most immediate attention and aroused the celebrated sporting instinct of the average American citizen. Johnson pictured the two reading a lurid story of an American Hitler riding into Washington at the head of troops and exclaimed: “That would be definite enough for Huey because he knows what part of the horse he can be.” Long came back pronouncing his contempt for the “lately lamented, pampered ex-Crown Prince, General Hugh S. Johnson, one of those satellites loaned by Wall Street to run the Government”. “What do you call it [the New Deal] ?” he demanded. “Is it government? It looks more like the St. Vitus dance to me.” The political padre rolled up the sleeves on his priestly robe and called the General the “New Deal’s greatest casualty, who never faced an enemy nor successfully faced an issue.”

In official bourgeois political circles the Kingfish had previously been looked upon as a bumptious clown, seeking mainly personal attention. Apparently he had not made up his mind whether to confine himself in politics to his personal domain, the State of Louisiana, where he rules supreme in the style of the late Tammany boss Tweed over what he calls “the finest collection of lawmakers money can buy,” or to aim for a broader national career. Little attention was paid in these official circles to Father Coughlin or to the pompous messages issuing from the Shrine of the Little Flower in the Detroit suburb of Royal Oak. Now they are taken seriously. It should not surprise anybody if the politicians of the New Deal already anticipate the cold shivers when contemplating the next presidential elections. Huey Long has announced that there will be a third party candidate in the field. While Father Coughlin still insists it is “Roosevelt or ruin”, there are certain signs of a political affinity between these two master demagogues.

Revolutionists also face the necessity of turning their attention in all seriousness to Long and Coughlin. We cannot be concerned merely with their personal attributes and their demagoguery. More than that is needed, for they represent a specific phenomenon of the epoch of capitalist decline and decay. They have become originators of movements of a specific kind, corresponding tothe conditions created by the appearance of certain elements of capitalist decay in the United States. What is the role of these movements represented by Long and Coughlin? What constitutes their class basis? In which direction are they headed? Do they represent Leftward movements – that is, Leftward of the traditional capitalist parties – or are they Fascist movements, actual or potential? These are some of the most important questions that will have to be answered. It is quite possible to speak of both the Share-the-Wealth Clubs of Huey Long and the National Union for Social Justice of Father Coughlin in similar terms because in so far as their role, their class basis and their general direction are concerned, they have much in common. However, both are today still in the making and it is hardly possible to make a final analysis regarding their prospects and perspectives. It is therefore necessary at the present time to limit ourselves to a preliminary examination of their general background, their main trend and more particularly of the historical setting out of which they have emerged.

It would be false to set out with a preconceived notion that for reasons of certain similarity in demagoguery with the early Nazi movement, or for reasons of the distinct pro-capitalist and anti-revolutionary utterances of both Long and Coughlin, or because of their large middle class following, that they are Fascists or their organizations the beginnings of a Fascist movement in the United States. To the ruling bourgeoisie they unquestionably appear as dangerous radicals. It may be assumed with equal certainty that their present large radio following sees in them a hope of a radical remedying of what they call the social injustices and the economic maladjustments. And it is well to remember that the class struggle does create “circumstances and relationships that enable a grotesque mediocrity to strut about in a hero’s garb”. Under special distress the quack appears as the healer for the; despairing. Economic distress helps to provide an audience also for the political quack.

The small business man has watched his shrinking volume of business with dreadful forbodings and he has seen many of his fellow victims swallowed up by the chain stores or squeezed out by the advancing monopoly concerns. The once better situated white collared worker has witnessed his life savings swept away by bank failures or has lost his home by bank foreclosures. Those still among the fortunate are fearful of the job which exists today and may be gone tomorrow. Of the general working class conditions during the crisis, it is needless to remind ourselves. Living in the shadows of economic insecurity it was easy to lose faith in the promises of a chicken in every pot and the great mass of the middle class and the workers plumped for Roosevelt in 1932. Now they are not so sure that Roosevelt remembers the forgotten man; nor are they so sure of his promises of a “more equitable opportunity to share in the distribution, of national wealth”. That wealth is available in abundance, they know. That the country can pro-

[there appears to be a passage missing here – ETOL]

do. Their appeal is addressed essentially to the middle class, to the battered, smarting small business men, farmers and petty bosses; but their appeal is also designed to rope in the working class. And despite all that can very correctly be said about their directly anti-labor and anti-trade union record – which, by the way, in times of economic distress is easily overshadowwed by the glamor of a panacea – there need be no doubt that at this particular stage they rally considerable support from working class layers. The Chicago Federation of Labor has indorsed the Huey Long program. Wm. Green gives his legislative labor record a clean bill of health. Coughlin claims a membership for his National Union of Social Justice of upward of 7,000,000. Huey Long claims a total of 27,431 Share-the-Wealth Clubs organized with a membership of 4,684,000.

Huey Long’s program can be summed up in his proclamations for the redistribution of wealth. He proposes to reduce the big fortunes by a capital levy tax to a point where no one person may own more than from three to four million dollars and have a yearly income of not more than one million dollars. The surplus is to be distributed so that every family may have at least $5,000. From his paper calculations he already sees $165,000,000,000 available to be thus distributed with something to spare for a college education for all youth, for old age pensions, for reduction of the hours of labor to do away with unemployment and to guarantee a minimum yearly earning of $5,000 per family. The agricultural problem he proposes to take care of in the manner specified by the Bible. It is all very grandiose.

Father Coughlin is more careful in his paper calculations of wealth. He distinguishes between money in its accepted currency form and pen-and-ink-plus-check-book money. Among the planks in his platform he emphasizes: Liberty of conscience and liberty of education; a just and living wage for all citizens willing and able to work – whatever that means. He proposes nationalization – that is, government ownership – of banking, credit and currency, power, light, oil and natural gas and the “God-given” natural resources. He stands for: Private ownership of all other property, in the sense of “upholding the right to private property, yet controlling it for the public good”. Abolition of tax-exempt bonds, broadening of the base of taxation founded upon the ownership of wealth and the capacity to pay, together with alleviation of taxation. He asserts the rights of labor to organize in unions and insists it is the duty of the government to protect these organizations against the vested interests of wealth. In his radio addresses he adds that strikes and lockouts are absolutely unnecessary, which would strongly suggest that by his demand for government “protection” of unions, he means an actual form of state control, including compulsory arbitration. His program is quite vague and contradictory but this allows him to play on feelings and emotions and to appeal to all classes. It is particularly noteworthy that this self-styled champion of the common people maintains intimate contacts with Wall Street bankers in the promotion of inflationary schemes under the innocuous title of monetary reforms which have already netted him handsome profits in margin speculations in silver. But his bourgeois patriotism cannot be questioned. He broadcasts: “Let us build ten thousand airplanes to guard our coasts ... to keep America safe for Americans.”

“I believe in capitalism,” exclaims Huey Long, “but you cannot stimulate it unless there is buying power. You’ve got to have a foundation under the house and that is a more even distribution of wealth.” Yes, there could hardly be any doubt as to where the Louisiana Kingfish stands politically. He knows the power of the catch-phrase: “Share-the-Wealth”; but when he began in his own state and imposed a five cent a gallon tax on gasoline, there followed some conferences between Long and President Hilton of Louisiana Standard Oil and after that the Legislature was summoned in a special session and rebated four to the five cents. On the other hand, in his own state, where he rules supreme, he has made no move to ratify the child labor amendment, or to enact old age pensions, or minimum wages, or unemployment insurance. Thus the demand to “Share-the-Wealth” is not meant to include everybody. Moreover, from his labor record the following facts stand out. The courts and the civil authorities of his state were used to break the strike of the longshoremen and to defeat the efforts of the textile workers’ union to end conditions of virtual peonage in the Lane Cotton Mills. Huey Long is a staunch supporter of Governor Talmadge of Georgia who declared martial law during the national textile strike and put the strikers wholesale into concentration camps.

In this respect Father Coughlin’s position is equally clear. He declares: “While I am most interested in the recovery of our nation, I eschew all radicalism, and desire only one thing – that we will restore the principles of Jesus Christ into practise.” For years he thundered against the “red serpent” and later proceeded to build his church of the Little Flower with non-union labor, paying wages 20 to 40 percent below the union scale and flatly refused to deal with the unions. The San Francisco AF of L convention unanimously adopted a resolution condemning Father Coughlin for his anti-labor stand.

The Long-Coughlin programs propose to redistribute wealth, to increase earnings so that higher prices can be paid, so that interests can be paid on inflated bond issues, so that dividends can be paid on watered stocks and the flow of profits continue, which is the same thing as to stabilize exploitation. But their programs also assume the continuation of capitalism, the continuation of large unearned incomes and of corporate profits taken out of the exploitation of labor, as there is no other source from which it can be taken. The profit system presupposes a return for the laborer in form of wages merely sufficient to reproduce his labor power and it would make the boasted of $2,500 yearly income per family impossible. Their programs further assume the continuation of the bourgeois ownership of the means of production, i.e., the means of exploitation of labor. And it is this economic relationship that governs political action, which is another way of saying that those who own and control the means of production are those who rule. By virtue of their economic power they decide the elections in their bourgeois democracy. They furnish the campaign contributions and use their ownership of the means of production to control the machinery of the political state and to dictate the programs for those who are placed in its executive positions, thereby clearly determining whose government it is. Their power rests on their legal right to exploitation and their legal right to appropriate the surplus value produced by labor. These rulers are to be counted upon, according to the Louisiana Kingfish, to reduce and split up the large holdings of accumulated capital and to redistribute the wealth acquired by the exploitation of labor; in other words, they are to be counted upon to give up the basis upon which their economic power rests! They will not yield this power or yield any part of their privilege without a fierce struggle. However, to take up such a struggle is furthest from the intentions of the Long and Coughlin demagogues. It could not be expected of them. They have cast their lot with the system of privilege to exploit labor and they are a part of it. For themselves they have accepted a task which they proclaim to be the restoration of certain liberties and conditions existing before monopoly capital was known but which means in reality the perpetration of a huge fraud. Their self-accepted task is to buttress and fortify American capitalism for continuation of its ruthless exploitation while swerving the working class off from its path to revolution which alone can guarantee a redistribution of wealth and social security.

With the world war American capitalism extended its economic structure to a world-wide base and became an integral part of the system of world capitalism. But its highly advanced technological development and the enormous overproduction of capital in the means of production serving for the exploitation of labor, subordinated it more directly to the destructive influence of the decay of the world capitalist system. The crisis struck here with greater swiftness and force and became more deep-going than elsewhere And yet, while European countries have experienced revolutionary situations and Fascism, in the United States we have moved on a “normal” plane toward greater state intervention to strengthen monopoly capital. In the make-up of the large mass of the population there is no lack of ready material for explosive actions or dynamic mass movements. We need remind ourselves in this respect on the one hand only of the various essentially middle class and reactionary lynch mobs and vigilante bands. On the other hand we have seen the American working class, not yet conscious of its class role, but displaying in brilliant fashion its rebellious calibre and militant qualities in powerful strikes. But the actually revolutionary forces still lack development. We do not even have a mass social reform movement of the kind known in Europe for decades. Is it likely that such a movement in its specific social democratic form will become a decisive factor in the United States ? Hardly. The accelerated contradictions of capitalism and the swiftly developing class antagonisms unfolding in a condition of retarded consciousness are much more likely to produce a special American phenomena of hybrid social reform movements. In the United States the capitalist equilibrium is not upset but it has been shaken by the crisis and the contradictions of the present economic reorganization. Elements of capitalist decay have produced their special American conditions and the movements holding out various illusory panaceas are thrust forward and thrive on the existing uncertainty and social insecurity. It seems that the Huey Long and Father Coughlin movements are destined to become the most important phenomena of this kind. Both of these representatives are playing with the idea of a third party formation – a third capitalist party with a perverted social reform program. Both appear to be its loudest and most spectacular spokesmen.

Other forces are heading in a third party direction. The alleged Roosevelt betrayal of his promises to the people may serve as their battlecry. In Wisconsin the La Follette Progressive Party is endeavoring to establish an independent state-wide base. The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party leaders, who are concerned about the farmer and labor substance only in so far as it means support on election day, appear to lend a sympathetic ear to the third party idea. It is quite possible that some such manifestations may also come from the farmer movements in the various middle western states and from the EPICs in California. Even the navericks in Congress are straws in the wind. Of course, it is to be expected that there will be more mutual dislikes than unity of purpose in such a motley combination. Most certainly that is today the attitude to the blatant showman style of both Long and Coughlin. But Huey Long, especially, is edging into a leading position and will surely be willing to trim down on the most jarring notes in his program to suit the more cautious among the petty bourgeois champions.

In this whole trend of development there is to be found in its outward appearance much in common with the old Populist movement and with later Populist revivals such as the La Follette trust-busting and government ownership movement of 1924. Although it calls upon the shades of this dead past to embellish the present endeavors we have here in the main an up-to-date edition of an essentially petty bourgeois movement of the lower middle classes for the separation of the liberal from the Tory. However, in the process of historical development the progressive features of such a movement under conditions of capitalist growth and expansion turn into their opposite under conditions of capitalist decline and decay.

In a society where capitalist relations predominate there are only two decisive forces – the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Politically the petty bourgeoisie vacillates between these two forces and is unable to play an independent role. So long as the bourgeoisie, under its “normal” and stable “equilibrium” and its uncontested leadership, can guarantee the limited economic rations and the limited privileges to the petty bourgeois forces these will support the traditional capitalist political parties. They will defend the capitalist regime and the conditions it imposes and often be ready to take part in vigilante expeditions against the workers in strikes. But at the time when this equilibrium is shaken, when their economic ration as a result diminishes and when a working class movement, able to give firm revolutionary leadership, has not yet developed, the petty bourgeois classes dream of turning the march of society backward to the orbit of small scale production. They will then listen most readily to the demagogue and rally to the movement that promises to reduce the big fortunes, to split up the big holdings, to bust the trusts and promise panaceas of social security that are unrealizable while the conditions of capitalism remain. Hopes arise that out of this they may restore their economic base. Futile hopes, empty dreams! In a society built around the axis of mass production, the only progressive feature of capitalism, there is no possibility of turning the clock of history backward and dismantling the technological advance. At best the petty bourgeoisie will in this manner find itself led by these demagogues through new and devious ways into a greater subordination to capitalism as its more pliant tool. If this lower middle class movement for a third party, if this American phenomenon of a hybrid social reform movement crystallizes and succeeds for a time in elevating itself into a commanding political position, it will be because the big bourgeoisie feels itself forced to utilize it as its Left wing to pacify, to deceive and to disintegrate the advancing working class movement before this movement can seriously threaten its power – before a civil war. This would not necessarily mean the strengthening of the bourgeoisie. Nor would it justify an estimate that would make the third party movement, or its specific Huey Long or Coughlin brand, identical with Fascism.

Actual Fascism signifies a condition of civil war on the part of the capitalist society facing the rebelling proletariat. However, out of the conditions of anarchy and subsequent decay of the capitalist system of mass production the working class revolutionary movement grows with greater speed and it is precisely in the dialectic relationship to this development that the formerly progressive features of a third party hybrid reformist movement becomes today a reactionary fetter. It will attempt to march ahead on the backs of the workers, attempt to corral them to its support by means of deception and thus function as a brake to arrest the revolutionary growth and advance of the working class movement. In this there need be no doubt that it will also furnish a breeding ground for Fascism. By its deceptive aims it will appeal mainly to the politically most unconscious, most backward, most indifferent and to the layers among the masses of the population that are most demoralized by the weight of capitalist corruption. In this sense its direction can be only anti-proletarian and anti-revolutionary and a preparation of the road for Fascism.

But, from this point on, it is necessary to make a clear and definite distinction. Actual Fascism will be clearly recognizable from its inception, if and when it does emerge. It was so in Italy and Germany. In each instance the Fascist movement was violent from the start and intensely nationalist; it militarized its followers and aimed openly at a national dictatorship. Terrorization of the workers’ political parties, socialist and communist alike, as well as the trade unions, break-up of their meetings and destruction of their headquarters with fire and sword, together with assassination of their leaders, marked the bloody trail of these Fascist hordes from the beginning. While the German Nazis campaigned violently against usurers and profiteers they shouted with equal ferocity for “the heads of the November criminals”. Of course, they conducted skillful propaganda in the working class ranks against the Wealthy, the usurers and the profiteers, built around demagogic promises of sharing the wealth, but there could be no mistake about their clear and outspoken Fascist character and aims. If and when it emerges in the United States we shall not need be mistaken either about an actual and serious Fascist movement. For, owing to our truly American tempo and proportions it will stand out here as a terrific monster compared to which its kind in Italy and Germany will appear tame and dwarfish.

It would be premature to attempt to make any estimates about the success a third party movement may have. Suffice to say that it appears at this moment more definitely on the horizon than the labor party movement that the Stalinists are trying to create out of nothing except their own tricky reformist, concoctions to serve the foreign policy of the Soviet bureaucracy. Should certain successes of localized labor parties follow from these endeavors, could it not be expected that we would witness a repetition of the 1924 experience when the farmer-labor party forces went to the LaFollette third party movement? What the Stalinists would have aroused today in favor of a labor party would then be swallowed up by the Huey Long third party movement. But what would happen to the honest revolutionists who are clubbed into acceptance of the idea of creating a reformist labor party; moreover, what would happen to the Stalinist party itself ? However, this question is beyond the scope of this article as is any estimate of what effect an actual war situation may have on all of these prospective developments.

One thing, nevertheless, we can affirm as an absolute certainty. The American working class will meet with new disillusionments through an actual third party experience and will have learned one more valuable lesson. Today the American worker still lacks political consciousness and he still moves in an ideologically backward atmosphere – an atmosphere of middle class ideology. But he is trying to extricate himself through militant struggle from his politically illiterate past and is learning to stand erect as a class fighter. Should we then try to outdo Long and Coughlin, and appeal to him in middle class terms ? No, he will learn to turn with fury against those who try to hold him to his past hangovers. That can not be our method. Marxism must remain our weapon and our task must be to translate it into the everyday American language and root it in the American soil. Our task is to build the revolutionary movement.

Arne SWABECK

 

 

 

Published in 1941

"Germany Must Perish"
By Theodore N. Kaufman.

This dynamic volume outlines a comprehensive plan for the extinction of the German nation and the total eradication from the earth, of all her people. Also contained herein is a map illustrating the possible territorial dissection of Germany and the apportionment of her lands

From the Introduction to the above pictured book

 

[Appendix "A" I..1 to Affidavit sworn by Otto Ohlendorf at Nurnberg, 20 November, 1945.]

After 'I joined the NSDAP in May 1925, I participated in all tasks which arose in the young and numerically small Party organization. I was at the same time Ortsgruppenleiter, treasurer and organizer of meetings. I distributed newspapers and leaflets, spoke in discussions at public meetings of other parties and served in the SA. Besides this, I, with three other Party members, were ordered to the SS service in 1926. However, at that time I did not engage in any SS activities because shortly thereafter I left my home town and was removed from the list of the SS. Therefore, I did not receive any SS identity card and learned of my then SS number 880 first in 1936 when, with reference to my early membership in the SS, I was again enrolled in the SS under my old number. Until 1936 I had no connection with the SS. During 1929-31 I spoke independently and on my own initiative at numerous Party meetings of the competent Gau Party Leadership at Hannover. At that time I studied at Goettingen and from there I worked especially in the town and area of Nordheim according to my own plan for the Party. I organized training courses and spoke at numerous evening discussions and public meetings. Despite my activity I remained a simple Party member as I avoided a too close connection with the official Party organs. Because of my own opinion at that time I was already separated from the real and personal ways of a Number of the leading Party members.

After my first legal State Examination in 1931, I went to Italy as an exchange student for one year. My reason therefore was to become acquainted with a movement which supposedly was parallel to National Socialism, and which had had ten years of practice and unlimited possibilities to develop. I became acquainted with Fascism in theory and practice. I became thoroughly acquainted with its organization and leading personalities. I arrived at the conclusion that in the case of Fascism, it was not a question of a new conception of people and state which further developed the individualism, but that it was another system of absolute power which was formed around the person of Mussolini. The human beings and people in Fascism had no values in themselves, but were objects of the State and derived their value and recognition from the State as the sole reality. From this fact originated the irreconcilable contrast National Socialism, which is founded on the reality of the value of life in the individual human beings and the people, and, therefore, in contrast to Fascism subordinated the State to the needs of the people. After my return from Italy I stayed away from Party work until the assumption of power. I received no positive answer to the reports on Fascism which I sent to the Party Leadership and wanted first to become oriented on further development of the Party within the Reich. Furthermore, it was my definite resolution to continue my own life independently of the Party. After the assumption of power I, therefore, remained in legal training. At the meetings I mostly spoke on the theme of Fascism and National Socialism in order to point out the dangers which threatened National Socialism by copying the Fascist organizational forms and the insufficient differentiation from the Fascist program.

I considered Fascism the primary opponent of National Socialism. In other European countries there already existed Fascist movements and Fascism conducted a continuous and purposeful propaganda all over Europe. Therefore, I considered the offer of Professor Jens Jessen to become his assistant at the Institute for World Economy at Kiel, to serve my purposes, especially because I could found a section for Fascism and National Socialism and in that way have a good opportunity to fight against the plans of introducing Fascism into National Socialism.

Between 1933 and 1938, I attempted to obtain a total picture of the complete literature in German and Italian which concerned intellectual, cultural, sociological or economical themes, as well as State theories. Both this literature and the National Socialistic policy in practice showed after the assumption of power that the still immature National Socialistic ideology was diverted from the principles of its original world picture. Theorists, as well as responsible leaders in Party and State, believed that they could conquer temporary difficulties in State and economy, education and culture, only by use of old methods belonging to past stages of civilization. At this time, it was my greatest wish to write an analysis of the spiritual and formative impulses in the National Socialistic work of the present time in order to draw the attention of the leading National Socialist circles and young scientists to the spiritual principles which they used as supposedly National Socialist. However, foreign tendencies became increasingly stronger especially at first in the food economy and later on during the Four Year Plan in the rest of the economy, in communal politics, and in the complete field of science. Therefore, I accepted an offer in 1936, again from Professor Jessen, which gave me the opportunity by means of the SD des Reichsfuehrer's SS to report to the highest leader posts in Party and State and in such way advance my plans based on observation of the theoretical and practical development of people and State.

As many personal and essential matters made this task difficult, I grasped this opportunity to participate in the execution of the original National Socialist principles with special satisfaction. These principles advocated, as the foremost goal of National Socialism, to develop the best characteristics of the people and to form them into a community of equality and to furnish the best possible spiritual and moral existence for the individuals of the people. I undertook the task with heart and soul when I worked in Reich Group Commerce and when I was Ministerial Direktor and permanent deputy of the State Secretary in the Reich Ministry of Economy, I understood together with many others, that a necessary phase within the evolution would be strong controversies with the Party and State. Only against strong opposition of the old spiritual forces could the goal be achieved which would make the welfare and dignity of man the real conception of politics; also to achieve in the economy that man should become basis and decisive subject of the measures of the political economy, this especially because the economy is the most important and preponderant molder of man's destiny. National Socialism seemed to be the first attempt to find a natural synthesis between the free, intended to be independent man of individualism and the actual bonds life compels on him in the community in which he finds himself. In order to achieve this synthesis, National Socialism ought to signify self consciousness, and the inner freedom of man, from which the laws for the natural order of the people's community could be recognized and accomplished. with conviction.

This idea did not, however, find a period of calm in which it could be developed spiritually and in active daily life. The collapse of the National Socialist system in Germany has shown that the forces favoring highly developed human communities were not strong enough to carry through to this goal.

 

Rauschning's Phony
'Conversations With Hitler':
An Update

Hermann Rauschning

Mark Weber

One of the most widely quoted sources of information about Hitler's personality and secret intentions is the supposed memoir of Hermann Rauschning, the National Socialist President of the Danzig Senate in 1933-1934 who was ousted from the Hitler movement a short time later and then made a new life for himself as a professional anti-Nazi.

In the book known in German as Conversations with Hitler (Gespraeche mit Hitler) and first published in the U.S. in 1940 as The Voice of Destruction, Rauschning presents page after page of what are purported to be Hitler's most intimate views and plans for the future, allegedly based on dozens of private conversations between 1932 and 1934. After the war the memoir was introduced as Allied prosecution exhibit USSR-378 at the main Nuremberg "war crimes" trial.

Among the damning quotations attributed to Hitler by Rauschning are these memorable statements:

We must be brutal. We must regain a clear conscience about brutality. Only then can we drive out the tenderness from our people ... Do I propose to exterminate entire nationalities? Yes, it will add up to that ... I naturally have the right to destroy millions of men of inferior races who increase like vermin ... Yes, we are barbarians. We want to be barbarians. It is an honorable title.

Hitler is also supposed to have confided to Rauschning, an almost unknown provincial official, fantastic plans for a German world empire that would include Africa, South America, Mexico and, eventually, the United States.

Many prestigious historians, inculding Leon Poliakov, Gerhard Weinberg, Alan Bullock, Joachim Fest, Nora Levin and Robert Payne, used choice quotations from Rauschning's memoir in their works of history. Poliakov, one of the most prominent Holocaust writers, specifically praised Rauschning for his "exceptional accuracy, while Levin, another widely-read Holocaust historian, called him "one of the most penetrating analysts of the Nazi period."

But not everyone has been so credulous. Swiss historian Wolfgang Haenel spent five years diligently investigating the memoir before announcing his findings in 1983 at a revisionist history conference in West Germany. The renowned Conversations with Hitler, he declared are a total fraud. The book has no value "except as a document of Allied war propaganda."

Haenel was able to conclusively establish that Rausching's claim to have met with Hitler "more than a hundred times is a lie. The two actually met only four times, and never alone. The words attributed to Hitler, he showed, were simply invented or lifted from many different sources, including writings by Juenger and Friedrich Nietzsche. An account of Hitler hearing voices, waking at night with convulsive shrieks and pointing in terror at an empty corner while shouting "There, there, in the corner!" was taken from a short story by French writer Guy de Maupassant.

The phony memoir was designed to incite public opinion in democratic countries, especially in the United States, in favor of war against Germany. The project was the brainchild of the Hungarian-born journalist Emery Reves, who ran an influential anti-German press and propaganda agency in Paris during the 1930s. Haenel has also found evidence that a prominent British journalist named Henry Wickham-Steele helped to produce the memoir. Wickham-Steele was a right-hand man of Sir Robert Vansittart, perhaps the most vehemently anti-German figure in Britain.

A report about Haenel's sensational findings appeared in the Fall 1983 issue of The Journal of Historical Review. More recently, West Germany's most influential weekly periodicals, Die Zeit, and Der Spiegel (7 September 1985), have run lengthy articles about historical hoax. Der Spiegel concluded that Rauschning's Conversations with Hitler "are a falsification, an historical distortion from the first to the last page ... Haenel not only proves the falsification, he also shows how the impressive surrogate was quickly compiled and which ingredients were mixed together."

There are some valuable lessons to be learned from the story of this sordid hoax, which took more than 40 years to finally unmask: It shows that even the most brazen historical fraud can have a tremendous impact if it serves important interests, that it's easier to invent a great historical lie than to expose one and finally, that everyone should be extremely wary of even the "authoritative" portrayals of the emotionally-charged Hitler era.

A footnote: Readers interested in an authentic record of Hitler's personality and private views should look into the fascinating and wide-ranging memoir of Otto Wagener, published in August 1985 by Yale University Press under the title Hitler: Memoirs of a Confidant. Wagener was the first Chief of Staff of the SA ("stormtroopers") and Director of the Economic-Political Department of the National Socialist Party. He spent hundreds of hours with Hitler between 1929 and 1932, many of them alone.

Reproduced From:  The Journal for Historical Review (http://www.ihr.org)

 

 

http://www.conspiracyarchive.com/NWO/Rothschild_Grail.htm

*Reference from George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography --- by Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

Bush returned to Washington at the end of August to address members of Congress. In the public part of this meeting, Bush reiterated that his goal was to "persuade Iraq to withdraw." There followed an executive session behind closed doors. The next day Bush recorded a broadcast to the US forces in the Gulf, which was beamed to Saudi Arabia by the Armed Forces Radio. "Soldiers of peace will always be more than a match for a tyrant bent on aggression," Bush told the troops. During early September, it became evident that that the US and Soviet approaches to the Gulf crisis were beginning to show some signs of divergence. Up to this point, Foreign Minister Shevardnadze had backed every step made by Bush and Baker, but the US Gulf intervention was not popular among Red Army commanders and among Soviet Moslems who were disturbed by the infidel occupation of the holy places. On September 9, Bush met with Gorbachov in Helsinki, Finnland in order to discuss this and other matters of interest to a condominium in which the Anglo-Saxons were now more than ever the senior partners. Gorbachov spoke up for "a political solution" to the conflict, but his government willingly took part in every vote of the UN Security Council which opened the way to the Gulf war. A few days later, on September 15, Bush received precious support from his masonic brother Francois Mitterrand, who exploited a trifling incident involving French diplomatic premises in Kuwait -- the sort of thing that Bush had done repeatedly in Panama -- massively to escalate the French troop presence and rhetoric in the Gulf. "C'est une aggression, et nous allons y repondre," said the master of the Grand Orient; the spirit of Suez 1956, the spirit of the Algerian war and of Dienbienphu were alive and well in France.

To while away the weeks of the buildup, Bush busied himself with extortion. This was directed especially against Germany and Japan, two countries that were targets of the Gulf war, and whom Bush now called upon to pay for it. The constitutions of these countries prevented them from sending military contingents, and intervention would have been unpopular with domestic public opinion in any case. Japan was assessed $4 billion in tribute, and Germany a similar sum. By the end of the crisis, Bush and Baker had organized a $55 billion shakedown at the expense of a series of countries. These combined to produce the first balance of payments surplus for the United States in recent memory during the first quarter of 1991, obtaining a surcease for the dollar.

But even prediscounting this extorted tribute, the fiscal crisis of the US Treasury was becoming overwhelming. On September 11, Bush was to address the Congress on the need for austerity measures to reduce the deficit for the coming fiscal year. But Bush did not wish to appear before the Congress as a simple bankrupt; he wanted to strut before them as a warrior. The resulting speech was a curious hybrid, first addressing the Gulf crisis, and only then turning to the dolorous balance sheets of the regime. It was in this speech that Bush repeated the Scowcroft slogan that will accompany his regime into the dust bin of history: The New World Order. After gloatingly quoting Gorbachov's condemnation of "Iraq's aggression," Bush came to the relevant passage:

Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted United Nations action against aggression. A new partnership of nations has begun, and we stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective --a new world order-- can emerge: A new era-- freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, east and west, north and south, can propser and live in harmony. [fn 49]

 

 

Hannah Arendt

In her book "Eichmann in Jerusalem", Dr. Hannah Arendt, who is neither left-wing nor pro-Palestinian, and who supports the existence of Israel as a Jewish state, touched on some of the questions involved, although she did not really hit the sore spots and did not directly accuse the Zionist movement of collaboration with Nazism.

Zionist Emigration and Gestapo Expulsion

 

Hannah Arendt wrote:

 

During its first few years, Hitler's rise to power appeared to the Zionists chiefly as 'the decisive defeat of assimilationism'. Hence, the Zionists could, for a time, at least, engage in a certain amount of non-criminal cooperation with the Nazi authorities; the Zionists too believed that 'dissimilation', combined with the emigration to Palestine of Jewish youngsters and, they hoped, Jewish capitalists, could be a 'mutually fair solution'. At the time, many German officials held this opinion, and this kind of talk seems to have been quite common up to the end. A letter from a survivor of Theresienstadt, a German Jew, relates that all leading positions in the Nazi-appointed "Reichsvereiningung" were held by Zionists (whereas the authentic Jewish "Reichsvereiningung" had been composed of both Zionists and non-Zionists), because Zionists, according to the Nazis, were the 'decent' Jews since they too thought in 'national terms'. To be sure, no prominent Nazi ever spoke publicly in this vein; from beginning to end, Nazi propaganda was fiercely, unequivocally, uncompromisingly anti-Semitic, and eventually nothing counted but what people who were still without experience in the mysteries of totalitarian government dismissed as 'mere propaganda'. There existed in those first years a mutually highly satisfactory agreement between the Nazi authorities and the Jewish Agency for Palestine - a 'Ha'avara', or Transfer Agreement, which provided that an emigrant to Palestine could transfer his money there in German goods and exchange them for pounds upon arrival. It was soon the only legal way for a Jew to take his money with him (the alternative then being the establishment of a blocked account, which could be liquidated abroad only at a loss of between fifty and ninety-five per cent). The result was that in the thirties, when American Jewry took great pains to organize a boycott of German merchandise, Palestine, of all places, was swamped with all kinds of goods 'made in Germany'.

 

"Of Greater importance for Eichmann were the emissaries from Palestine, who would approach the Gestapo and the S.S. on their own initiative, without taking orders from either the German Zionists or the Jewish Agency for Palestine. They came in order to enlist the help for the illegal immigration of Jews into British-ruled Palestine, and both the Gestapo and the S.S: were helpful. They negotiated with Eichmann in Vienna, and they reported that he was 'polite', 'not the shouting type', and that he even provided them with farms and facilities for setting up vocational training camps for prospective immigrants. ('On one occasion, he expelled a group of nuns from a convent to provide a training farm for young Jews' and on another 'a special train was made available and Nazi officials accompanied' a group of emigrants, ostensibly headed for Zionist training farms in Yugoslavia, to see them safely across the border). According to the story told by Jon and David Kimche, with 'the full and generous cooperation of all the chief actors' (The Secret Roads: The 'Illegal' Migration of a People, 1938-1948, London, 1954), these Jews from Palestine spoke a language not totally different from that of Eichmann. They had been sent to Europe by the communal settlements in Palestine, and they were not interested in rescue operations: 'That was not their job'. They wanted to select 'suitable material', and their chief enemy, prior to the extermination program, was not those who made life impossible for Jews in the old countries, Germany or Austria, but those who barred access to the new homeland: that enemy was definitely Britain, not Germany. Indeed, they were in a position to deal with the Nazi authorities on a footing amounting to equality, which native Jews were not, since they enjoyed the protection of the mandatory power; they were probably among the first Jews to talk openly about mutual interests and were certainly the first to be given permission 'to pick young Jewish pioneers' from among the Jews in the concentration camps. Of course, they were unaware of the sinister implications of this deal, which still lay in the future; but they too somehow believed that if it was a question of selecting Jews for survival, the Jews should do the selecting themselves. It was this fundamental error in judgement that eventually led to a situation in which the non-selected majority of Jews inevitably found themselves confronted with two enemies - the Nazi authorities and the Jewish authorities".

(pp. 59-61)

 

 

The Jewish Councils

 

On collaboration by the Judenrat officials, Dr. Arendt wrote:

 

To a Jew this role of the Jewish leaders in the destruction of their own people is undoubtedly the darkest chapter of the whole dark story. It had been known about before, but it has now been exposed for the first time in all its pathetic and sordid detail by Raul Hilberg, whose standard work *The Destruction of the European Jews* I mentioned before. In the matter of cooperation, there was no distinction between the highly assimilated Jewish communities of Central and Western Europe and the Yiddish-speaking masses of the East. In Amsterdam as in Warsaw, in Berlin as in Budapest, Jewish officials could be trusted to compile the lists of persons and of their property, to secure money from the deportees to defray the expenses of their deportation and extermination, to keep track of vacated apartments, to supply police forces to help seize Jews and get them on trains, until, as a last gesture, they handed over the assets of the Jewish community in good order for final confiscation. They distributed the Yellow Star badges, and sometimes, as in Warsaw, 'the sale of the armbands of cloth and fancy plastic armbands which were washable'. In the Nazi-inspired, but not Nazi-dictated, manifestos they issued, we still can sense how they enjoyed their new power - 'The Central Jewish Council has been granted the right of absolute disposal over all Jewish spiritual and material wealth and over all Jewish manpower', as the first announcement of the Budapest Council phrased it. We know how the Jewish officials felt when they became instruments of murder - like captains 'whose ships were about to sink and who succeeded in bringing them safe to port by casting overboard a great part of their precious cargo'; like saviors who 'with a hundred victims save a thousand people, with a thousand ten thousand'. The truth was even more gruesome. Dr. Kastner, in Hungary, for instance, saved exactly 1,684 people with approximately 476,000 victims. In order not to leave the selection to 'blind fate', 'truly holy principles' were needed 'as the guiding force of the weak human hand which puts down on paper the name of the unknown person and with this decides his life or death'. And whom did these 'holy principles' single out for salvation? Those 'who had worked all their lives for the 'zibur' (community)' - i.e. the functionaries - and the 'most prominent Jews', as Kastner says in his report.

 

"No one bothered to swear the Jewish officials to secrecy; they were voluntary 'bearers of secrets', either in order to assure quiet and prevent panic, as in Dr. Kastner's case, or out of 'humane' considerations, such as that 'living in the expectation of death by gassing would only be the harder', as in the case of Dr. Leo Baeck, former Chief Rabbi of Berlin. During the Eichmann trial, one witness pointed out the unfortunate consequences of this kind of 'humanity' - people volunteered for deportation from Theresienstadt to Auschwitz and denounced those who tried to tell them the truth as being 'not sane'. We know the physiognomies of the Jewish leaders during the Nazi period very well: they ranged all the way from Chaim Rumkowski, eldest of the Jews in Lodz, called Chaim I, who issued currency notes bearing his signature and postage stamps engraved with his portrait, and who rode around in a broken-down horse-drawn carriage; through Leo Baeck, scholarly, mild-mannered, highly educated, who believed Jewish policemen would be 'more gentle and helpful' and would 'make the ordeal easier' (whereas in fact they were, of course, more brutal and less corruptible, since so much more was at stake for them); to, finally, a Jew who committed suicide - like Adam Czerniakow, chairman of the Warsaw Jewish Council, who was not a rabbi but an unbeliever, a Polish-speaking Jewish engineer, but who must still have remembered the rabbinical saying: 'Let them kill you, but don't cross the line'." (pp. 117-119)

 

Dr. Arendt's conclusion was that without this collaboration, many lives could have been saved:

 

But the whole truth was that there existed Jewish community organizations and Jewish party and welfare organizations on both the local and the international level. Wherever Jews lived, there were recognized Jewish leaders and this leadership, almost without exception, cooperated in one way or another, for one reason or another, with the Nazis. The whole truth was that if the Jewish people had really been unorganized and leaderless, there would have been chaos and plenty of misery but the total number of victims would hardly have been between four and half and six million people". (p.125).

 

 

Another article related to the "Transfer Agreement."

At the 1958 World Jewish Conference in Geneva, Dr. Nahum Goldman, President of the World Zionist Organization, warned Jews that "a current decline of overt anti-Semitism might constitute a new danger to Jewish survival... The disappearance of anti-Semitism has had a very negative effect on our internal life."

Goldman was not the first Jew to recognize the common ground between Zionists and anti-Semites. In fact, ever since Zionism was invented by a Jewish journalist in the late nineteenth century, Zionist-inclined Jewish leaders have actually cooperated with anti-Semites, including Hitler's Nazis, in the prevention of Jewish assimilation.

The founder of Zionism, Theodor Herzl, himself entered into negotiations with the anti-Semitic Tsarist Minister of the Interior Plehve, who promised the Tsarist Government's "moral and material assistance" to the Zionist movement.

In 1937 the anti-Semitic Polish government sent the Michael Lepecki expedition to Madagascar, accompanied by Jewish community representatives, to study the possibility of sending Poland's entire Jewish population there, in order to set up a Zionist state on the island.

The possibility of setting up a Zionist state on Madagascar (which was in fact first suggested by Herzl himself) also received consideration from the Nazi government. In 1938, Hitler agreed to send the President of the Reichsbank, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, to London for discussions with Jewish representatives Lord Bearsted and a Mr. Rublee of New York. The plan failed only due to intransigence on the part of the British government.

Another prominent Jewish leader, Haim Arlossorof, Secretary of the Histadrut, was also involved in similar negotiations with the Nazis according to the Protocols of the Knesset of 30.6.59 (the Israeli Hansard).

By the late 1930's, the German Jews were riding on a new peak of Zionist fervour, courtesy of the Nazi regime. Zionist organizations received three times as much in contributions in 1935-6 as they did in 1931-2, and the circulation of the Zionist weekly Judische Rundschau rose from 5,000 to 40,000. The Editor of the paper was the first to coin and make popular the slogan about the yellow star which Jews were later forced to wear: "Wear it with pride, the Yellow Star!" This was more than six years before Jews were forced to wear the star by law.

There is even a certain amount of evidence to show that Hitler was financed by Jewish interests. In his book, I Paid Hitler, Thyssen admitted that the Nazis themselves had been obliged to recognize the services rendered by the Jewish Simon Hirschland Bank in Essen, which had arranged Wall Street loans for Hitler through another Jewish bank in New York, Goldman Sachs & Co. For a long time no-one dared lay hands on the Simon Hirschland Bank, despite pressure from the extremist element of the Nazi Party.

And during the Nuremberg trials, Hjalmar Schacht requested that a Mr. Jeidels be called from America as a defence witness. According to a war-time edition of Time (3.7.42), Jeidels had been one of Schacht's closest cronies before the war. Hitler had even let Jeidels act as his deputy at the famous Standstill Agreement. By 1942 he had become a partner in the Jewish Lazard Frères bank in Manhattan, but still "had access to choice Continental pipelines into Hitlerism."

But probably the most bizarre liaison between Hitlerism and Zionism was in Austria and Hungary, where prominent Jewish leaders actively cooperated with the Nazis in registering the Jewish population and keeping order in the ghettoes, in return for allowing the emigration to Palestine of thousands of young Jewish pioneers. The Nazis even agreed to set up agricultural schools for the would-be emigrants in Austria. This entire affair is described in rhapsodical terms in The Secret Roads by Jon and David Kimche, two prominent British Zionists. They describe how two young Jewish settlers made their way back to Berlin and Vienna in 1938 in order to put the plan to the Gestapo. Adolf Eichmann readily agreed to the scheme, and even expelled a group of nuns from a convent to provide a training farm for young Jewish emigrés. By the end of 1938, about a thousand Jews were being provided with training in these establishments. The two emissaries were allowed to move freely about Germany. They were even allowed to visit internment camps and select the most able Jewish youngsters for training and subsequent passage to Palestine.

Eichmann himself admitted to being a staunch Zionist, ever since he had studied Herzl's classic, The Jewish State (original title An Address to the Rothschilds) as part of his S.S. training. Eichmann attended, in civilian clothes, the commemoration ceremony of the thirty-fifth anniversary of Herzl's death. And in 1939 he protested against the desecration of Herzl's grave in Vienna. In 1937 Eichmann had visited Palestine on the formal invitation of a Zionist official. But he had scarcely arrived in the territory whereupon he was deported to Egypt by the British authorities. In Cairo, he was visited by a representative of one of the Jewish terrorist organizations Hagannah.

Even well into the war, in 1944, Eichmann still liaised with his Zionist friends. He made a deal with Dr. Rudolf Kastner, a leader of the Budapest Jewish community, that several thousand prominent Zionists would be allowed to emigrate to Palestine in return for Kastner keeping order amongst those who were being shipped to concentration camps.

The Kimche brothers paid tribute to Eichmann's efforts on behalf of the Jews in The Secret Roads. "Eichmann may go down in history as one of the arch murderers of the Jewish people, but he entered the lists as an active worker in the rescue of the Jews from Europe." They go on to point out that the Zionist agents in Europe regarded the British as "the chief enemy," not Germany.



From Let My People Go, Empirical Publications, Northern Ireland c. 1976. Authorship unknown.

 

Father Coughlin
A 1930s Messiah

 

Kimosabe
Progressive Nationalist Populist Brotherhood
of American Citizen

Peacemakers of All Races and Creeds
-- This is our Common Ground!

By Dick Eastman -- 11-1-8
.....It's not that someone is out to enslave you.
You have already been enslaved. A syndicate
of international financiers and national dictators
have already taken over the world and consolidated
their power over it. Now having taken over they are
in the process of looting everyone.
Their power over us is complete to the point
where they no longer have to be convincing in their
deceptions. They impose their government on us,
the charade of a democratic system need no longer
be convincing -- no one has the intelligence or power
or organization or leadership to do anything about it,
all of the components making such resistance possible
have been carefully dismantled.....

 

NO To The Paulson-Bernanke
Derivatives Scam Bailout
Bail Out the American People,
Not Wall Street!

An Economic Recovery Strategy for Protectionists,
Dirigists, Mercantilists, and Populists

By Webster G. Tarpley
9-23-8

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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