Arne Swabeck
The Long and
Coughlin Movements
(May 1935)
From New International,
Vol.2 No.3, May 1935,
pp.103-106.
Transcribed & marked up by
Einde O’ Callaghan for
the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
THE RECENT battle of vituperation between
General Hugh S. Johnson, Senator Huey P. Long and Father Coughlin brought the
latter two into particular public prominence. Apparently the choice gibes flung
across the field attracted the most immediate attention and aroused the
celebrated sporting instinct of the average American citizen. Johnson pictured
the two reading a lurid story of an American Hitler riding into Washington at
the head of troops and exclaimed: “That would be definite enough for Huey
because he knows what part of the horse he can be.” Long came back pronouncing
his contempt for the “lately lamented, pampered ex-Crown Prince, General Hugh S.
Johnson, one of those satellites loaned by Wall Street to run the Government”.
“What do you call it [the New Deal] ?” he demanded. “Is it government? It looks
more like the St. Vitus dance to me.” The political padre rolled up the sleeves
on his priestly robe and called the General the “New Deal’s greatest casualty,
who never faced an enemy nor successfully faced an issue.”
In official bourgeois political circles the Kingfish
had previously been looked upon as a bumptious clown, seeking mainly personal
attention. Apparently he had not made up his mind whether to confine himself in
politics to his personal domain, the State of Louisiana, where he rules supreme
in the style of the late Tammany boss Tweed over what he calls “the finest
collection of lawmakers money can buy,” or to aim for a broader national career.
Little attention was paid in these official circles to Father Coughlin or to the
pompous messages issuing from the Shrine of the Little Flower in the Detroit
suburb of Royal Oak. Now they are taken seriously. It should not surprise
anybody if the politicians of the New Deal already anticipate the cold shivers
when contemplating the next presidential elections. Huey Long has announced that
there will be a third party candidate in the field. While Father Coughlin still
insists it is “Roosevelt or ruin”, there are certain signs of a political
affinity between these two master demagogues.
Revolutionists also face the necessity of turning their
attention in all seriousness to Long and Coughlin. We cannot be concerned merely
with their personal attributes and their demagoguery. More than that is needed,
for they represent a specific phenomenon of the epoch of capitalist decline and
decay. They have become originators of movements of a specific kind,
corresponding tothe conditions created by the appearance of certain elements of
capitalist decay in the United States. What is the role of these movements
represented by Long and Coughlin? What constitutes their class basis? In which
direction are they headed? Do they represent Leftward movements – that is,
Leftward of the traditional capitalist parties – or are they Fascist movements,
actual or potential? These are some of the most important questions that will
have to be answered. It is quite possible to speak of both the Share-the-Wealth
Clubs of Huey Long and the National Union for Social Justice of Father Coughlin
in similar terms because in so far as their role, their class basis and their
general direction are concerned, they have much in common. However, both are
today still in the making and it is hardly possible to make a final analysis
regarding their prospects and perspectives. It is therefore necessary at the
present time to limit ourselves to a preliminary examination of their general
background, their main trend and more particularly of the historical setting out
of which they have emerged.
It would be false to set out with a preconceived notion
that for reasons of certain similarity in demagoguery with the early Nazi
movement, or for reasons of the distinct pro-capitalist and anti-revolutionary
utterances of both Long and Coughlin, or because of their large middle class
following, that they are Fascists or their organizations the beginnings of a
Fascist movement in the United States. To the ruling bourgeoisie they
unquestionably appear as dangerous radicals. It may be assumed with equal
certainty that their present large radio following sees in them a hope of a
radical remedying of what they call the social injustices and the economic
maladjustments. And it is well to remember that the class struggle does create
“circumstances and relationships that enable a grotesque mediocrity to strut
about in a hero’s garb”. Under special distress the quack appears as the healer
for the; despairing. Economic distress helps to provide an audience also for the
political quack.
The small business man has watched his shrinking volume
of business with dreadful forbodings and he has seen many of his fellow victims
swallowed up by the chain stores or squeezed out by the advancing monopoly
concerns. The once better situated white collared worker has witnessed his life
savings swept away by bank failures or has lost his home by bank foreclosures.
Those still among the fortunate are fearful of the job which exists today and
may be gone tomorrow. Of the general working class conditions during the crisis,
it is needless to remind ourselves. Living in the shadows of economic insecurity
it was easy to lose faith in the promises of a chicken in every pot and the
great mass of the middle class and the workers plumped for Roosevelt in 1932.
Now they are not so sure that Roosevelt remembers the forgotten man; nor are
they so sure of his promises of a “more equitable opportunity to share in the
distribution, of national wealth”. That wealth is available in abundance, they
know. That the country can pro-
[there appears to be a passage missing here
– ETOL]
do. Their appeal is addressed essentially
to the middle class, to the battered, smarting small business men, farmers and
petty bosses; but their appeal is also designed to rope in the working class.
And despite all that can very correctly be said about their directly anti-labor
and anti-trade union record – which, by the way, in times of economic distress
is easily overshadowwed by the glamor of a panacea – there need be no doubt that
at this particular stage they rally considerable support from working class
layers. The Chicago Federation of Labor has indorsed the Huey Long program. Wm.
Green gives his legislative labor record a clean bill of health. Coughlin claims
a membership for his National Union of Social Justice of upward of 7,000,000.
Huey Long claims a total of 27,431 Share-the-Wealth Clubs organized with a
membership of 4,684,000.
Huey Long’s program can be summed up in his
proclamations for the redistribution of wealth. He proposes to reduce the big
fortunes by a capital levy tax to a point where no one person may own more than
from three to four million dollars and have a yearly income of not more than one
million dollars. The surplus is to be distributed so that every family may have
at least $5,000. From his paper calculations he already sees $165,000,000,000
available to be thus distributed with something to spare for a college education
for all youth, for old age pensions, for reduction of the hours of labor to do
away with unemployment and to guarantee a minimum yearly earning of $5,000 per
family. The agricultural problem he proposes to take care of in the manner
specified by the Bible. It is all very grandiose.
Father Coughlin is more careful in his paper
calculations of wealth. He distinguishes between money in its accepted currency
form and pen-and-ink-plus-check-book money. Among the planks in his platform he
emphasizes: Liberty of conscience and liberty of education; a just and living
wage for all citizens willing and able to work – whatever that means. He
proposes nationalization – that is, government ownership – of banking, credit
and currency, power, light, oil and natural gas and the “God-given” natural
resources. He stands for: Private ownership of all other property, in the sense
of “upholding the right to private property, yet controlling it for the public
good”. Abolition of tax-exempt bonds, broadening of the base of taxation founded
upon the ownership of wealth and the capacity to pay, together with alleviation
of taxation. He asserts the rights of labor to organize in unions and insists it
is the duty of the government to protect these organizations against the vested
interests of wealth. In his radio addresses he adds that strikes and lockouts
are absolutely unnecessary, which would strongly suggest that by his demand for
government “protection” of unions, he means an actual form of state control,
including compulsory arbitration. His program is quite vague and contradictory
but this allows him to play on feelings and emotions and to appeal to all
classes. It is particularly noteworthy that this self-styled champion of the
common people maintains intimate contacts with Wall Street bankers in the
promotion of inflationary schemes under the innocuous title of monetary reforms
which have already netted him handsome profits in margin speculations in silver.
But his bourgeois patriotism cannot be questioned. He broadcasts: “Let us build
ten thousand airplanes to guard our coasts ... to keep America safe for
Americans.”
“I believe in capitalism,” exclaims Huey Long, “but you
cannot stimulate it unless there is buying power. You’ve got to have a
foundation under the house and that is a more even distribution of wealth.” Yes,
there could hardly be any doubt as to where the Louisiana Kingfish stands
politically. He knows the power of the catch-phrase: “Share-the-Wealth”; but
when he began in his own state and imposed a five cent a gallon tax on gasoline,
there followed some conferences between Long and President Hilton of Louisiana
Standard Oil and after that the Legislature was summoned in a special session
and rebated four to the five cents. On the other hand, in his own state, where
he rules supreme, he has made no move to ratify the child labor amendment, or to
enact old age pensions, or minimum wages, or unemployment insurance. Thus the
demand to “Share-the-Wealth” is not meant to include everybody. Moreover, from
his labor record the following facts stand out. The courts and the civil
authorities of his state were used to break the strike of the longshoremen and
to defeat the efforts of the textile workers’ union to end conditions of virtual
peonage in the Lane Cotton Mills. Huey Long is a staunch supporter of Governor
Talmadge of Georgia who declared martial law during the national textile strike
and put the strikers wholesale into concentration camps.
In this respect Father Coughlin’s position is equally
clear. He declares: “While I am most interested in the recovery of our nation, I
eschew all radicalism, and desire only one thing – that we will restore the
principles of Jesus Christ into practise.” For years he thundered against the
“red serpent” and later proceeded to build his church of the Little Flower with
non-union labor, paying wages 20 to 40 percent below the union scale and flatly
refused to deal with the unions. The San Francisco AF of L convention
unanimously adopted a resolution condemning Father Coughlin for his anti-labor
stand.
The Long-Coughlin programs propose to redistribute
wealth, to increase earnings so that higher prices can be paid, so that
interests can be paid on inflated bond issues, so that dividends can be paid on
watered stocks and the flow of profits continue, which is the same thing as to
stabilize exploitation. But their programs also assume the continuation of
capitalism, the continuation of large unearned incomes and of corporate profits
taken out of the exploitation of labor, as there is no other source from which
it can be taken. The profit system presupposes a return for the laborer in form
of wages merely sufficient to reproduce his labor power and it would make the
boasted of $2,500 yearly income per family impossible. Their programs further
assume the continuation of the bourgeois ownership of the means of production,
i.e., the means of exploitation of labor. And it is this economic relationship
that governs political action, which is another way of saying that those who own
and control the means of production are those who rule. By virtue of their
economic power they decide the elections in their bourgeois democracy. They
furnish the campaign contributions and use their ownership of the means of
production to control the machinery of the political state and to dictate the
programs for those who are placed in its executive positions, thereby clearly
determining whose government it is. Their power rests on their legal right to
exploitation and their legal right to appropriate the surplus value produced by
labor. These rulers are to be counted upon, according to the Louisiana Kingfish,
to reduce and split up the large holdings of accumulated capital and to
redistribute the wealth acquired by the exploitation of labor; in other words,
they are to be counted upon to give up the basis upon which their economic power
rests! They will not yield this power or yield any part of their privilege
without a fierce struggle. However, to take up such a struggle is furthest from
the intentions of the Long and Coughlin demagogues. It could not be expected of
them. They have cast their lot with the system of privilege to exploit labor and
they are a part of it. For themselves they have accepted a task which they
proclaim to be the restoration of certain liberties and conditions existing
before monopoly capital was known but which means in reality the perpetration of
a huge fraud. Their self-accepted task is to buttress and fortify American
capitalism for continuation of its ruthless exploitation while swerving the
working class off from its path to revolution which alone can guarantee a
redistribution of wealth and social security.
With the world war American capitalism extended its
economic structure to a world-wide base and became an integral part of the
system of world capitalism. But its highly advanced technological development
and the enormous overproduction of capital in the means of production serving
for the exploitation of labor, subordinated it more directly to the destructive
influence of the decay of the world capitalist system. The crisis struck here
with greater swiftness and force and became more deep-going than elsewhere And
yet, while European countries have experienced revolutionary situations and
Fascism, in the United States we have moved on a “normal” plane toward greater
state intervention to strengthen monopoly capital. In the make-up of the large
mass of the population there is no lack of ready material for explosive actions
or dynamic mass movements. We need remind ourselves in this respect on the one
hand only of the various essentially middle class and reactionary lynch mobs and
vigilante bands. On the other hand we have seen the American working class, not
yet conscious of its class role, but displaying in brilliant fashion its
rebellious calibre and militant qualities in powerful strikes. But the actually
revolutionary forces still lack development. We do not even have a mass social
reform movement of the kind known in Europe for decades. Is it likely that such
a movement in its specific social democratic form will become a decisive factor
in the United States ? Hardly. The accelerated contradictions of capitalism and
the swiftly developing class antagonisms unfolding in a condition of retarded
consciousness are much more likely to produce a special American phenomena of
hybrid social reform movements. In the United States the capitalist equilibrium
is not upset but it has been shaken by the crisis and the contradictions of the
present economic reorganization. Elements of capitalist decay have produced
their special American conditions and the movements holding out various illusory
panaceas are thrust forward and thrive on the existing uncertainty and social
insecurity. It seems that the Huey Long and Father Coughlin movements are
destined to become the most important phenomena of this kind. Both of these
representatives are playing with the idea of a third party formation – a third
capitalist party with a perverted social reform program. Both appear to be its
loudest and most spectacular spokesmen.
Other forces are heading in a third party direction.
The alleged Roosevelt betrayal of his promises to the people may serve as their
battlecry. In Wisconsin the La Follette Progressive Party is endeavoring to
establish an independent state-wide base. The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party
leaders, who are concerned about the farmer and labor substance only in so far
as it means support on election day, appear to lend a sympathetic ear to the
third party idea. It is quite possible that some such manifestations may also
come from the farmer movements in the various middle western states and from the
EPICs in California. Even the navericks in Congress are straws in the wind. Of
course, it is to be expected that there will be more mutual dislikes than unity
of purpose in such a motley combination. Most certainly that is today the
attitude to the blatant showman style of both Long and Coughlin. But Huey Long,
especially, is edging into a leading position and will surely be willing to trim
down on the most jarring notes in his program to suit the more cautious among
the petty bourgeois champions.
In this whole trend of development there is to be found
in its outward appearance much in common with the old Populist movement and with
later Populist revivals such as the La Follette trust-busting and government
ownership movement of 1924. Although it calls upon the shades of this dead past
to embellish the present endeavors we have here in the main an up-to-date
edition of an essentially petty bourgeois movement of the lower middle classes
for the separation of the liberal from the Tory. However, in the process of
historical development the progressive features of such a movement under
conditions of capitalist growth and expansion turn into their opposite under
conditions of capitalist decline and decay.
In a society where capitalist relations predominate
there are only two decisive forces – the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.
Politically the petty bourgeoisie vacillates between these two forces and is
unable to play an independent role. So long as the bourgeoisie, under its
“normal” and stable “equilibrium” and its uncontested leadership, can guarantee
the limited economic rations and the limited privileges to the petty bourgeois
forces these will support the traditional capitalist political parties. They
will defend the capitalist regime and the conditions it imposes and often be
ready to take part in vigilante expeditions against the workers in strikes. But
at the time when this equilibrium is shaken, when their economic ration as a
result diminishes and when a working class movement, able to give firm
revolutionary leadership, has not yet developed, the petty bourgeois classes
dream of turning the march of society backward to the orbit of small scale
production. They will then listen most readily to the demagogue and rally to the
movement that promises to reduce the big fortunes, to split up the big holdings,
to bust the trusts and promise panaceas of social security that are unrealizable
while the conditions of capitalism remain. Hopes arise that out of this they may
restore their economic base. Futile hopes, empty dreams! In a society built
around the axis of mass production, the only progressive feature of capitalism,
there is no possibility of turning the clock of history backward and dismantling
the technological advance. At best the petty bourgeoisie will in this manner
find itself led by these demagogues through new and devious ways into a greater
subordination to capitalism as its more pliant tool. If this lower middle class
movement for a third party, if this American phenomenon of a hybrid social
reform movement crystallizes and succeeds for a time in elevating itself into a
commanding political position, it will be because the big bourgeoisie feels
itself forced to utilize it as its Left wing to pacify, to deceive and to
disintegrate the advancing working class movement before this movement can
seriously threaten its power – before a civil war. This would not necessarily
mean the strengthening of the bourgeoisie. Nor would it justify an estimate that
would make the third party movement, or its specific Huey Long or Coughlin
brand, identical with Fascism.
Actual Fascism signifies a condition of civil war on
the part of the capitalist society facing the rebelling proletariat. However,
out of the conditions of anarchy and subsequent decay of the capitalist system
of mass production the working class revolutionary movement grows with greater
speed and it is precisely in the dialectic relationship to this development that
the formerly progressive features of a third party hybrid reformist movement
becomes today a reactionary fetter. It will attempt to march ahead on the backs
of the workers, attempt to corral them to its support by means of deception and
thus function as a brake to arrest the revolutionary growth and advance of the
working class movement. In this there need be no doubt that it will also furnish
a breeding ground for Fascism. By its deceptive aims it will appeal mainly to
the politically most unconscious, most backward, most indifferent and to the
layers among the masses of the population that are most demoralized by the
weight of capitalist corruption. In this sense its direction can be only
anti-proletarian and anti-revolutionary and a preparation of the road for
Fascism.
But, from this point on, it is necessary to make a
clear and definite distinction. Actual Fascism will be clearly recognizable from
its inception, if and when it does emerge. It was so in Italy and Germany. In
each instance the Fascist movement was violent from the start and intensely
nationalist; it militarized its followers and aimed openly at a national
dictatorship. Terrorization of the workers’ political parties, socialist and
communist alike, as well as the trade unions, break-up of their meetings and
destruction of their headquarters with fire and sword, together with
assassination of their leaders, marked the bloody trail of these Fascist hordes
from the beginning. While the German Nazis campaigned violently against usurers
and profiteers they shouted with equal ferocity for “the heads of the November
criminals”. Of course, they conducted skillful propaganda in the working class
ranks against the Wealthy, the usurers and the profiteers, built around
demagogic promises of sharing the wealth, but there could be no mistake about
their clear and outspoken Fascist character and aims. If and when it emerges in
the United States we shall not need be mistaken either about an actual and
serious Fascist movement. For, owing to our truly American tempo and proportions
it will stand out here as a terrific monster compared to which its kind in Italy
and Germany will appear tame and dwarfish.
It would be premature to attempt to make any estimates
about the success a third party movement may have. Suffice to say that it
appears at this moment more definitely on the horizon than the labor party
movement that the Stalinists are trying to create out of nothing except their
own tricky reformist, concoctions to serve the foreign policy of the Soviet
bureaucracy. Should certain successes of localized labor parties follow from
these endeavors, could it not be expected that we would witness a repetition of
the 1924 experience when the farmer-labor party forces went to the LaFollette
third party movement? What the Stalinists would have aroused today in favor of a
labor party would then be swallowed up by the Huey Long third party movement.
But what would happen to the honest revolutionists who are clubbed into
acceptance of the idea of creating a reformist labor party; moreover, what would
happen to the Stalinist party itself ? However, this question is beyond the
scope of this article as is any estimate of what effect an actual war situation
may have on all of these prospective developments.
One thing, nevertheless, we can affirm as an absolute
certainty. The American working class will meet with new disillusionments
through an actual third party experience and will have learned one more valuable
lesson. Today the American worker still lacks political consciousness and he
still moves in an ideologically backward atmosphere – an atmosphere of middle
class ideology. But he is trying to extricate himself through militant struggle
from his politically illiterate past and is learning to stand erect as a class
fighter. Should we then try to outdo Long and Coughlin, and appeal to him in
middle class terms ? No, he will learn to turn with fury against those who try
to hold him to his past hangovers. That can not be our method. Marxism must
remain our weapon and our task must be to translate it into the everyday
American language and root it in the American soil. Our task is to build the
revolutionary movement.
Arne SWABECK

Published in
1941
- "Germany Must Perish"
- By Theodore N. Kaufman.
This dynamic volume outlines a comprehensive plan for
the extinction of the German nation and the total eradication from the earth,
of all her people. Also contained herein is a map illustrating the possible
territorial dissection of Germany and the apportionment of her lands
From the
Introduction to the above pictured book
[Appendix
"A" I..1 to Affidavit sworn by Otto Ohlendorf at Nurnberg, 20
November, 1945.]
After 'I joined the NSDAP in
May 1925, I participated in all tasks which arose in the young and numerically
small Party organization. I was at the same time Ortsgruppenleiter, treasurer
and organizer of meetings. I distributed newspapers and leaflets, spoke in
discussions at public meetings of other parties and served in the SA. Besides
this, I, with three other Party members, were ordered to the SS service in 1926.
However, at that time I did not engage in any SS activities because shortly
thereafter I left my home town and was removed from the list of the SS.
Therefore, I did not receive any SS identity card and learned of my then SS
number 880 first in 1936 when, with reference to my early membership in the SS,
I was again enrolled in the SS under my old number. Until 1936 I had no
connection with the SS. During 1929-31 I spoke independently and on my own
initiative at numerous Party meetings of the competent Gau Party Leadership at
Hannover. At that time I studied at Goettingen and from there I worked
especially in the town and area of Nordheim according to my own plan for the
Party. I organized training courses and spoke at numerous evening discussions
and public meetings. Despite my activity I remained a simple Party member as I
avoided a too close connection with the official Party organs. Because of my own
opinion at that time I was already separated from the real and personal ways of
a Number of the leading Party members.
After my first legal State
Examination in 1931, I went to Italy as an exchange student for one year. My
reason therefore was to become acquainted with a movement which supposedly was
parallel to National Socialism, and which had had ten years of practice and
unlimited possibilities to develop. I became acquainted with Fascism in theory
and practice. I became thoroughly acquainted with its organization and leading
personalities. I arrived at the conclusion that in the case of Fascism, it was
not a question of a new conception of people and state which further developed
the individualism, but that it was another system of absolute power which was
formed around the person of Mussolini. The human beings and people in Fascism
had no values in themselves, but were objects of the State and derived their
value and recognition from the State as the sole reality. From this fact
originated the irreconcilable contrast National Socialism, which is founded on
the reality of the value of life in the individual human beings and the people,
and, therefore, in contrast to Fascism subordinated the State to the needs of
the people. After my return from Italy I stayed away from Party work until the
assumption of power. I received no positive answer to the reports on Fascism
which I sent to the Party Leadership and wanted first to become oriented on
further development of the Party within the Reich. Furthermore, it was my
definite resolution to continue my own life independently of the Party. After
the assumption of power I, therefore, remained in legal training. At the
meetings I mostly spoke on the theme of Fascism and National Socialism in order
to point out the dangers which threatened National Socialism by copying the
Fascist organizational forms and the insufficient differentiation from the
Fascist program.
I considered Fascism the
primary opponent of National Socialism. In other European countries there
already existed Fascist movements and Fascism conducted a continuous and
purposeful propaganda all over Europe. Therefore, I considered the offer of
Professor Jens Jessen to become his assistant at the Institute for World Economy
at Kiel, to serve my purposes, especially because I could found a section for
Fascism and National Socialism and in that way have a good opportunity to fight
against the plans of introducing Fascism into National Socialism.
Between 1933 and 1938, I
attempted to obtain a total picture of the complete literature in German and
Italian which concerned intellectual, cultural, sociological or economical
themes, as well as State theories. Both this literature and the National
Socialistic policy in practice showed after the assumption of power that the
still immature National Socialistic ideology was diverted from the principles of
its original world picture. Theorists, as well as responsible leaders in Party
and State, believed that they could conquer temporary difficulties in State and
economy, education and culture, only by use of old methods belonging to past
stages of civilization. At this time, it was my greatest wish to write an
analysis of the spiritual and formative impulses in the National Socialistic
work of the present time in order to draw the attention of the leading National
Socialist circles and young scientists to the spiritual principles which they
used as supposedly National Socialist.
However, foreign tendencies became
increasingly stronger especially at first in the food economy and later on
during the Four Year Plan in the rest of the economy, in communal politics, and
in the complete field of science. Therefore, I accepted an offer in 1936, again
from Professor Jessen, which gave me the opportunity by means of the SD des
Reichsfuehrer's SS to report to the highest leader posts in Party and State and
in such way advance my plans based on observation of the theoretical and
practical development of people and State.
As many personal and essential
matters made this task difficult, I grasped this opportunity to participate in
the execution of the original National Socialist principles with special
satisfaction. These principles advocated, as the foremost goal of National
Socialism, to develop the best characteristics of the people and to form them
into a community of equality and to furnish the best possible spiritual and
moral existence for the individuals of the people. I undertook the task with
heart and soul when I worked in Reich Group Commerce and when I was Ministerial
Direktor and permanent deputy of the State Secretary in the Reich Ministry of
Economy, I understood together with many others, that a necessary phase within
the evolution would be strong controversies with the Party and State. Only
against strong opposition of the old spiritual forces could the goal be achieved
which would make the welfare and dignity of man the real conception of politics;
also to achieve in the economy that man should become basis and decisive subject
of the measures of the political economy, this especially because the economy is
the most important and preponderant molder of man's destiny. National Socialism
seemed to be the first attempt to find a natural synthesis between the free,
intended to be independent man of individualism and the actual bonds life
compels on him in the community in which he finds himself. In order to achieve
this synthesis, National Socialism ought to signify self consciousness, and the
inner freedom of man, from which the laws for the natural order of the people's
community could be recognized and accomplished. with conviction.
This idea did not, however,
find a period of calm in which it could be developed spiritually and in active
daily life. The collapse of the National Socialist system in Germany has shown
that the forces favoring highly developed human communities were not strong
enough to carry through to this goal.
Rauschning's
Phony
'Conversations With Hitler':
An Update

Hermann
Rauschning
Mark Weber
One of the most widely quoted sources
of information about Hitler's personality and secret intentions is the supposed
memoir of Hermann Rauschning, the National Socialist President of the Danzig
Senate in 1933-1934 who was ousted from the Hitler movement a short time later
and then made a new life for himself as a professional anti-Nazi.
In the book known in German as Conversations
with Hitler (Gespraeche mit Hitler) and first published in the U.S.
in 1940 as The Voice of Destruction, Rauschning presents page after page
of what are purported to be Hitler's most intimate views and plans for the
future, allegedly based on dozens of private conversations between 1932 and
1934. After the war the memoir was introduced as Allied prosecution exhibit
USSR-378 at the main Nuremberg "war crimes" trial.
Among the damning quotations attributed
to Hitler by Rauschning are these memorable statements:
We must be brutal. We must regain a
clear conscience about brutality. Only then can we drive out the tenderness
from our people ... Do I propose to exterminate entire nationalities? Yes, it
will add up to that ... I naturally have the right to destroy millions of men
of inferior races who increase like vermin ... Yes, we are barbarians. We want
to be barbarians. It is an honorable title.
Hitler is also supposed to have
confided to Rauschning, an almost unknown provincial official, fantastic plans
for a German world empire that would include Africa, South America, Mexico and,
eventually, the United States.
Many prestigious historians, inculding
Leon Poliakov, Gerhard Weinberg, Alan Bullock, Joachim Fest, Nora Levin and
Robert Payne, used choice quotations from Rauschning's memoir in their works of
history. Poliakov, one of the most prominent Holocaust writers, specifically
praised Rauschning for his "exceptional accuracy, while Levin, another
widely-read Holocaust historian, called him "one of the most penetrating
analysts of the Nazi period."
But not everyone has been so credulous.
Swiss historian Wolfgang Haenel spent five years diligently investigating the
memoir before announcing his findings in 1983 at a revisionist history
conference in West Germany. The renowned Conversations with Hitler, he
declared are a total fraud. The book has no value "except as a document of
Allied war propaganda."
Haenel was able to conclusively
establish that Rausching's claim to have met with Hitler "more than a
hundred times is a lie. The two actually met only four times, and never alone.
The words attributed to Hitler, he showed, were simply invented or lifted from
many different sources, including writings by Juenger and Friedrich Nietzsche.
An account of Hitler hearing voices, waking at night with convulsive shrieks and
pointing in terror at an empty corner while shouting "There, there, in the
corner!" was taken from a short story by French writer Guy de Maupassant.
The phony memoir was designed to incite
public opinion in democratic countries, especially in the United States, in
favor of war against Germany. The project was the brainchild of the
Hungarian-born journalist Emery Reves, who ran an influential anti-German press
and propaganda agency in Paris during the 1930s. Haenel has also found evidence
that a prominent British journalist named Henry Wickham-Steele helped to produce
the memoir. Wickham-Steele was a right-hand man of Sir Robert Vansittart,
perhaps the most vehemently anti-German figure in Britain.
A report about Haenel's sensational
findings appeared in the Fall 1983 issue of The Journal of Historical Review.
More recently, West Germany's most influential weekly periodicals, Die Zeit,
and Der Spiegel (7 September 1985), have run lengthy articles about
historical hoax. Der Spiegel concluded that Rauschning's Conversations
with Hitler "are a falsification, an historical distortion from the first
to the last page ... Haenel not only proves the falsification, he also shows how
the impressive surrogate was quickly compiled and which ingredients were mixed
together."
There are some valuable lessons to be
learned from the story of this sordid hoax, which took more than 40 years to
finally unmask: It shows that even the most brazen historical fraud can have a
tremendous impact if it serves important interests, that it's easier to invent a
great historical lie than to expose one and finally, that everyone should be
extremely wary of even the "authoritative" portrayals of the
emotionally-charged Hitler era.
A footnote: Readers interested in an
authentic record of Hitler's personality and private views should look into the
fascinating and wide-ranging memoir of Otto Wagener, published in August 1985 by
Yale University Press under the title Hitler: Memoirs of a Confidant.
Wagener was the first Chief of Staff of the SA ("stormtroopers") and
Director of the Economic-Political Department of the National Socialist Party.
He spent hundreds of hours with Hitler between 1929 and 1932, many of them
alone.
Reproduced
From: The Journal for Historical Review (http://www.ihr.org)
http://www.conspiracyarchive.com/NWO/Rothschild_Grail.htm
*Reference from
George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography --- by
Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin
Bush returned to Washington at the end of August to
address members of Congress. In the public part of this meeting, Bush reiterated
that his goal was to "persuade Iraq to withdraw." There followed an executive
session behind closed doors. The next day Bush recorded a broadcast to the US
forces in the Gulf, which was beamed to Saudi Arabia by the Armed Forces Radio.
"Soldiers of peace will always be more than a match for a tyrant bent on
aggression," Bush told the troops. During early September, it became evident
that that the US and Soviet approaches to the Gulf crisis were beginning to show
some signs of divergence. Up to this point, Foreign Minister Shevardnadze had
backed every step made by Bush and Baker, but the US Gulf intervention was not
popular among Red Army commanders and among Soviet Moslems who were disturbed by
the infidel occupation of the holy places. On September 9, Bush met with
Gorbachov in Helsinki, Finnland in order to discuss this and other matters of
interest to a condominium in which the Anglo-Saxons were now more than ever the
senior partners. Gorbachov spoke up for "a political solution" to the conflict,
but his government willingly took part in every vote of the UN Security Council
which opened the way to the Gulf war. A few days later, on September 15, Bush
received precious support from his masonic brother Francois Mitterrand, who
exploited a trifling incident involving French diplomatic premises in Kuwait --
the sort of thing that Bush had done repeatedly in Panama -- massively to
escalate the French troop presence and rhetoric in the Gulf. "C'est une
aggression, et nous allons y repondre," said the master of the Grand Orient; the
spirit of Suez 1956, the spirit of the Algerian war and of Dienbienphu were
alive and well in France.
To while away the weeks of the buildup, Bush busied
himself with extortion. This was directed especially against Germany and Japan,
two countries that were targets of the Gulf war, and whom Bush now called upon
to pay for it. The constitutions of these countries prevented them from sending
military contingents, and intervention would have been unpopular with domestic
public opinion in any case. Japan was assessed $4 billion in tribute, and
Germany a similar sum. By the end of the crisis, Bush and Baker had organized a
$55 billion shakedown at the expense of a series of countries. These combined to
produce the first balance of payments surplus for the United States in recent
memory during the first quarter of 1991, obtaining a surcease for the dollar.
But even prediscounting this extorted tribute, the
fiscal crisis of the US Treasury was becoming overwhelming.
On September 11, Bush was to
address the Congress on the need for austerity measures to reduce the deficit
for the coming fiscal year. But Bush did not wish to appear before the Congress
as a simple bankrupt; he wanted to strut before them as a warrior. The resulting
speech was a curious hybrid, first addressing the Gulf crisis, and only then
turning to the dolorous balance sheets of the regime.
It was in this speech that Bush repeated the Scowcroft
slogan that will accompany his regime into the dust bin of history: The New
World Order. After gloatingly quoting Gorbachov's
condemnation of "Iraq's aggression," Bush came to the relevant passage:
Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West
confrontation to stymie concerted United Nations action against aggression. A
new partnership of nations has begun, and we stand today at a unique and
extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also
offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. Out
of these troubled times, our fifth objective --a
new world order-- can emerge: A new era-- freer
from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in
the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, east and west,
north and south, can propser and live in harmony. [fn 49]
Hannah Arendt
In her book "Eichmann in
Jerusalem", Dr. Hannah Arendt, who is neither left-wing nor pro-Palestinian, and
who supports the existence of Israel as a Jewish state, touched on some of the
questions involved, although she did not really hit the sore spots and did not
directly accuse the Zionist movement of collaboration with Nazism.
Zionist Emigration and
Gestapo Expulsion
Hannah Arendt wrote:
During its first few
years, Hitler's rise to power appeared to the Zionists chiefly as 'the decisive
defeat of assimilationism'. Hence, the Zionists could, for a time, at least,
engage in a certain amount of non-criminal cooperation with the Nazi
authorities; the Zionists too believed that 'dissimilation', combined with the
emigration to Palestine of Jewish youngsters and, they hoped, Jewish
capitalists, could be a 'mutually fair solution'. At the time, many German
officials held this opinion, and this kind of talk seems to have been quite
common up to the end. A letter from a survivor of Theresienstadt, a German Jew,
relates that all leading positions in the Nazi-appointed "Reichsvereiningung"
were held by Zionists (whereas the authentic Jewish "Reichsvereiningung" had
been composed of both Zionists and non-Zionists), because Zionists, according to
the Nazis, were the 'decent' Jews since they too thought in 'national terms'. To
be sure, no prominent Nazi ever spoke publicly in this vein; from beginning to
end, Nazi propaganda was fiercely, unequivocally, uncompromisingly anti-Semitic,
and eventually nothing counted but what people who were still without experience
in the mysteries of totalitarian government dismissed as 'mere propaganda'.
There existed in those first years a mutually highly satisfactory agreement
between the Nazi authorities and the Jewish Agency for Palestine - a 'Ha'avara',
or Transfer Agreement, which provided that an emigrant to Palestine could
transfer his money there in German goods and exchange them for pounds upon
arrival. It was soon the only legal way for a Jew to take his money with him
(the alternative then being the establishment of a blocked account, which could
be liquidated abroad only at a loss of between fifty and ninety-five per cent).
The result was that in the thirties, when American Jewry took great pains to
organize a boycott of German merchandise, Palestine, of all places, was swamped
with all kinds of goods 'made in Germany'.
"Of Greater importance for
Eichmann were the emissaries from Palestine, who would approach the Gestapo and
the S.S. on their own initiative, without taking orders from either the German
Zionists or the Jewish Agency for Palestine. They came in order to enlist the
help for the illegal immigration of Jews into British-ruled Palestine, and both
the Gestapo and the S.S: were helpful. They negotiated with Eichmann in Vienna,
and they reported that he was 'polite', 'not the shouting type', and that he
even provided them with farms and facilities for setting up vocational training
camps for prospective immigrants. ('On one occasion, he expelled a group of nuns
from a convent to provide a training farm for young Jews' and on another 'a
special train was made available and Nazi officials accompanied' a group of
emigrants, ostensibly headed for Zionist training farms in Yugoslavia, to see
them safely across the border). According to the story told by Jon and David
Kimche, with 'the full and generous cooperation of all the chief actors' (The
Secret Roads: The 'Illegal' Migration of a People, 1938-1948, London, 1954),
these Jews from Palestine spoke a language not totally different from that of
Eichmann. They had been sent to Europe by the communal settlements in Palestine,
and they were not interested in rescue operations: 'That was not their job'.
They wanted to select 'suitable material', and their chief enemy, prior to the
extermination program, was not those who made life impossible for Jews in the
old countries, Germany or Austria, but those who barred access to the new
homeland: that enemy was definitely Britain, not Germany. Indeed, they were in a
position to deal with the Nazi authorities on a footing amounting to equality,
which native Jews were not, since they enjoyed the protection of the mandatory
power; they were probably among the first Jews to talk openly about mutual
interests and were certainly the first to be given permission 'to pick young
Jewish pioneers' from among the Jews in the concentration camps. Of course, they
were unaware of the sinister implications of this deal, which still lay in the
future; but they too somehow believed that if it was a question of selecting
Jews for survival, the Jews should do the selecting themselves. It was this
fundamental error in judgement that eventually led to a situation in which the
non-selected majority of Jews inevitably found themselves confronted with two
enemies - the Nazi authorities and the Jewish authorities".
(pp. 59-61)
The Jewish Councils
On collaboration by the
Judenrat officials, Dr. Arendt wrote:
To a Jew this role of the
Jewish leaders in the destruction of their own people is undoubtedly the darkest
chapter of the whole dark story. It had been known about before, but it has now
been exposed for the first time in all its pathetic and sordid detail by Raul
Hilberg, whose standard work *The Destruction of the European Jews* I mentioned
before. In the matter of cooperation, there was no distinction between the
highly assimilated Jewish communities of Central and Western Europe and the
Yiddish-speaking masses of the East. In Amsterdam as in Warsaw, in Berlin as in
Budapest, Jewish officials could be trusted to compile the lists of persons and
of their property, to secure money from the deportees to defray the expenses of
their deportation and extermination, to keep track of vacated apartments, to
supply police forces to help seize Jews and get them on trains, until, as a last
gesture, they handed over the assets of the Jewish community in good order for
final confiscation. They distributed the Yellow Star badges, and sometimes, as
in Warsaw, 'the sale of the armbands of cloth and fancy plastic armbands which
were washable'. In the Nazi-inspired, but not Nazi-dictated, manifestos they
issued, we still can sense how they enjoyed their new power - 'The Central
Jewish Council has been granted the right of absolute disposal over all Jewish
spiritual and material wealth and over all Jewish manpower', as the first
announcement of the Budapest Council phrased it. We know how the Jewish
officials felt when they became instruments of murder - like captains 'whose
ships were about to sink and who succeeded in bringing them safe to port by
casting overboard a great part of their precious cargo'; like saviors who 'with
a hundred victims save a thousand people, with a thousand ten thousand'. The
truth was even more gruesome. Dr. Kastner, in Hungary, for instance, saved
exactly 1,684 people with approximately 476,000 victims. In order not to leave
the selection to 'blind fate', 'truly holy principles' were needed 'as the
guiding force of the weak human hand which puts down on paper the name of the
unknown person and with this decides his life or death'. And whom did these
'holy principles' single out for salvation? Those 'who had worked all their
lives for the 'zibur' (community)' - i.e. the functionaries - and the 'most
prominent Jews', as Kastner says in his report.
"No one bothered to swear the
Jewish officials to secrecy; they were voluntary 'bearers of secrets', either in
order to assure quiet and prevent panic, as in Dr. Kastner's case, or out of
'humane' considerations, such as that 'living in the expectation of death by
gassing would only be the harder', as in the case of Dr. Leo Baeck, former Chief
Rabbi of Berlin. During the Eichmann trial, one witness pointed out the
unfortunate consequences of this kind of 'humanity' - people volunteered for
deportation from Theresienstadt to Auschwitz and denounced those who tried to
tell them the truth as being 'not sane'. We know the physiognomies of the Jewish
leaders during the Nazi period very well: they ranged all the way from Chaim
Rumkowski, eldest of the Jews in Lodz, called Chaim I, who issued currency notes
bearing his signature and postage stamps engraved with his portrait, and who
rode around in a broken-down horse-drawn carriage; through Leo Baeck, scholarly,
mild-mannered, highly educated, who believed Jewish policemen would be 'more
gentle and helpful' and would 'make the ordeal easier' (whereas in fact they
were, of course, more brutal and less corruptible, since so much more was at
stake for them); to, finally, a Jew who committed suicide - like Adam Czerniakow,
chairman of the Warsaw Jewish Council, who was not a rabbi but an unbeliever, a
Polish-speaking Jewish engineer, but who must still have remembered the
rabbinical saying: 'Let them kill you, but don't cross the line'." (pp. 117-119)
Dr. Arendt's conclusion was
that without this collaboration, many lives could have been saved:
But the whole truth was
that there existed Jewish community organizations and Jewish party and welfare
organizations on both the local and the international level. Wherever Jews
lived, there were recognized Jewish leaders and this leadership, almost without
exception, cooperated in one way or another, for one reason or another, with the
Nazis. The whole truth was that if the Jewish people had really been unorganized
and leaderless, there would have been chaos and plenty of misery but the total
number of victims would hardly have been between four and half and six million
people". (p.125).
Another article related to
the "Transfer Agreement."
At the 1958 World Jewish Conference in Geneva, Dr. Nahum Goldman,
President of the World Zionist Organization, warned Jews that "a current decline
of overt anti-Semitism might constitute a new danger to Jewish survival... The
disappearance of anti-Semitism has had a very negative effect on our internal
life."
Goldman was not the first Jew to recognize the common ground between Zionists
and anti-Semites. In fact, ever since Zionism was invented by a Jewish
journalist in the late nineteenth century, Zionist-inclined Jewish leaders have
actually cooperated with anti-Semites, including Hitler's Nazis, in the
prevention of Jewish assimilation.
The founder of Zionism, Theodor Herzl, himself entered into negotiations with
the anti-Semitic Tsarist Minister of the Interior Plehve, who promised the
Tsarist Government's "moral and material assistance" to the Zionist movement.
In 1937 the anti-Semitic Polish government sent the Michael Lepecki expedition
to Madagascar, accompanied by Jewish community representatives, to study the
possibility of sending Poland's entire Jewish population there, in order to set
up a Zionist state on the island.
The possibility of setting up a Zionist state on Madagascar (which was in fact
first suggested by Herzl himself) also received consideration from the Nazi
government. In 1938, Hitler agreed to send the President of the Reichsbank, Dr.
Hjalmar Schacht, to London for discussions with Jewish representatives Lord
Bearsted and a Mr. Rublee of New York. The plan failed only due to intransigence
on the part of the British government.
Another prominent Jewish leader, Haim Arlossorof, Secretary of the Histadrut,
was also involved in similar negotiations with the Nazis according to the
Protocols of the Knesset of 30.6.59 (the Israeli Hansard).
By the late 1930's, the German Jews were riding on a new peak of Zionist fervour,
courtesy of the Nazi regime. Zionist organizations received three times as much
in contributions in 1935-6 as they did in 1931-2, and the circulation of the
Zionist weekly Judische Rundschau rose from 5,000 to 40,000. The Editor of the
paper was the first to coin and make popular the slogan about the yellow star
which Jews were later forced to wear: "Wear it with pride, the Yellow Star!"
This was more than six years before Jews were forced to wear the star by law.
There is even a certain amount of evidence to show that Hitler was financed by
Jewish interests. In his book, I Paid Hitler, Thyssen admitted that the Nazis
themselves had been obliged to recognize the services rendered by the Jewish
Simon Hirschland Bank in Essen, which had arranged Wall Street loans for Hitler
through another Jewish bank in New York, Goldman Sachs & Co. For a long time
no-one dared lay hands on the Simon Hirschland Bank, despite pressure from the
extremist element of the Nazi Party.
And during the Nuremberg trials, Hjalmar Schacht requested that a Mr. Jeidels be
called from America as a defence witness. According to a war-time edition of
Time (3.7.42), Jeidels had been one of Schacht's closest cronies before the war.
Hitler had even let Jeidels act as his deputy at the famous Standstill
Agreement. By 1942 he had become a partner in the Jewish Lazard Frères bank in
Manhattan, but still "had access to choice Continental pipelines into
Hitlerism."
But probably the most bizarre liaison between Hitlerism and Zionism was in
Austria and Hungary, where prominent Jewish leaders actively cooperated with the
Nazis in registering the Jewish population and keeping order in the ghettoes, in
return for allowing the emigration to Palestine of thousands of young Jewish
pioneers. The Nazis even agreed to set up agricultural schools for the would-be
emigrants in Austria. This entire affair is described in rhapsodical terms in
The Secret Roads by Jon and David Kimche, two prominent British Zionists. They
describe how two young Jewish settlers made their way back to Berlin and Vienna
in 1938 in order to put the plan to the Gestapo. Adolf Eichmann readily agreed
to the scheme, and even expelled a group of nuns from a convent to provide a
training farm for young Jewish emigrés. By the end of 1938, about a thousand
Jews were being provided with training in these establishments. The two
emissaries were allowed to move freely about Germany. They were even allowed to
visit internment camps and select the most able Jewish youngsters for training
and subsequent passage to Palestine.
Eichmann himself admitted to being a staunch Zionist, ever since he had studied
Herzl's classic, The Jewish State (original title An Address to the Rothschilds)
as part of his S.S. training. Eichmann attended, in civilian clothes, the
commemoration ceremony of the thirty-fifth anniversary of Herzl's death. And in
1939 he protested against the desecration of Herzl's grave in Vienna. In 1937
Eichmann had visited Palestine on the formal invitation of a Zionist official.
But he had scarcely arrived in the territory whereupon he was deported to Egypt
by the British authorities. In Cairo, he was visited by a representative of one
of the Jewish terrorist organizations Hagannah.
Even well into the war, in 1944, Eichmann still liaised with his Zionist
friends. He made a deal with Dr. Rudolf Kastner, a leader of the Budapest Jewish
community, that several thousand prominent Zionists would be allowed to emigrate
to Palestine in return for Kastner keeping order amongst those who were being
shipped to concentration camps.
The Kimche brothers paid tribute to Eichmann's efforts on behalf of the Jews in
The Secret Roads. "Eichmann may go down in history as one of the arch murderers
of the Jewish people, but he entered the lists as an active worker in the rescue
of the Jews from Europe." They go on to point out that the Zionist agents in
Europe regarded the British as "the chief enemy," not Germany.
From Let My People Go, Empirical Publications, Northern Ireland c. 1976.
Authorship unknown.
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