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ISLAM
Page III
Iran:
Some Angles on the Islamic Revolution
Islamic
Dilemma and the Sufi Message
Censored
by conservative Catholic newspaper
The
Amazing Qur'an
Iran:
Some Angles on the Islamic
Revolution
Ivor Benson
An exploration of the
Islamic Revolution in Iran and its meaning for the rest of the world can begin
with three wide-ranging generalizations:
- The Iranian Revolution
showed that religion can still be a more potent mobilizer of mass political
action than can secular ideologies;
- The revolution challenges
the cultural hegemony of Western ideas, not only as a religion but as an
alternative social model and way of life;
- The Iranian Revolution
thus can be regarded as one of the most important happenings in modern
history, comparable to the French Revolution in the 18th century and the
Russian Revolution in this century.
In the wake of the Salman
Rushdie affair, and ongoing terrorism threats against aviation and other
vulnerable points, Iran and its farflung adherents remain persistently in the
world's eye. An exploration of the Islamic Revolution in Iran conveys two great
truths with vast implications: religion can still be a more potent mobilizer of
mass political action than can secular ideologies, and the longtime hegemony of
Western social models has ended. The Iranian Revolution thus emerges as one of
the most important events in modern history, on a par with the watershed French
and Russian revolutions.
There are innumerable
reasons for believing that the emergence of highly dynamic Islamic
fundamentalism in Iran is a development of incalculable worldwide consequence.
The Center for International Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology had this comment:
"The Iranian
Revolution has highlighted one of the principal religious and political
developments of our time: the revival of Islamic fundamentalism from Indonesia
to Morocco and from Turkey to Central Africa."[1]
Dr. Algar, professor of
Persian and Islamic Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, observes:
"The subject of the
Islamic Revolution in Iran is one whose importance hardly needs underlining.
With the passage of time, its importance will become even clearer, as being
the most significant and profound event in the entirety of contemporary
Islamic history. Already we see the impact of the Islamic Revolution
manifested in different ways across the length and breadth of the Islamic
world from Morocco to Indonesia, from Bosnia to the heart of Europe down to
Africa."[2]
Dr. Kalim Siddiqui, director
of the Muslim Institute, London, offers this assessment:
"Since the revolution
in Iran I have been moving around some of the Sunni countries, some of the
most reactionary if I might put it that way; I can assure you that the people
in those countries have been absolutely galvanized and their imaginations have
been captured ... Some of them take the precaution of locking their doors
before they talk about it. If national boundaries were taken away, probably
Ayatollah Khomeini would be elected by acclamation by the Ummah as a whole as
the leader of the Muslim world today."[3]
In 1979 the mullahs in Iran
overthrew the Persian monarchy, one of the oldest in the world, while at the
height of its power, replacing it with an Islamic republic dedicated to the
implementation of the Sharia, a law of private and public conduct prescribed in
the Koran.
Since then no day has passed
without news involving Islam: an ongoing revolution in Afghanistan, troubles in
several Soviet republics with Islamic majorities or minorities, endless conflict
in Kashmir, terrorism all over Europe traced to Islamic sources in Algeria, to
name a few.
Writes Amir Taheri, a former
newspaper editor in Teheran:
"No one knows which
Muslim state might fall to the fundamentalists next, or when. What is certain,
however, is that fundamentalist activities have been able to mobilize
substantial forces in some of the key Muslim states, notably Turkey, Pakistan
and Egypt. Islam also is the dominant political force in Afghanistan and has
exacted numerous concessions from governments in Indonesia, Malaysia, Somalia,
Nigeria, Senegal, Tunisa, Morocco and Jordan."[4]
Imperialism
and Colonialism
In Iran, more clearly
perhaps than elsewhere, it has been possible for the observer to isolate and
study separately the major influences which have been at work in dramatically
awakening an Eastern religion which long was thought to be in slow decay. In
particular, we can see, step by step, how a purely religious set of ideas and
values was able to inspire enough public support to topple a powerful regime
backed by a great army and with virtually unlimited foreign support.
Three major factors need to
be explored:
- Islam in general as a
faith;
- Hostile influences which
in Iran threatened the survival of Islam;
- The hardened form of the
Shi'ite sect of Islam with which the challenge was met.
About the broad putlines of
the history of Iran during the last 150 years there can be no doubt. Foreign
powers have heavily influenced the country's international affairs to suit their
own economic and strategic interests, with scant regard for the opinions and
interests of the citizenry. Until 1945 the foreign powers dominating Iran were
mainly Russia and Britain. Russia was interested in territorial expansion,
Britain in cornering the Iranian market for British trade, in securing the
continental land bridge to India and later, of course, in controlling Iran's oil
resources.
The Iranians continued
throughout this period to demonstrate their hostility to foreign intrusion, with
the clergy (ulama) invariably playing a leading role.
From 1952 the British were
replaced by the Americans working in close alliance with the Israelis, drawing
the Shah and the masses mobilized by the ulama into the final bitter and violent
struggle. This culminated in the 1979 overthrow of Shah Mohammad Reza, last of
the Pahlavi dynasty which had been installed by the British shortly after the
end of World War I.
Since what looked like a
combination of America and Israel was actually something very much bigger and
more complex, it is the motives and actions of the intrusive foreign powers that
we need to examine before we can hope to understand what happened in Iran.
Indeed, we find that what these powers had been doing in Iran was only another
example of what they and other European intersts had been up to during the same
period in many other parts of the world, all manifestations of the phenomena
known as imperialism and colonialism.
The subject was explored at
depth and most comprehensively at the turn of the century by a prominent British
journalist and author, J.A. Hobson, whose book Imperialism: A Study
deserves new attention. A book that was meant to be a warning to the British
people was turned to good account by Lenin in 1916, when he was preparing his
own thesis on capitalism: "I made use of the principal English work on
imperialism, J.A. Hobson's book, with all the care that, in my opinion, this
work deserves." [5]
Writes Hobson in a prefatory
note:
"Those readers who
hold that a well-balanced judgment consists in always finding as much in favor
of any political course as against it will be discontented with the treatment
given here. For the study is distinctly one of social pathology, and no
endeavor is made to disguise the nature of the disease."[6]
The social pathology of
which Hobson writes is the debasement of politics, especially the politics of
nationalism, by what he calls "Special interests," financial in
character, which promote policies inconsistent with the interests of the
community. In other words, the peoples of the colonizing and imperialist
countries of Europe were the victims rather than the beneficiaries of
aggressively acquisitive policies conducted all over the world in their name.
For a definition of nation,
Hobson quotes the philosopher John Stuart Mill:
"A portion of mankind
may be said to constitute a nation if they are united among themselves by
common sympathies which do not exist between them and others. This feeling of
nationality may have been generated by various courses. Sometimes it is the
effect of identity of race and descent. Community of language and community of
religion greatly contribute to it. Geographic limits are one of the causes.
But the strongest of all is identity of political antecedents, the possession
of a national history and consequent community of recollections, collective
pride and humiliation, pleasure and regret, connected with the same incidents
in the past."[7]
It is a debasement of this
genuine nationalism by attempts to overflow its natural banks and absorb the
near or distant territory of reluctanct and unassimilable people, says Hobson,
that marks the passage from nationalism to a spurious colonialism on the one
hand and imperialism on the other.
Hobson pinpoints the factor
of illegitimacy in politics which was to prove so destructive of the interests
of the British people and cause so much conflict and dislocation around the
world; he asks:
"How is the British
nation induced to embark upon such unsound business? The only possible answer
is that the business interests of the nation as a whole are subordinated to
those of certain sectional interests that usurp control of the national
resources and use them for their private gain. This is no strange or monstrous
charge to bring; it is the commonest disease of all forms of government."
He quotes Sir Thomas More:
"Everywhere do I
perceive a certain conspiracy of rich men seeking their own advantage under
the name and pretext of commonwealth."
Conspiracies of "the
few" seeking their advantage at the expense of the community as a whole
have always, of course, been endemic in human society; but very different were
the usurpations of "the few" in the last century, which drew many of
the nations of Europe into an insane rivalry for conquest and possession in
Africa, Asia and elsewhere. Sectional interests in society -- in this case big
business and high finance -- like a cancer in the human body, prosper while
society as a whole suffers.
This was something Hobson
could see with perfect clarity at the turn of the century:
"Although the new
imperialism has been bad business for the nation, it has been good business
for certain classes and certain trades within the nation ...It is idle to
meddle with politics unless we clearly recognise this central fact and
understand what these sectional interests are which are the enemies of
national safety and the common weal. We must put aside the merely sentimental
diagnosis which explains wars or other national blunders by outbursts of
patriotic animosity or errors of statecraft ...There is, it may be safely
asserted, no war within memory, however nakedly aggressive it may seem to the
dispassionate historian, which has not been presented to the people who were
called upon to fight, as a necessary defensive policy in which the honor,
perhaps the very existence, of the state was involved."[8]
Hobson exposes as almost
wholly illusory the notion that the driving force of the new imperialism was an
eagerness to find new markets for the products of Europe's burgeoning
industries. In Britain, he remarks, the manufacturing and trading classes made
little out of the new markets, paying, if they only knew it, in taxation more
than they got out of them in trade, but it was quite otherwise with the
investor.
In other words, the driving
force of the new imperialism was primarily financial and not broadly economic.
Here is how Hobson saw it all before the turn of the century, while Britain was
involved in a war in South Africa that was to signalize the beginning of the end
of the British Empire:
"It is not too much
to say that the modern foreign policy of Great Britain is primarily a struggle
for profitable markets of investment. To a larger extent every year Great
Britain is becoming a nation living upon tribute from abroad, and the classes
who enjoy this tribute have an ever-increasing incentive to employ the public
policy, the public purse, and the public force to extend the field of their
private investments and to safeguard and improve their existing investments.
This is perhaps the most important fact in modern politics, and the obscurity
in which it is wrapped constitutes the gravest danger to our state. What is
true of Great Britain is true likewise of France, Germany and the United
States and of all countries in which modern capitalism has placed large
surplus savings in the hands of a plutocracy..."[9]
What happened to any country
which contracted a debt and was unable to gurarantee payment of the interest was
demonstrated again and again in many parts of the so-called undeveloped world -
for what other reason did France invade and attempt to conquer Mexico? More
frequently the insufficient guarantee of an international loan gave rise to some
other form of interference in the internal affairs of the debtor nation. We see
an example of this in Egypt, which became for all practical purposes a province
of Britain and where a bloody suppression of popular revolt had the support of
enormous British national fervor.
Tunis likewise became a
dependency of France for no other reason than the securing of loans granted to
that country. Perhaps the greatest sufferer of all was China, where all the
imperialist nations established footholds, complete with extra-territorial
rights which they were ready at all times to defend with armed might.
But how could the people of
Europe, especially their educated classes, including even their churchmen, allow
all this to happen? How did this imperialism escape genera] recognition for the
narrow and sordid thing it was? Each nation would accuse its rivals of hypocrisy
in masking greedy, aggressive and destructive behavior with pretensions of
altruism, but all were permitted by these educated classes to be equally guilty.
Church and
Big Business
There always existed in all
the countries of Europe a proportion of people with a genuine desire to spread
Christianity among the heathen and to diminish the cruelty and suffering thought
to prevail among them. It was hardly surprising, therefore, that the greedy and
aggressive forces that directed imperialism would make good use of such
disinterested movements, some of which had worked abroad -the Catholics in China
and Ethiopia, for example-long before the birth of imperialism.
Writes Hobson:
"They [the
imperialists] simply and instinctively attach to themselves any strong
elevated feeling which is of service, fan it and feed it until it assumes
fervor, and utilize it for their ends."[10]
So, too, Leopold, King of
the Belgians, when taking possession of the Congo with all its natural
resources, was able to proclaim:
"Our only program is
that of the moral and material regeneration of the country."
Since most of the educated
classes in Europe who allied themselves with imperialism were nominally
Christian, and since the church itself was an imperial component of the
alliance, there can be no disguising the fact that imperialism, which helped to
precipitate an age of conflict unprecedented in recorded history, was as much
nominally Christian in character as it was financial. The use of the word
Christian in this context, however, must be qualified with the reminder that the
missionizing impulse was animated by the dynamic of an essentially
power-oriented church, an institution with a strong appetite for expansion and
growth, both in terms of adherents and of material advantage.
The dual character of the
church nowhere was more clearly epitomized than in Winston Churchill's account
of the religious service at Khartoum immediately after the defeat of the Mahdi's
forces, which had sought to overthrow British hegemony in Sudan:
"... And the solemn
words of the English Prayer Book were read in that distant garden... the bands
played their dirge and Gordon's favorite hymn "Abide with Me" ... A
gunboat on the river crashed out a salute ... Nine thousand who would have
prevented it lay dead on the plain of Omdurman ... Other thousands were
scattered in the wilderness, or crawled to the river for water."[11]
Churchill omitted the final
touch: the deliberate shooting of the wounded crawlers.
Hobson saw this Janus-headed
imperialism as aseeking to float Christianity upon an ocean of profitable
business," a process which excited in the baffled Chinese a fanatical
detestation of the Foreign devils." Wrote an educated Chinese:
"It must be very
difficult for the mandarins to dissociate the missionaries from the secular
power whose gunboats seem ever ready to appear on behalf of their respective
governments ... The Chinese have watched with much concern the sequence of
events -- first the missionary, then the consul and at last the invading
army."[12]
The incongruity of so vast
an exercise of cunning and force in the service of a cause "whose kingdom
is not of this world" should need no emphasis. However, the hostile logic
of a century and a half of imperialism is self-evident: those who offered any
obstruction to what in the West was generally regarded as progress were held to
"fully deserve" the punishment they got, however severe.
Since it is supposedly one
of the main purposes of religion to help people distinguish between right and
wrong, or good and evil; since a century and a half of aggressive imperialism
would have been impossible without the compliance and complicity of the
Christian churches; since it has always been one of the functions of the
intelligence, informed by religious insights, to restrain and regulate the
appetite for acquisition and power -- it would seem that there was something
radically faulty about Christianity as preached and practised during those
decades of rampaging rival national imperialisms.
Iran's
Mullahs Show Their Power
Foreign intrusion and
interference during the century and a half before the revolution were
experienced by the Iranians as a continuous unfolding process. But, for the
purpose of in depth analysis, this needs to be considered under two headings
representing the periods before and after World War II. On the one side of this
divide, we find separate national imperialisms, mainly British and Russian, and
on the other a consolidated global imperialism wearing the outward appearance of
an alliance of America and Israel.
However, the pattern for
both periods-that of mounting conflict between the foreign interest and Iran's
religious class as mobilizer of mass political action-was set quite clearly in
1892. This was a confrontation triggered by the action of the shah in selling to
a British company a monopoly for the cultivation and marketing of tobacco. The
leading mullah of the day, Mirza Hassan Shirazi, promptly issued an order
prohibiting the use of tobacco. Not only was this order instantly obeyed --
even, it is said, by the ladies of the royal household -- but angry crowds took
to the streets. Appalled by this show of strength, the shah backed down,
cancelled the contract and paid compensation to the British company.
The message was clear: there
could be no security for the foreign interests and no "progress" of
the kind they offered unless the power of the religious class could be broken.
It was, therefore, with the tacit approval of the British and the Russians that
the shah in 1905 yielded to revolutionary demands for representative government
of the kind recently introduced in Russia, hoping no doubt that party politics
could be used to undermine the power of the mullahs. A parliament (Majlis) was
set up, and in 1906 Shah Musal Firudin became, nominally at least, a
constitutional monarch. However, he died the same year.
The mullahs who had given
their support to the demands for constitutional reform were not deceived by the
rubber- stamp Majlis that emerged, and the agitation continued, involving both
religious and secular elements.
At the height of this
trouble, the British and Russians, without consulting the Persian government,
announced that they had divided the country into two spheres of influence so as
to counter any possible German threat to their interests. The Russians helped
the new shah, Mohammad Ali, to suppress the revolution, occupying Tabriz in the
process. A number of mullahs were hanged and the shrine of Imam Reza at Mashad,
one of Iran's most famous places of pilgrimage, was shelled. Mohammad Ali was
then deposed by the majlis and replaced by a regency which continued until Ali's
son Sultan Achmad reached the age of 18 and was crowned in 1914-marking the
commencement of a period of almost total national disintegration, as the whole
country became a stamping-ground for foreign powers.
The British
Install a New Dynasty
Brushing aside the young
shah's declaration of neutrality at the outbreak of the 1914-18 war, British,
Russian and Turkish forces invaded the country, but the Bolshevik Revolution in
1917 eliminated the main patron of the Qajar dynasty. By 1919 Persia had no
effective central government and separatist movements were in power in the
provinces of Khuzistan, Gilan and Khorasan.
Eventually the only coherent
force in the country was a Persian Cossack division which, after fighting
against the Bolsheviks, had retreated through the British lines. Its leader,
Brigadier Reza Khan, restored some semblance of order in Teheran and became the
strongman in national politics. After the Persian government signed a treaty
with the Soviet government, restoring relations with Russia, Reza Khan was
encouraged by the British to stage a putsch. Shah Sultan Achmad was deposed and
by 1925 the Cossack officer had been raised to the throne as shahanshah (king of
kings), assuming the dynastic name Pahlavi.
In fairness to Shah Reza
Khan, it should be noted that, unlike many of his predecessors, it was not in
his nature to be a mere puppet of the foreign powers. On the contrary, he
imagined himself destined to be the savior of his country and defender of its
national independence, and he therefore patiently cultivated the fiction that he
was an actual descendant of Iran's ancient kings.
With Kemal Ataturk, Turkey's
great modernizer, as his model, he was convinced that the religious classes were
the only real obstacle to progress; and he proceeded with the ruthlessness of a
Cossack soldier to try to destroy their power. It was, therefore, mainly for the
purpose of strengthening his own position against the mullahs that he sought and
used the support of the foreign powers, playing one off against the others
wherever possible.
The effect was a
transformation of the traditional monarchy, always tyrannical but inefficient,
into a modern dictatorship armed with all the expertise and appurtenances of
modern totalitarianism, including a ubiquitous secret police. Writes Professor
Hamid Algar:
"In so far as the
word "Modernization" has had any meaning in the Iranian context,
what was modernized by the Pahlavi dynasty was the apparatus of repression .
.. Among the few individuals to resist the imposition of the Pahlavi
dictatorship in an open fashion was again one of the ulama, Sayyid Hasan
Mudharris. He spoke up in the Majlis ... went into exile and was murdered in
exile by agents of Reza Khan."[13]
Early in the 1930s the shah
sought to protect Iran from both the British and the Soviet Union by entering
into an alliance with Germany; and by 1940 thousands of Germans were working in
Iran and hundreds of Iranians were studying in German universities and technical
colleges. This short-lived alliance was to prove the shah's undoing. In 1941, as
the German forces were advancing deep into Russia, the British and their Soviet
allies called on him to expel all the Germans and to permit the transit of
supplies and reinforcements to the Russian front. When he refused to comply, the
Allied forces invaded Iran and the shah's 120,000-strong army vanished like
"snow in summer."
Britain carried out a
surprise attack on the Iranian navy at Khorramshahr, destroying all the ships
and killing many of those on board. Iran was divided into two zones of military
occupation and the British, who had appointed Reza Khan as shah, now sent him
into exile in South Africa, where he died three years later. As his son,
Mohammad Reza, was to remark later in his memoirs: "It was deemed
appropriate by the Allies that I should succeed my father."
"Although Iran was
quickly declared one of the Allies," writes Amir Taheri, "her
treatment by the British and Soviet forces of occupation could not have been
harsher. Worse still, they made it abundantly clear that they had no intention
of leaving Iran after the war had come to an end." [14]
Any expectations which the
British and the Soviets may have had about their future role in Iran were to be
disappointed, for in power-political terms World War II was to inaugurate an
entirely new game in which the aims and ambitions of separate nations, like
Britain and the Soviet Union, were to be of diminishing consequence.
Unnoticed, except by a few
percipient observers, a new global imperium had come into existence,
geographically centered in the United States, but not specifically American.
The different nations would
maintain their embassies and continue to be involved in many ways, but their
separate power to influence events in Iran would henceforth be only marginal.
While World War II was still
in progress, the Soviets worked quite openly for the creation of independent
republics in the northern province of Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, hoping to be
able to incorporate these later into the USSR. The British also were frantically
busy trying to create conditions favorable to their future interests; they set
up and financed the Khuzistan Wellbeing Party in the hope of being able to
detach this oil-rich region when Iran fell apart, as expected, after the war.
The Soviets organized the Communist Tudeh Party, and the British set about
securing the allegiance of various dissident groups like the Bakhtiari chiefs
and certain Anglophile mullahs and powerful families.
But no resistance could be
offered to the United States, now by far the world's most powerful nation-even
without the atom bomb. Quietly, under pressure from Washington, London and
Moscow signed a treaty with Iran under which all their forces would be withdrawn
within six months of the war. In 1943 the United States set up its Persian Gulf
Command and the American presence became increasingly conspicuous.
British and Soviets duly
withdrew their forces in 1946, the nascent republics in the north were crushed,
and the Tudeh Party was pushed into the background of public affairs.
Developments continued according to program, but it was a program that remained
for most people a great mystery.
The New
Imperialism
It is the revolutionary
change in the nature and character of imperialism which now calls for a more
detailed explanation.
It rather looked as if a
British imperialism which had prevailed in Iran without interruption since the
end of World War I was supplanted after the end of World War II by an American
one - or, rather, by one consisting of an alliance of America and Israel.
Indeed, from quite early in the 1950s an American-Israeli presence was the
dominating foreign influence in Iran; and it was almost exclusively against the
Americans that the hostility of the mullahs and the masses was directed,
culminating in the invasion of the US embassy and the subsequent hostage drama.
The reality, however, was
very different, for what looked so like an America-Israeli alliance was in fact
only the picture presented by an altogether different imperialism which had come
into existence, displacing and replacing all the separate national imperialisms.
What began quite early in the present century, and proceeded at a much
accelerated pace after the end of World War II, was the progressive dismantling
of all the separate national imperialisms, including the American, and their
absorption into something unprecedented in recorded history -- a global
financial imperialism.
Instead of the moral
illegitimacy, or political pathology, of parasitical conspiracies of
"special interests" inside the different Western societies, now
a vast cosmopolitan parasitism of "special interests" operated on a
global basis and with ends far more ambitious: nothing less than a world
economic and political imperium.
Nationalist imperialisms
were thus subsumed in a single international imperialism in the same way as we
have seen very large commercial, industrial and financial enterprises swallowed
and ingested into the concentrated ownership and control of vastly bigger,
mainly financial conglomerates.
The overthrow of the tsarist
regime in Russia in 1917, the dispossession of all the European powers of their
colonial empires, the setting up of the United Nations as a world
government-in-waiting, and much else, were all part of a power-concentrating
process which began last century and continues to this day.
This change in the character
of imperialism was one of the consequences of a radical change in the realm of
high finance, which can briefly be explained as follows. For a long time after
the beginning of the modern industrial era, finance-capital (not to be confused
with private enterprise capital) existed almost entirely in national
concentrations: there was a British finance-capitalism, nominally answerable to
a British government, which was in turn nominally answerable to an electorate; a
German finance-capitalism, a French one, a Dutch, and so on, each joined to a
national government and each government nominally answerable to a national
electorate.
These nations were, in fact,
plutocracies -- each one an instance of what Hobson calls "social
pathology," capable of maintaining themselves in power with a public
opinion not sought and consulted, as before, but created as
required, by news-media propaganda, patronage and other rewards of the business
world. Money had become the measure of all things, with a ruling elite drawn
less from the land and more and more from the factory and the counting-house.
Last century and well into
the 20th, these national concentrations of financial power were in vigorous
competition, a major example of this being the scramble for colonies and markets
in the so-called underdeveloped world. What then happened was that the many
national vortices of financial power were drawn into a global vortex of
financial power.
There can be no doubt that a
major factor in bringing about this change in the realm of high finance was the
long-continued existence within the different nations of Europe of Jewish
banking families or dynasties which had always specialized in transnational
operations. [15] The story of how these financial dynasties consolidated their
power on an international basis is explained at some length by Prof. Carroll
Quigley in his 1300-page "History of the World in Our Time," Tragedy
and Hope.
It all began with what
Quigley called "the third stage in the development of capitalism ... of
overwhelming significance in the history of the 20th century, and its
ramifications and influences subterranean and even occult." He adds:
"Essentially what it
did was to take the old disorganized and localized methods of handling money
and credit and organize them on an international basis." [16]
The truly revolutionary
change was to occur in the 1930s, when the control of this international
financial system passed out of the hands of those who had created it -- the
likes of J.P. Morgan in America and Montagu Norman in Britain -- into the hands
of a cosmopolitan elite no longer "high Episcopalian, Anglophile, and
European-culture-conscious." The shift occurred at all levels, says Dr.
Quigley, and was evident in the decline of J.P. Morgan, which had hitherto
dominated Wall Street. [17]
Thus it can be said that
much of what was to happen in Iran and in many other parts of the world after
the end of World War II had its parallel in the United States, where the great
American pioneering families found themselves without the power to control their
own universities, and where their national newspaper, the New York Herald-Tribune,
fell into irreversible decline and died, like a ring-barked forest giant. The
use of words like America and American in any discussion of world politics can
thus be grossly misleading unless it is clearly understood that "American
power" has ceased to be essentially American.
The dismantling of an
essentially British oil empire in Iran and its reorganization on an
international basis (as was done with Belgium's copper empire in the Congo in
1960) was, therefore, to be expected -- having much the same effect as that
produced by "decolonization" in so many other parts of the world.
The Anglo-Iranian Oil
Company (AIOC) had been exploiting the oil fields in Khuzistan since 1901, and
the demarcation of those fields, covering an area of 15,000 square miles, has
been laid down in a 1933 agreement. This giant company, writes Vincent Monteil,
trained British subjects to take an interest in Iran's internal affairs, and
"took pleasure in appointing the number of votes inthe 'free'
elections." In return -- to take only one year as an example -- AIOC paid
Iran royalties or rent of £10 million in 1949, compared with £28 million paid
in tax on profit alone to the British treasury. [18]
In 1950, shortly after the
shah's visit to the United States, where he had talks with President Truman and
Secretary of State Dean Acheson, the Americans began to show great interest in
the Iranian oil industry. A number of oil experts, businessmen and technicians
visited Iran, and began to lay the powder-train for a political explosion which
was to take place less than 12 months later; they did this by explaining how
much more generously they treated their partners in Saudi Arabia, Venezuela and
elsewhere.
A fiery atmosphere was thus
created as AIOC began negotiating for a further renewal of its contract. In the
wildly confusing situation that ensued, the weight of probability suggests that
it was the British who were instrumental in persuading the shah to appoint the
army chief-of-staff, Ali Razmara, as prime minister, charged with the task of
handling these negotiations. However, the British were soon conducting a furious
campaign of character-assassination against Razmara, while the Americans sought
to bolster his regime with aid and by upgrading their embassy to first class.
This little drama within a drama ended suddenly, when Razmara was assassinated,
supposedly as a warning to any politician who might frustrate the growing demand
for nationalization of the oil industry.
The killing was done by the
Fedayen of Islam (Martyrs for Islam), but is was generally believed at the time
that orders for it had come from the British by way of one of their former
employees. But why? A draft bill for a renewal of the agreement with AIOC,
introduced by Gen. Razmara, was defeated and a few weeks later another bill
introduced by Dr. Mohammad Mussadeq, nationalizing the oil industry, was passed.
Mussadeq was appointed prime minister and Iran became involved in a great
struggle with the British at the World Court and also at the United Nations. A
great British company with many years of experience in Iran evidently had no
intention of surrendering without a struggle.
Writes Amir Taheri:
"That the United States wanted Mussadeq to succeed was demonstrated by the
increase in American aid from $500,000 in 1950 to nearly $24 million two years
later." [19] However, if the Iranians expected the Americans to help them
to re-establish the oil industry on a national basis they were soon to be
disappointed, for American policy was to be dictated by considerations of a kind
wholly inaccessible to the scrutiny of ordinary politicians and journalists.
Whether, therefore, it was
the British or the Americans who were responsible for the small army revolt
which dislodged Mussadeq has continued to this day to be a debatable question in
Iran.
As a sincere nationalist
politician enjoying much support from the religious class, himself being a
practising Muslim, Mussadeq had.performed the task required of him and had now
to be removed. The Americans, therefore, joined willingly enough in the
world-wide champaign, engineered by the British, to make it impossible for the
Iranians to make a go of their nationalized oil industry. In the ensuing turmoil
the shah hurriedly left the country, and as quickly returned after order had
been established by the army.
President
Truman's 'Point 4' Plan
The Iranians may find a key
to the riddle of one of the most baffling periods in their much-troubled history
in something that had happened in Washington a couple of years earlier (1949).
This was a speech by Mr. Truman in Congress inaugurating his first full term as
President, in which he unveiled a grandiose plan to "save the world from
Communism" (so soon after America had saved the Soviet Union from Hitler!).
This plan proclaimed a
"bold new program for underdeveloped areas," a program "to
greatly increase the industrial activity in other nations" and "to
raise substantially their standards of living." The executors and agents of
this plan, which came to be known as "Point 4" and Agency for
International Development" or AID, were soon afterwards pressing American
asssistance and advice on all the so-called "underdeveloped"
countries, including Iran. What President Truman had presented, as we now can
see more clearly, was the prefiguration of a new global financial imperialism
whose main purpose it would be to dismantle and dislodge all the national
economic imperialisms of the preceding century and a half.
A Washington report at the
time said that American officials Concerned with President Truman's "Point
4" were working to the principle of "a new type of benevolent
imperialism designed to spread prosperity without exacerbating political
nationalism." In other words, if the undertaking went through,
"American nationals will serve on the governmental as well as the technical
level in the politically independent countries concerned." Although "a
startling innovation" in Asia and Africa, this was to be regarded
"only as an extension of a system already in operation in Latin
America." [20]
That all sounded benevolent
enough, but how was it to be prevented from becoming a form of American
political hegemony?
After former London Times
foreign correspondent Douglas Reed had carefully digested President Truman's
speech and the explanatory literature that accompanied it, he had a strong
feeling that he had read it all before somewhere. And so he had: as he turned
over the pages of a book he had read a couple of years earlier, there it was.
The book was Teheran, Our Path in War and Peace. Its author: Earl Browder,
leader of the Communist Party in America.
Browder's words:
"Our government can
create a series of giant industrial development corporations, each in
partnership with some other government or group of governments, and set them
to work upon large-scale plans of railroad and highway building, agricultural
and industrial development, and all-round modernization in all the devastated
and undeveloped areas of the world."
The Communist leader was
referring to Africa in particular, but he went on:
"Closely related
socially, economically and politically with Africa are the Near Eastern
countries of Arabia, Iraq, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Trans-Jordan.
Here also a broad program of economic development is called for.
Significantly, it was a
capitalist America and not a Communist Soviet Union which the Communist Party
boss called on to undertake this ambitious program of financial and economic
imperialism. Douglas Reed could only marvel:
There must be in America
under President Truman, as under President Roosevelt, some group or force
strong or persuasive enough to sell Communist aims to political leaders and
simultaneously to convince them that these will stop Communism."[21]
Indeed. And to the same
hidden source must be traced the reality of American state policy during and
after the last war, as distinct from policy as publicly stated, the promotion of
two causes that were never declared but simply came to pass: the advance of the
Red Army to the center of Europe and to the Pacific coast of Asia, and the
continuous pouring of billions of financial aid every year into the then-new
state of Israel.
That should help to explain
a phenomenon which seems to have baffled Amir Taheri and other observers. Writes
Taheri:
"What could be
described as the Kissinger style of diplomacy led, over a period of eight
years, to a sharp reduction in the contributions of American missions abroad
to the making of foreign policy, Kissinger clearly believed that diplomacy was
too important a matter to be left to diplomats... he saw it [the bureaucracy]
as no more than an instrument for implementing decisions made by a very
restricted circle."[22]
Grand Design
and Counter-Revolution
The Ayatollah Khomeini's
angry young men who seized the American embassy after the revolution did not
fail to notice that many of the most telling policy directives from the State
Department in Washington were wholly out of register with reports and
interpretations from the men on the spot, the poor wretches who afterwards had
to bear the full brunt of passionate Iranian animosity. Members of the American
embassy in Teheran, says Taheri, were gradually led to understand that they
should not report what they saw but, rather, should see what Washington wanted
them to report.
What this meant was that a
grand strategy and system of tactics were being implemented to which only a tiny
minority of policy-makers at the top were privy, creating an environment in
which deeply clandestine purposes were heavily masked with an ostentation of
innocent and benevolent intentions. The effect was an utterly baffling melange
of contradictory utterances and actions. As Taheri put it:
"The
behind-the-scenes drama enacted over more than eight years in Teheran,
Washington, Jerusalem, London, Cairo and a dozen other cities reflected the
realities of a secret world which obeyed few rules either of international
conduct or of individual morality. It is in this broader context that the
Irangate fiasco might be properly understood."[23]
This hell's kitchen of
secrecy and intrigue outside Iran had its equivalent inside the country. In the
aftermath of the. revolution all the Freemasonry lodges in Iran were closed and
their archives seized, confirming what many had suspected. Many of them were
controlled by Jews or Bahais of Jewish origin, providing another channel of
secret communication with Israel and Zionism in general.
So, how did the American
Communist Party leader come to present in broad outline an ambitious program for
Third World development, to be undertaken later at great cost by the United
States and a wide network of international agencies? Another question: How did
it happen, and how was it possible, for Armand Hammer, son of Julius Hammer, one
of the founders of the American Communist Party, to proceed to Russia
immediately after the Bolshevik Revolution and begin at once to organize a
massive transfer of finance, industrial equipment and technology from the
capitalist West to its supposed enemy, the Communist East? [24]
The short answer to both
questions will be found in what the German historian Oswald Spengler wrote
immediately after the Bolshevik Revolution:
"There is no
proletarian movement, not even a Communist one, which does not operate in the
interest of money, in the direction indicated by money and for the period
permitted by money, and all this without the idealist in its ranks having the
slightest suspicion of the fact."[25]
Those who have penetrated
the mystery of the weirdly ambivalent relationship of high finance and Communism
will not be surprised to learn that the Soviet Union supported the shah to the
end, and that articles in Pravda about events in Iran were almost exactly the
same in tone and content as those in the New York Times.
If the unfolding history of
our century can be said to be the product of an alliance of money and intellect
(what else could it be?), it was the role of Earl Browder and very many of his
kind, only a few of them to be identified as Communists, to take care of the
intellectual half of this alliance.
Writes Professor Hamid Algar:
"The return of the
shah in 1953 inaugurated the intense period of a quarter of a century of
unprecedented massacre and oppression, the intensive exploitation of the
resources of He Iranian people by the imperialism of the East and West, the
Western camp being headed then by the United States rather than
Britain."[26]
This then was the new
imperialism, American and Israeli in appearance but international and
cosmopolitan in character, drawing into its orbit power-wielding elements from
all the previous national imperialisms, financial, political and intellectual.
The Iranian oil industry, hitherto a British monopoly, was
"internationalized," the nominal national ownership of it left intact
but its management entrusted to a consortium owned by AIOC, renamed British
Petroleum (40 per cent), eight United States oil trusts (40 per cent), Shell (14
per cent) and French Petroleum (6 per cent).
We must now try to make some
sense out ot the phantasmagoria of confused and seemingly contradictory facts
which emerged in the struggle between the shah and his people that was to ensue.
The entire Iranian struggle
after the end of World War II can be visualized in the broadest terms as a
confrontation of mutually antagonistic hierarchies of ideas, values and vortices
of power, actual or potential, the one belonging to the West and the other to
the East, the one having modern America as its grand symbol of human progress
and welfare, and the other regarding America as the arch-symbol of political
illegitimacy, "The Great Satan." [27]
And the shah, because he
could imagine no future for Iran except one modeled on the industrialized West,
and because he, too, regarded his country's religious class as the great
obstacle to progress in that direction, allowed himself to become, in every way,
the main instrument of the foreign power.
As Taheri reports, a great
variety of ideological forces came into existence after 1953 to combat the
dictatorship of the shah and his subservience to the foreign powers; but behind
all of them religious influence was increasingly discernible; so much so that
even socialism, a secular ideology borrowed from the West, reappeared in Iran as
"The Movement of God-fearing Socialists."
This increase in religious
influence came to a climax in 1963 with the sudden emergence into prominence of
the Ayatollah Rohallah Khomeini, who was to play a role in the revolution
resembling in many ways that of the Prophet Muhammad in the seventh century,
combining in a remarkable way the functions of a religious and secular leader.
[28]
A maximization of the power
of the shah to enforce his will on the population was being met with a
corresponding increase in the power and influence of a religious class which
symbolized the will and instinct of the mass of the people. They could all see
what was being offered, and they did not want it.
There were two ways in which
the shah's power to enforce his will was enormously increased: 1) an increase in
the amount of money at his disposal as oil production was resumed, and again as
the price of oil rocketed; and, 2) close cooperation with the external power,
especially with its Israeli component, in the sophisticated use of secret police
and prisons as instruments of terror and compulsion.
Even moderate opposition
after 1963 was suppressed with exile, imprisonment, torture and murder, and the
army was brought in to crush mass demonstrations mounted by the ulama in Teheran
and other cities, when thousands of people were killed. In 1975 the director of
Amnesty International's British section described Iran as "world
leader" in torture, executions after sham trials, and widespread political
imprisonment.
The sharp edge of the power
which the shah was able to bring to bear on his internal opponents was almost
wholly supplied by his two main foreign supporters, the United States and
Israel; these were, however, never really separate but only two aspects of one
and the same world-revolutionary force.
In fact, American and
Israeli influence were at all times inseparable. Prof. Algar says that after the
coup of 1953, which ousted Mussadeq, there was cooperation at all levels,
especially in intelligence and security work. He adds:
"After a certain
point it appears that the task of staffing the Savak was taken over by Mossad,
the Israeli security, from the CIA although the CIA always retained the right
of supervision over the operations of Savak. I know of many people who report
having been interrogated and tortured by Israelis while in the custody of
Savak."[29]
Algar continues:
"There was
overwhelming similarity between the two of utter dependence on the United
States. Israel is hardly independent of the United States-or, rather, the
matters are the reverse, Israel certainly commands more votes in the Senate
than does the White House."[30]
This Age of
Conflict
The career of Shah Mohammad
Reza illustrates to perfection Lord Acton's maxim that "power corrupts and
absolute power corrupts absolutely." Through the process of unrestrained
personal ambition the shah became wholly separated from his own people -- the
corruption of leadership in its ultimate form. He believed in what he was doing,
enjoyed the support of the greatest concentration of power outside his own
country, and was able to draw from his oil industry so much wealth that he
needed nothing from his people except their submission. From 1970 he was even
able to expand his power abroad by giving away vast quantities of money, having
raised his own country to a position of power and influence unprecedented in
centuries. Writes Taheri:
"Between 1968 and
1978 Iran earned more than $100,000 million from oil exports. More than 10
percent of that was used in the form of loans or outright gifts to friendly
countries. The United Kingdom received from $1,200 million in loans ... In
West Germany Iran purchased substantial shares in Krupps and Benz as a means
of saving them from financial difficulties... More than seven hundred
"key personalitites" in some 30 countries were on the secret Iranian
payroll from 1979 onwards ..."[31]
Iran's galloping arms
expenditure in the wake of the 1973-74 oil-price rise helped Western economies
to avoid recession. At the same time, under the Nixon-Kissinger doctrine, Iran
was seen as the regional power that would defend Western interests and act as
policeman in the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean.
The shah had assigned to
himself a role in history comparable, in his imagination, only with that of the
founder of the Persian Empire in 600 BC. Of this he informed the world in
October 1971 when, flanked by his generals, he presented himself before the tomb
of that great monarch, now little more than a pile of stones in a vast arid
plain, and ceremoniously read a eulogy which began with the words: "Lie in
peace, Cyrus, for we are awake!"
This was followed by a party
among the grandiose ruins at Persepolis attended by more than five hundred
dignitaries, including kings, presidents and prime ministers from 60 countries.
All this, as the shah remarked at the time, was intended to mark "the
rebirth of the Persian Empire and Iran's return to the forefront of human
experience."
Other products of the shah's
megolomania were the proposed 1,200-acre Shahestan-e-Pahlavi architectural
extravaganza at Teheran and 20 planned nuclear power plants. This kind of
development favored Western economics and Western contractors who shared the
pickings with a new class of Iranian monopolists and technocrats, but did little
or nothing for the Iranian economy as a whole.
Carried away by this dream
of national greatness, what the shah seemed unable to understand was that the
role he had assigned to himself was wholly subordinate to another which had been
assigned to him by those who were encouraging him in his ambitions. In other
words, that the Iranian national drama, so impressive when viewed separately,
was intended to be no more than an episode in a vastly bigger world-historical
drama.
So, it is the motivational
system of the likes of Henry Kissinger - during most of the 1970s the shah's
warmest friend and most trusted adviser -- that calls for some consideration.
How and for what purpose were these powerful individuals trying to use the shah?
A short but inadequate
answer is that the new international cosmopolitan imperialism, spearheaded by
Israel, had come to regard the Arab world and its Islamic religions as being by
far the greatest hindrance to the attainment of its great objective, a one-world
government which it could control at all levels; and Iran, with its considerable
non-Arabic population and huge oil wealth, was seen as a possible countervailing
force which could be used against the Arab world.
The first step was to make
Israel virtually synonymous with America in terms of foreign support in all
fields, and then, by steady progression, provide the shah with a means of
suppressing all internal opposition. In fact, the shah's security forces were
virtually taken over by the Israelis and reinforced with non-Islamic personnel,
largely recruited from non-Muslim population elements, especially the Bahais,
largely people of Jewish descent no longer practicing the Jewish religion. This
gave the shah an instrument which could be used with the utmost ruthlessness
against the population and against the religious class in particular.. Prof.
Algar states the position exactly:
"We find ... that
immediately after the great massacre in Teheran on September 8, 1978, when an
estimated 4000 people were killed, Carter left his humanitarian efforts on
behalf of so called peace at Camp David to send a personal message of support
to the shah. It is noteworthy that Sadat and Begin and the other participants
in these humanitarian efforts at Camp David also took time off to telephone
their best wishes to the shah in the aftermath of the massacre. Given this
timing of Carter's expression of support for the shah, we can do no other than
regard his visit to Teheran and his proclamation of support ... at the
beginning of 1978 as an implicit statement of support of the shah and of all
the acts of massacre and repression that he undertook in the year of the
revolution. It was not only ... an uprising designed to shake and destroy the
tyrannical rule of the monarch, it was at the same time, in a real sense, a
war of independence waged against a power which had successfully turned Iran
into a military base and which had incorporated the military repressive
apparatus of that other country into its own strategic system."[32]
The commanding importance
attached to Iran as a piece on the checkerboard of global power politics was
emphasized shortly after the fall of the shah when support from both sides of
the so-called Iron Curtain was given to Iraq, and when the most flagrant
violations of international law by Iraq, including the first attacks on neutral
shipping, and even the use of poison gas, were disregarded or excused. The
external powers, the USSR included, also doggedly refused to name Iraq as the
aggressor.
Then when it had become
clear that Iraq could not win, the combined efforts of the external powers had
to be used to prevent an Iranian victory -- an exercise which eventually called
for direct American military action in the Persian gulf.
The
Battleground of the Mind
The Iranian
struggle was won and lost on the battleground of the mind.
All the ideas which the shah
could muster in favor of the visible benefits of the Western social model,
supported with a maximum application of force and terror, proved to be no match
for a system of ideas, promoted by the mullahs, which united the people as never
before and infused them with death-defying courage.
This was something the shah
could never understand: an invincible unity of the people which embraced old and
young, uneducated and educated, including even those who had received their
schooling in the West. Thus, we learn that the shah's last visit to Washington
at the invitation of President Carter in November 1977, was marred by
unprecedented demonstrations by Iranian students, and that the teargas used by
the police drifted across the White House lawns and caused the shah to shed a
few tears.
For the purpose of study and
discussion, this victorious system of ideas can be considered under two
headings: populism and religion. The use of the word populism, however, calls
for an explanatory note: it means what democracy used to mean and is still
assumed to mean -- namely, government by the people, direct or representative.
However, since the word democracy is now almost universally applied to states
which are not democracies as defined in the dictionaries, it can only be said to
have ceased to be "lawful tender."
The nations of the West are,
in fact, plutocracies, or special-interest oligarchies, wearing many of the
trappings of democracy -- political parties, the ballot box, all the rest.
The word populist is now
used in all the English-speaking countries to designate popular movements
offering opposition to the bogus democracies. The concept of populism thus
establishes common ground between political activists persecuted by the shah and
those in the West now being persecuted and execrated as "rightwing
extremists," "neo-Nazis," or "Fascists," any debate
with them being totally proscribed. [33]
All these populist movements
have their origin in a deeply rooted instinct, a social or political instinct,
which prompts people to react negatively to any rule which, judged by the
results produced, they do not feel to be truly their own. Primitive societies
which have endured down the ages can be regarded as models of legitimate rule
and an example to the huge sophisticated societies of the modern world, in which
the factor of legitimacy is increasingly elusive, if not wholly absent.
The actual system matters
very little: it could be a monarchy, or a dictatorship, or an oligarchy or a
conventional democracy; there is no system of rule which has not been known to
work to the satisfaction of those ruled; any system acceptable provided that it
is implemented by those who can be regarded as the legitimate nominees of those
ruled, leaders who are sensitive to the feelings, values, beliefs and group
memories of the ruled.
Amir Taheri, a West-oriented
Iranian journalist and no friend of the mullahs, says of the shah in 1976:
"He did not need the
people for their votes in a general election. He was there by divine right and
parliamentary elections, organized every four years, were little more than
ritualistic exercises in futility."[34]
And the shah had long since
abandoned the practice of travelling around the country to make direct contact
with his people.
Other populist resistance
movements in Iran since before the turn of the century, some of them modeled on
similar movements in the West, were all influenced in some degree by the
religious class, but the one that finally triumphed was religious through and
through, inspired by a great religious leader and organized and managed
throughout by the ulama.
From all of which it would
seem to follow that for the West, with all its bogus democracies and its
Christian church falling into disarray and demoralization, there should be much
to learn from the role of religion as a mobilizer of mass political action, and
about politics in general.
However, any consideration
of the role of religion in Iran - a role unthinkable today in the West -- needs
to be preceded by a few thoughts about religion in general, not this or that
manisfestation of it but religion as a factor of commanding importance in human
affairs everywhere and at all times of which we have any record.
Religion can be said to have
two main aspects: personal and social. Religion can be a strictly
personal phenomenon, joined to or wholly independent of any prevailing orthodoxy
or doctrine. A sound attitude towards the totality of existence, a submission of
the will to a system of cosmic law external to and superior to the intellect, no
matter how such an attitude may have been acquired, is all that is needed for
what C.G. Jung describes as "a religious attitude to life," or state
of psychic well-being. For most people at all times a taught religion has
provided the easiest access to such an attitude, for which the only proof needed
is that it works.
Religion can, therefore,
also be a social phenomenon, a system of consensus belief having its origin in
some prophet and offering psychic security and some measure of creative release
to an entire community, even to an epoch. Consensus religions, like all other
human artifacts, are exposed to the vicissitudes of time and change and thus are
liable to lose some of their pristine efficacy, their power to fulfill the
purpose for which they came into existence.
So, what is the purpose of a
consensus religion, if any, apart from that of helping the individual to find
psychic orientation?
One simple but of course
insufficient answer is that a consensus religion serves as a repository of
values and a system of tested knowledge in respect of what is "right"
and "wrong" in human relations. This implies that certain cosmic laws
relative to what people do, or what is done to them, are encoded in human
nature, not as ready-made ideas but only as instinctual intimations which must
then be conceptualized and verbalized as ideas capable of being communicated and
discussed. These laws we categorize as "moral" or
"metaphysical," laws of a most volatile and elusive kind which are
easily lost and are continually having to be rediscovered and verbalized in a
new way. And it is these laws which, if observed and applied in whatever form,
keep a society as it were "on course," preserving it against
disintegration and disorder.
Islam and
Christianity
Only blind prejudice can
prevent anyone who has gone to the trouble of studying even a summary of the
contents of the Koran from realizing that Muhammad the Prophet was a moral
genius, a person who, under pressure of a personal crisis of the mind, gained a
quite extraordinary insight into those metaphysical laws, so hard to grasp,
which prevail inexorably inside the human mind and in human relations.
And it was the circumstances
then prevailing that made it possible, even inevitable, that one man's
breakthrough to a rare state of enlightenment would expand quickly into a
consensus religion destined to spread very quickly over most of the then known
world.
Muhammad, like Jesus Christ
about 600 years earlier, was living in what can be described as "end
times" -- much like conditions in the Western world today -- when
societies, no longer sufficiently in register with the unalterable realities of
human nature, have begun to disintegrate. Social existence degenerates into a
frantic scramble for personal survival and advantage as people cease to find in
their social group a sense of shared security and mutual obligation and duty,
and many begin to suffer in their minds.
What is most significant is
that the Church in the West is disintegrating along with everything else,
compounding rather than counteracting the process of decline in the West.
Here a clear distinction
must be drawn between two aspects of Christianity as a consensus religion: the
Church Extant and the Church Invisible; the church as a great property-owning
and power-oriented institution and the church in its nascent form as a message
of personal deliverance. Both Christianity and Islam spring from the same
insights and share with the earlier Judaism the same even more ancient
monotheistic symbolism. The Koran says: "Jesus the Messiah, the son of
Mary, was a Messenger of God, His word which He placed in Mary, and His
spirit" (IV.171). There was, thus, no fundamental antagonism between Islam
and Christianity.
The big difference between
the two religions is that Islam did not create a church or its equivalent, and
that the Christian Church, obedient to the laws of worldly growth, was
everywhere inclined to make common cause with centers of worldly power.
The failure of the church in
the West is summed up in Balzac's trenchant remark that "there can be no
universal application of Christianity until the money problem has been
solved." Alas, the church has never been at odds for long with
"Caesar" in the ultimate form as concentrated financial power.
It is mainly for this reason
that Islam, with its unflinching prohibition of usury, now is seen as a major
threat to a vast structure of power in the West, challenging the moral
foundations on which it has been reared.
The code of conduct, both
for rulers and ruled, explicit in Islam's Sharia, was largely implicit in
Christianity's basic teaching ("Do unto others as you would be done
by."). The main difference between the two faiths arose out of the fact
that Muhammad was compelled by the circumstances of his time to become a
political leader, administrator and soldier, as well as religious leader. The
meanings belonging to "a kingdom not of this world" were thus brought
into close relationship with meanings more directly relevant to the unavoidable
actualities of "this world."
Perhaps the most important
fact of all in the context of the present world situation is that Islam presents
in clear outline the moral configuration of Economic Man: worker, owner, dealer
in the products of labor, his duties, obligations and rights. The injunction on
the subject of usury may not have seemed all that important at the time when
few, if any, of the Prophet's followers might have been interested in the
lending of money.
But, today, usury is the
linchpin without which the greatest concentration of worldly power ever would
fall apart. Centuries of antagonism between the Christian and Muslim worlds can
be traced to a great variety of causes, but one of its main effects, as we can
now see more plainly, was that of preventing the people of the West from
recognizing and getting to grips with a corrupting principle which had been
planted in their midst.
Shi'ism:
Religion of the Revolution
For an explanation of the
Iranian Revolution, it is not Islam in general but a particular version of it
called Shi'ism that needs to be more closely examined, a kind of fundamentalism
which, besides setting Iran fiercely at odds with the Western world, has had the
effect of driving Iran into isolation, separated also from the rest of the
Islamic world.
Writes Professor Algar:
"The revolution in
Iran and the foundation of the Islamic Republic is the culmination of a series
of events that began in the sixteenth century of the Christian era with the
adherence of the majority of the Iranian people to the Shi'i school of thought
in Islam. Indeed, one of the important factors that sets the Iranian
Revolution apart from all the other revolutionary upheavals of the present
century is its deep roots in the historical past."[35]
There is no need, however,
to explore the difference between Shi'ism and other schools of Islamic thought,
because this difference fades into relative insignificance when compared with
the change which occurred in Shi'ism itself after its introduction by the
Turkish conqueror and the inauguration of the Safavid dynasty in 1502. So, it is
what the Persians made of Shi'ism, rather than what they received, that now
sharply distinguishes it from other schools of Islamic thought.
What has happened can be
stated in a few words: Shi'ism has presented in sharper and clearer outline of
the religious configurations of what we might call Political Man. This has
entailed the politicization of the ulama and its involvement in public affairs
to a degree unequalled anywhere outside Iran. The leaders of the other Islamic
states, while sharing with Iran deep concern about policies being implemented by
the Western powers in the Middle East, see what has happened in Iran as a
usurpation by the religious class that could place their own regimes in danger.
This involvement in politics
by the religious class has deep roots in history and is supported with
considerable scholarship. Writes Prod Algar:
"With the hindsight
provided by the Islamic Revolution, it will be more appropriate to write the
Iranian history of the past three or four centuries not so much in terms of
dynasties as in terms of the development of the class of Iranian ulama.
Dynasties have come and gone, leaving in many cases lithee more than a few
artifacts behind to account for their existence. but there has been a
continuing development of the class of Shi'i ulama in Iran which has been
totally without parallel elsewhere in the Islamic world."
Prof. Algar explains briefly
how the burdens of state came to be placed on the shoulders of the religious
scholars and how they learned to cope:
"With the decline of
the Safavid dynasty in 1724, a period of anarchy began in Iran. At one point
within the 18th century we find no fewer than 13 different contestants for the
throne doing battle with each other. The total disintegration of the political
authority accelerated the process of divorce between the religious institution
and the monarchy. We can say that in the absence of an effective centralized
monarchy throughout the 18th century the ulama came in a practical fashion ...
to assume the role of local governors, arbitrators of disputes, executors at
law and so forth."[36]
This experience over an
extended period produced a change in Shi'ism; for there had to be some change in
theory and scholarship to accommodate an expanded range of duty and mental
activity. And so there arose a great debate about the duties of the religious
scholar, whether he should confine himself to the sifting of the teachings of
the Prophet and its interpretations, or whether it was permissible for him to
engage in independent reasoning in respect of legal questions. The first
position acquired the Arabic name akhbari and the other the usuli.
It would be hard to
exaggerate the profundity and far-ranging implication of this debate; the
question at issue is whether a consensus religion can be a "total way of
life" for any society unless its scholars and teachers are also experts in
jurisprudence and other affairs of state and have been trained to exercise their
intellects in secular as well as religious matters, thereby acquiring competence
to monitor the performance of the rulers.
Were it not for the triumph
of the usuli position in the 18th century, the religious scholars would have
been reduced to an extremely marginal position in society and the Iranian
Revolution of 1978 would have been impossible. The whole significance of the
Ayatollah Khomeini arises from the fact that he was the living embodiment of
this activist tradition, the fruition of long years of political, spiritual and
intellectual development.
As the mass of the Iranian
population was instinctively repelled by the conditions of existence created in
the name of Westernization and progress, and after the failure of many attempts
by various popular movements, like Mussadeq's National Front, to place some
curbs on the shah's dictatorial power, all turned to the ulama and accepted it
unreservedly as the sole legitimate authority and thereafter responded
automatically to its commands. Khomeini could, therefore, feel secure in the
knowledge that he had the mass of the population behind him when early in 1963
he virtually launched the revolution with a series of public declarations at Qum.
In these he accused the shah
of having violated the constitution and the oath he took when enthroned that he
would protect Islam. He also attacked the shah for his subordination to foreign
powers, naming the United States and Israel. The secret police Savak had
permitted some qualified criticism of America but had always rigorously enforced
the rule that not even the name of Israel must ever be mentioned in public
discussion.
After one of these
addresses, Khomeini's center at Qum was stormed by paratroopers and Savak
members, a number of people were killed and the ayatollah arrested. Released a
few days later, the ayatollah continued to attack the shah, with the result that
there followed on June 5 a vast uprising in many Iranian cities.
This was repressed with
great force and it was estimated that within a few days at least 15,000 people
were killed in the shooting ordered by the shah. Khomeini was arrested again and
sent into exile in Turkey, whence he moved later to Iraq and then to Paris.
Two features of the ensuing
revolution which culminated in the final explosion of public anger towards the
end of 1978 call for special notice. The more important of these was the factor
of martyrdom, that is resistance of a kind undeterred by the fear of death. The
other was the communications factor, the seeming magic with which the leader of
the revolution, even from distant Paris, could reach a widely distributed
population with information and instruction.
The communications factor is
more easily explained: the ulama represented a nationwide communications network
with its mosques and madrassas, its mullahs and its students, vastly expanded
and expedited by two products of modern technology, the telephone and the
tape-recorder. A declaration by the ayatollah, spoken into a telephone in Paris,
would be recorded in Teheran or some other Iranian city, copied and transcribed
and retransmitted to other parts of the country, where the process would be
repeated until within a few hours it would have reached even small and widely
separated villages.
All this was possible,
however, only by reason of the accumulated learning and preparatory work of four
centuries which had equipped the ulama for such a role, so that all knew exactly
what they were expected to do and why, a rare condition in any society. This
communications system, wholly dependent on the zealous participation of
thousands of individuals, proved in the end to be more than a match for a
powerful press, radio and television, all vehemently supportive of the shah's
regime.
All that needs to be said
about the highly abstruse martyrdom factor is that in Shi'ism the concept has
been more thoroughly elaborated as a main component of the Islamic faith. It is
something ever present in the consciousness of the Iranians. Hence the Shi'i
maxim: "Every day is Ashura and every place is Karbala" - referring to
the martyrdom of the Imam Hussain.
It was this factor that gave
to mass political action in Iran, especially throughout 1978, a diamond-hardness
that was proof against all the ruthless and sophisticated physical force which
the shah and his close Israeli ally could mount against it. During the first
days of December 1978, a large number of people appeared in the streets of
Teheran and other cities wearing their shrouds, prepared for martyrdom and
advancing unarmed on the rows of machine guns ready to be used to deady effect.
By no other means could the
people of Iran have overthrown one of the 20th century's most powerful and
ruthless tyrants.
Notes
- Article on Iran in
Comment, published by the Catholic Institute for International Relations,
London, May 1980.
- Algar, Hamid The Roots
of the Islamic Revolution (The Open Press, London, 1983), p. 9.
- Lectures at the Muslim
Institute, London, 1980, Siddiqui's Preface.
- Taheri, Amir Nest of
Spies: America's Journey to Disaster in Iran (Hutchinson, 1988).
- Lenin quoted by Paul
Johnson in A History of the Jews (Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1987).
- Hobson, J.A. Imperialism:
A Study (Geo. Allen and Unwin), Rev. Ed., 1938, p. vi.
- Hobson, op. cit., p. 5.
- Hobson, op. cit., pp.
46-7.
- Hobson, op. cit., pp.
53-4.
- Hobson, op. cit., p. 197.
- Hobson, op. cit., p. 205.
- Hobson, op. cit., p. 204.
- Algar, op. cit., p. 20.
- Taheri, op. cit., p. 15.
- Names and background of
Jewish banking families are given by Howard Sachar in The Course of
Modern Jewish History (Dell Publishing, New York, 1958).
- Quigley, Carroll. Tragedy
and Hope (Macmillan, New York, 1966), p. 50.
- Quigley, op. cit., p.
937.
- Monteil, Vincent, Iran
(Studio Vista, London, 1965), p. 25.
- Taheri, op. cit., p. 27.
- Cited in Reed, Douglas, Somewhere
South of Suez (Devin-Adair, New York, 1951), p. 399.
- Reed, op. cit., pp.
399-400.
- Taheri, op. cit., p. 80.
- Taheri, op. cit., p. 5.
- See Armand Hammerys
autobiography, Witness to History (1987).
- Spengler, Oswald, The
Decline of the West (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, New York, 1926), vol 2,
p. 402.
- Algar, op. cit., p. 22.
- For a particularly
forceful exposition of this viewpoint, see Fall of a Center of Deceit,
Islamic Propagation Organization, Teheran.
- See The Life and Times
of Muhammad, John Bagot Glubb (Hodder and Stoughton, 1970, and Life
of Mahomet, Washington Irving (Dent, 1911).
- Algar, op. cit., p. 50.
- Algar, op. cit., p. 50.
- Taheri, op. cit., p. 63
- Algar, op. cit., p. 101.
- Subject of a paper on
psychological warfare read by Ivor Benson at the 1977 congress of the World
Anti-Communist League, in Seoul, Korea.
- Taheri, op. cit.
- Algar, op. cit., p. 5.
- Algar, op. cit., p. 16.
Appendix I:
Islam and Economic Man
If a single all-embracing
reason is to be sought for the dread of a resurgent Islam now prevailing in the
highest centers of worldly power, it may be found in the Islamic moral
delineation of Economic Man, a system of ideas which challenges the entire
foundation of great power in the West.
Monetary reform campaigners
in the West, especially in the United States, might be astonished by the
quantity and quality of thinking which Muslim scholars have put into the subject
of banking and of economics generally, all of it constellated by the Prophet
Muhammad's simple utterances. Here are some of the key elements of the Islamic
economic philosophy: *
Individual rights:
These are a consequence of the fulfillment of duties and obligations, not
antecedent to them. In other words, first comes: the duty, then the right.
Property: Ownership
is never absolute, conferring on us the right to do with our property wholly as
we please. As the Sharia puts it, all property belongs to God: we are only its
temporary incumbents and trustees; there are duties and responsibilities
inseparably attached to the ownership of property.
Work and wealth:
Islam exalts work as an inseparable dimension of faith itself and reprehends
idleness. We do not need work only in order to earn a livelihood; we need work
to preserve our psychic health; we need to exercise creative skills and to spend
energy in work.
Usury: The Koran
forcefully prohibits the payment and receipt of interest, or riba as it
is called. Interest on a loan is regarded as a creation of instantaneous
property rights outside the legitimate framework of existing property rights.
The evil inherent in usury,
however, is more recondite and elusive than that. The lending of money at
interest can in many instances be advantageous to borrower as well as lender;
fortunes have been made with borrowed money. It is only in the contest of a
total way of life of a community that the evil nature of usury becomes more
clearly visible to the moral imagination.
The principle of usury, once
accepted, gives rise to the regular practice of it, requiring or making possible
the emergence of a class of moneylender; human nature being as it is, and
taking into account the circumstances in which money most often needs to be
borrowed, the practice of usury is seen as conferring a compounding advantage on
the moneylender class.
*See "The Islamic
Banking system in Iran and Pakistan" Mohsin S. Khan and Abbas Mirahker, Journal
of Social, Political and Economic Studies, 1986.
About the author
IVOR BENSON is a South
African journalist and political analyst. He wrote for the Daily Express
and Daily Telegraph in London, and later was chief assistant editor of
the Rand Daily Mail. From 1964 to 1966 he served as Information Adviser
to Ian Smith, Prime Minister of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe). Mr. Benson has lectured
on four continents; he produces a monthly newsletter, Behind the News
(P.O. Box 1564, Krugersdorp, 1740 South Africa).
Reproduced From:
Journal
Of Historical Review
Islamic
Dilemma and the Sufi Message
By Jay Kinney
As the West comes to grips
with the terrorist attacks and threats, there is a strong temptation to see
things in simple terms of Good and Evil. But before we are stampeded into a “clash
of civilisations,” we need to step back for a moment and examine the real
forces at work. Islam is undergoing its own crisis, with many conflicting voices
clamouring to be heard. The angry cries for Jihad threaten to drown out the
saner counsel of Islam’s living mystics, the Sufis. What follows is one
attempt to clear the air, in the hope that disaster might be averted.
Ironies abound. Amidst all
the uproar it is easy to forget that in Arabic, “Islam” means “surrender,”
and that it is derived from the same root word as “peace.” Those who are
disposed to dismiss religion itself as an irrational scourge are happy to see
this as just another case of religious hypocrisy. After all, if we add up all
the casualties caused by holy wars, crusades, inquisitions, and other battles
taken up in the name of God, the endless line of corpses would seem to give the
lie to religious claims of a higher morality or compassion.
“All religions are founded
on the fear of the many and the cleverness of the few,” Stendhal cynically
observed. But, as Oscar Wilde noted: “Who is a cynic? A man who knows the
price of everything and the value of nothing.” While religions have failed to
live up to their own ideals, the same charge can be levelled against Democracy,
Communism, Humanism, Monarchy, Science, and every other means of human self-organisation
and inquiry. Of this we can be sure: no sooner will a model for social benefit
be formulated than a dozen uses will be found to employ it for social ill.
Social institutions – by their very nature – become arenas for the exercise
of power and greed: the forces of the reptilian brain which take us back to Step
One, over and over again.
Yet despite the abysmal
record of folly and destruction, there is an enduring human need for a sense of
spiritual connection to something greater than ourselves. Religions may be
imperfect, but they have nevertheless provided a moral anchor for billions of
people throughout history. Even if a believer’s faith be relatively
unsophisticated and dependent on others’ say so, when sincerely held, it does
offer some sense of connection with the Universe. This is no small thing, but it
hardly exhausts the possibilities.
Fortunately, there is clear
testimony that some individuals and groups have been able to fully realise the
kernel of truth that too often lies slumbering within the religious husk. Anyone
who has given sincere attention to the accounts and writings of genuine mystics,
such as Meister Eckhart, Ibn ‘Arabi, or Plotinus, cannot fail to see that a
higher consciousness, which encompasses both the Infinite Source of Being and
the human individual, is possible.
This consciousness, as a
direct and authentic experience, does not depend for its existence on
theological or religious doctrine. Indeed, mystics say that this consciousness
itself clarifies and illuminates doctrine.
Religions, as theological
and social structures built around the realisations of their founders, must
accommodate themselves to and address the traditions and customs of the cultures
in which they evolve. Had Jesus been born in a Chinese manger or had Buddha been
enlightened while sitting under Newton’s apple tree, the religions that
followed in their wake would have been far different affairs. In order to better
understand the current state of Islam, a brief look at its origin and evolution
is in order.
There is no question that
Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam, was a profound mystic whose lot it was to be
born into a Bedouin tribal society shaped by intense family ties, trading
routes, localised pagan gods, and relatively primitive cultural forms. The Qur’anic
message, articulated by Muhammad in poetic Arabic, was received in discreet
parts over the course of 22 years – years marked by attacks on the Prophet and
his small band of followers by other hostile tribes.
Muhammad’s communion with
the Real was called upon to provide guidance to the Muslims as they struggled to
defend their faith amidst war and social chaos. As observed by some Qur’anic
scholars, such as Fazlur Rahman, some passages of the Qur’an are addressed to
a specific time and place, while others are of a more universal nature. This is
important to note, as it accounts for some of the seeming contradictions between
verses, as well as the problems that arise when verses are quoted out of
context. But in any event, the Qur’an’s identity as a dialogue with the
Supreme Being is so intertwined with the circumstances of its birth that, to
this day, Muslims only consider a Qur’an to be the Qur’an if it is in its
original Arabic. All translations into other languages are merely “interpretations”
and inexact facsimiles.
This is an admirable attempt
to preserve fidelity in transmission, though one wonders if even this devotion
to the original text isn’t a case of closing the barn door after the mule is
gone. For the special value of a living mystic or prophet is the dynamic nature
of their expression of the Real, to which they have access. The Qur’an’s
words in the absence of Muhammad’s living interpretation, like Jesus’s
parables without his own commentary, are susceptible to a dogmatic
crystallisation induced by the limited understanding of later followers who risk
mistaking their own piety for insight.
One early attempt within
Islam to head off a decline in religious practice following Muhammad’s death,
was the collection and preservation of hadiths (quotations from the Prophet),
among which are the hadiths qudsi (Prophetic quotations conveying messages from
God, given outside of Qur’anic passages). Hadiths typically contain
testimonies, by the Prophet’s companions, of Muhammad’s suggestions and
judgments on the details of daily life and specific questions of practice, law
or family concerns. The hadiths qudsi are understood to provide an extra-Qura’nic
source of Divine guidance. A secondary source of information is the “Sunna,”
a recording of the Prophet’s own personal habits and practices, including
quite intimate reports by his wives.
Unfortunately, even
preserving the specifics of the Prophet’s interpretations, insights and
behaviours still finds them anchored to their time and place. At the same time,
there is much dispute over various hadiths’ authenticity, with many being
suspected of later manufacture for partisan purposes.
Islam’s
institutionalisation, once the Prophet was gone, saw Muhammad defined as the
most perfect exemplar of Islam, with all questions of right behaviour and
scriptural meaning referred back to his own statements and behaviour, or to the
Qur’an. The best means that later Ulema (scholars and jurists) could suggest
in rendering decisions was “analogy” and “consensus of the community”
– processes that have left little room for creative insights or inspired
interpretations.
Because Muhammad served his
community as resident mystic, prophet, commander in chief, and social arbiter,
Islam – again, in taking him as its exemplar – developed an ideal of
theocratic rule as its civilisation grew. As in Medieval Christianity, there was
little sense of separate spheres for religion and civil society – Islam was
“a way of life.” The combined figure of Sultan (Ruler) and Caliph (Religious
leader), though hardly consistent throughout the succession of Islamic empires,
was in place in the final centuries of the Ottoman Empire, only to collapse
along with the implosion of the Ottomans following WWI. The Caliphate was
abolished by Ataturk in his effort to constitute a secular Turkish republic on
the ruins of the Empire.
The inroads made by European
colonialism in the waning decades of the Ottomans, and particularly post-WWI,
helped stir the pot of Arab nationalism, Pan-Arabism, and radical Islam, all of
which arose in response to the splintering of Islamic civilisation. There was no
single Islamic solution put forth that commanded universal support. A multitude
of Islams, ethnic nationalisms, and dictatorial regimes carried the day.
It is this sequence of
events that brings us to the present reality of a decentralised and dispirited
Islamic world mourning its former glories, riven along nationalist and sectarian
lines, resentful of previous Western colonialism, and defensive towards an
encroaching globalisation that promises to be more pervasive and invasive than
mere colonialism ever was.
The lightning rod for Muslim
resentment towards this state of affairs has come to be symbolised, for better
or worse, in the creation of Israel, in what was previously Palestine. What was
seen by Jews as a refuge from Nazi persecution, and by the Zionists as the
fulfilment of a scriptural and political dream, was seen by many Muslims as an
exclusionary Western wedge, achieved by Haganah, Irgun, and Stern Gang
terrorism: an ethnically-defined state disenfranchising its former residents,
and a surrogate for the present Western superpower, the USA. The
Israeli/Palestinian blood-feud, terrible enough in itself, has metastasised
throughout the Muslim body, taxing the Islamic immune system, and readily
diagnosed as the underlying Western cancer which can be blamed for every painful
social malady.
As stated at the beginning,
ironies abound. The very virtue that enables millions of Muslims to feel a
brotherhood across national and racial divides – the sense of an Umma
(community) of believers – also fuels the presumption of extremist Islamic
terrorists to represent the whole of Islam in their assault on the West. In
truth, bin Laden and Co. (or Islamic Jihad or Hezbollah) no more represent Islam
than the judicially-selected Bush regime represents the whole of Western
democracy. Behind each camp’s stated purposes and PR, loom the reptilian brain’s
Will to Power – the opposite of the mystic’s realisation and of the stated
goal of most religions: surrender to the will of God.
Religion, devoid of the
mystic’s link to the Real, may not save us – in fact when religion is used
as a rationale to wage political warfare, it may condemn us to a hell on earth
of its own creation. But that doesn’t mean that we should turn our backs on
the spiritual impulse toward realisation and human perfection that lies at the
root of religion. The survival of Sufism within the broader confines of Islam is
a significant case in point.
Sufism is a term coined by
Western orientalists for the mystical path in Islam, commonly known as tasawwuf
by Muslims. I’ll continue to use it here for the sake of simplicity. Sufism
isn’t a sect or subgroup within Islam, so much as it is an expression of the
mystical understanding underlying Islam.
Despite Muhammad’s roles
of prophet, commander in chief, and social arbiter, it was his vocation as
mystic that preceded and subsumed his other responsibilities. According to Sufi
tradition, Muhammad acknowledged Ali, his nephew and son in law, as his
spiritual successor, i.e., as the one Muslim within his inner circle who had
also been blessed with a potent mystical awakening. Because the roles of
spiritual and political leader had been combined in Muhammad, they became the
object of the power struggles following the Prophet’s death. Those struggles
eventually resulted in the division between Sunni and Shia Islam, though that
need not concern us here. Suffice it to say, that for most Sufis, Ali represents
the continuation of the mystical impulse within Islam, and nearly all Sufi
brotherhoods trace their initiatory lineage back to Ali.
The operating premise of
Sufism is that the mystical consciousness (but not the Prophetic role) of the
Prophet and Ali is possible for others. The encounter with the Real – in which
the dynamic paradox of the Infinite and the finite, the Absolute and the
particular is known and experienced – is not relegated to the distant past or
possessed by a designated few, but is within the capacity of everyone, should
they so desire.
Authentic mystics have
usually occupied a position in tension with established religion, because their
dynamic relationship with the Infinite has often placed them at cross-purposes
to the theological certainties promulgated by religious authorities. It is to
Islam’s credit that it made more room for its mystics than did Christianity,
its chief rival. This leeway was sometimes due to the patronage of Sultans who
were interested in tasawwuf, and sometimes due to the popular support that some
saints enjoyed. This is not to say that Sufis were always honoured or even
tolerated. They were sometimes persecuted as heretics, executed or merely
silenced; but whether welcomed or deplored, they were able to pass along their
wisdom and methods from generation to generation.
The predominant means of
this transmission was through Sufi brotherhoods or Orders (tariqas) –
caretakers of continuous lines of teaching methods derived from the founding
inspiration of a particular mystic. Unlike Christian contemplative monastic
orders that demanded celibacy and a sequestered life, the Sufi tariqas were
generally composed of everyday people, with families and outside professions.
Thus, up to the present, the Sufis have provided a street-level access to
mystical experience.
Jalaluddin Rumi, whose
mystical poetry has enjoyed great popularity in the West in recent years, is the
best known representative of Sufism. His emphasis on Love as the key entry-point
to communion with the Divine has led many people to assume that this is true of
all Sufism. However, just as Yoga can be subdivided into several parallel paths
to the Divine, including Hatha (physical), Jnana (mental), Bhakti (devotional),
etc., so each Sufi order has its own flavour and emphasis, derived from its
founding saint. Still, whatever their emphasis or methods, all Sufis share the
ultimate goal of a spiritual awakening or “opening,” where the seeker comes
to intimate knowledge of the Real.
This may sound terribly
remote from anything of practical value, especially if one imagines this
awakening to be a state of everlasting bliss which renders its recipient
incapable of dealing with mundane affairs. However, Sufism teaches the need for
the mystic to “descend” again into daily life, where he can function in
normal situations while maintaining an expanded awareness. This is truly the
path of Muhammad, who from the mystical point of view stands as exemplar for the
“completed human:” one who is both physically and spiritually alive, and
able to interpret his own Qur’an.
Such individuals light the
way for others, often serving inconspicuously as conduits of inspiration and
encouragement. A pharmacist in Istanbul, a shopkeeper in Fez, a poet in Damascus
– there is no predicting where one may find those who are called “friends of
God.”
Fundamentalist movements
originate out of a form of spiritual inspiration themselves. Despairing of the
decadence and corruption they perceive in the present expression of their Faith,
the fundamentalists – as their name suggests – try to return to the pure
fundamentals.
For “religions of the Book”
– religions based on revealed scriptures – this commonly takes the form of
cleaving even closer to scriptural authority. But rejecting the succeeding
centuries of religious evolution, and not privy to dynamic interpretation of the
founder or of mystics, the fundamentalists commonly opt for the most literal
readings of their holy texts. And when those texts are as ambiguous and nuanced
as the Qur’an, this can lead to confusion and incoherence, thinly veiled by
rigidity.
The result is a
proliferation of mini-Caliphs or Popes, certain of their own purity and the
truth of their interpretation, cut off from scholarly commentary and discourse,
and contemptuous and dismissive of all who disagree. In eras of profound change
and discord, the fundamentalists reduce the Infinite Source of Being to a static
icon created in their own image, in a tragic reversal of the creative process.
Those who kill and terrorise
in the name of God demonstrate their own distance from any real connectedness
with the Whole. This is the dilemma of Islam at the dawn of the 21st century.
The Umma of believers are themselves held hostage by the terrorists who claim to
represent them. As Zia Sardar has written in The Observer (UK - Sept 23, 2001):
“. . . all good and concerned Muslims are implicated in the unchecked rise of
fanaticism in Muslim societies. . . . We have been silent as they proclaim
themselves martyrs, mangling beyond recognition the most sacred meaning of what
it is to be a Muslim. . . . The terrorists are among us, the Muslim communities
of the world. . . . And it is our duty to stand up against them.”
The Prophet affirmed that
“Allah’s Mercy supersedes his Wrath.” (Hadith al-Qudsi). One can only hope
that the moderate Muslim majority will draw upon the wisdom of those within
their own tradition who know that Mercy intimately and find the courage to stand
up.
© Jay Kinney, 2001. Jay
Kinney is the co-author, with Richard Smoley, of Hidden Wisdom: A Guide to the
Western Inner Traditions (Penguin/Arkana, 1999). He is editor of The Inner West
(forthcoming from J.P. Tarcher, 2002). More of his writings can be found at http://www.gnosismagazine.com
.
© Copyright New Dawn
Magazine,
http://www.newdawnmagazine.com
. Permission to re-send, post and place on web sites for non-commercial
purposes, and if shown only in its entirety with no changes or additions. This
notice must accompany all re-posting.
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March 26,
2002
Editor's Note: The following
letter was allegedly refused publication by "The Wanderer," a
nationally-circulated, conservative Roman Catholic newspaper. Dr. Samarrai's
missive is a pithy, learned and measured corrective to an exercize in ignorance
by Arthur Hippler, author of one among a legion of Islam-bashing articles now in
vogue across the spectrum of American right wing publications.
Your editor would have no
problem with a factual critique of the spiritual and theological errors of
Islam, though attacks on religion have generally been regarded as bad form in
the modern West (a gentility to which this writer does not subscribe). What is
galling is the bullying. These conservative 'zines have finally grown themselves
a pair of testicles, but only when it comes to kicking Islam. Mum's the word
concerning the anti-Christ blasphemies, Talmudic racism, war-crimes and
Kabbalistic, occult evil in Judaism, which has incomparably more influence in
government and the media of mass communication than any Muslim ever has.
It takes no courage to be
anti-Muslim these days. It's the trendy bias, the faddish bigotry of the herd
and of the voice of the herd, the American government and its mouthpiece media.
But to expose Judaism to scrutiny is to invite not only calumny and loss of
career and good name, but homicide as well. Here are a few lines typical of the
e-mail your editor receives by the bushel. This lovely specimen was sent March
25:
"I visited your website
and I must say that I was disgusted...I swear, there must be people out there
who would beat you to a bloody pulp, if not kill you, on sight. I also noticed
your constant references to the palestinians and israelis. According to you, the
palestinians are f****ing SAINTS, am I right?... I swear, for your sake, I hope
I never see you in public..."
(End quote from fan mail)
As for the person and
character of Muhammed, the Victorian sage Thomas Carlyle observed: "The
lies which well-meaning zeal have heaped 'round this man are disgraceful...Such
a man is what we call an original man...the words he utters are as no other
man's words...he was one of those who cannot but be in earnest...(who taught)
that we must submit to God. That our whole strength lies in resigned submission
to Him (God)....Not by flattering our appetites; no, by awakening the Heroic
that slumbers in every heart, can any Religion gain followers... 'If this be
Islam,' says Goethe, 'do we not all live in Islam?' "
(Carlyle,"On Heroes and
Hero Worship," May 8, 1840)
-- Michael A. Hoffman II
A. I. Samarrai, Ph.D.
drasamarrai@charter.net
Feb. 21, 2002
Editor, The Wanderer 201
Ohio Street St. Paul, MN 55107
Arthur E. Hippler’s essay,
“On the Difficulties With Islam” (The Wanderer, February 7, 2002) purports
to enlighten the readers about Islam and the Muslims. Many people, Dr. Hippler
tells us, “think they know something about Islam,” when in fact they are “mostly
wrong in their imaginings,” because they obtain their knowledge about Islam
and the Middle East from the mass media. Such information “is invariably
incomplete and unfortunately, not always completely accurate.”
Utilizing his “own
background and professional work,” Dr. Hippler wishes to straighten things
out. He does this, however, “with the understanding that there is no way to
include a mass of sophisticated and subtle nuances,” nor does he “ have any
pretense that [his] analysis is exhaustive.” Nevertheless, he assures the
readers that “to the best of my professional understanding, what I am
presenting is reasonably accurate.”
Unfortunately, Dr. Hippler’s
essay compounds the confusion by adding errors of fact. Much of the essay
consists of his personal opinions and attitude about Islam, the Muslims, and the
Arabs. He doesn’t like the Muslims and the Arabs. There isn’t much one can
do about that, except that it is not really conducive to polite discourse to
cite, approvingly, such terms as "Wogs" to describe Arabs and Muslims.
In this response, however, I will concern myself mostly with the errors in Dr.
Hippler’s article.
(1) Dr. Hippler believes
that instability in the Middle East would encourage Greece to expand at the
expense of Turkey. “At a minimum,” he declares, “Greece would try to
regain Crete.” The last time I visited Crete it was a part of Greece. I
suspect that Dr. Hippler had Cyprus in mind where there is a movement among the
Greek population of the island to unite Cyprus with Greece. And although Turkey
illegally invaded northern Cyprus, the island is not part of Turkey.
(2) The Kurds do not “predominate
in the entire western half of Turkey,” as Dr. Hippler asserts. Turkish
Kurdistan is located in the southeastern area of Turkey. This is how Turkish
forces sometimes pursue Kurdish rebels inside Iraq.
(3) Dr. Hippler’s
assertion that “[w]hat tends to unite the Mideast (and indeed all of Islam) is
a generalized antagonism of varying degrees toward everyone else in the world, a
hatred especially directed toward the West” is so absurd that one wonders
where the author obtained his impression. Throughout their history, Middle
Eastern peoples have had conflicts and wars among themselves as well as with
others – just like Europeans, American, Chinese or others. They also entered
into alliances with others. They concluded treaties, commercial pacts and
various international agreements .
Dr. Hippler seems to be
under the erroneous impression that there is such a thing as a monolithic Islam.
Such a monolith does not in fact exist. Even in the Middle Ages the various
Islamic and European Christian States pursued their own “national interests.”
Even during the period of the Crusades, Islamic and Christian States concluded
treaties to regulate commerce and trade. An interesting treaty concluded in 1293
between the Mameluke sultan of Egypt and James II of Aragon stipulates that the
King of Aragon is obligated to allow his subjects to carry to the Islamic ports
such “strategic items” as iron, iron helmets and timber – contrary to
Church policy.
James II also agreed to
inform the Muslim sultan of any hostile movements on the part of other powers,
including the Holy See! (I discussed this and other commercial and diplomatic
relations between Islam and Europe in an article in "The Canadian Journal
of History," April, 1980, pp. 1-21). As to Dr. Hippler’s question: “Why
does Islam hate us?”, one can only respond thus: “Dr. Hippler, when did you
stop beating your wife?”
(4) Religion is a matter of
faith, and the Muslims believe that the Qur’an is literally the word of God as
revealed to Muhammad. Dr. Hippler passes the following judgment on the Qur’an:
“About one fifth of the Quran is incomprehensible in any language and no one
knows what it means.”
When I was an undergraduate
at the University of Wisconsin-Madison in the 1950s, I and others had the
pleasure of knowing the polyglot genius Dr. A. R. Nykl whose knowledge of Arabic
was phenomenal. I asked him once why he didn’t write a book about the Qur’an.
Dr. Nykl’s answer was this: “The Qur’an is like a beautiful woman. You
enjoy her, you don’t dissect her.”
This is what the late
Professor Philip K. Hitti (the great Princeton scholar – a Christian, by the
way) says about the Qur’an: “Its literary influence has been incalculable
and enduring. The first prose book in Arabic, it sets the style for future
products. It kept the language uniform.” The style of the Qur’an is
different from that of any other literary work. “This is basically what
constitutes the ‘miraculous character ‘(i’jaz) of the Koran.”(Philip K.
Hitti, Islam: A Way of Life, p. 29). A Latin translation of the Qur’an was
made in the 12th century under the direction of Peter the Venerable, abbot of
Cluny.
Dr. Hippler admits that the
Qur’an and Islamic law provide “a general attitude that ‘people of the
Book’ (Jews and Christians) are to be treated tolerantly, and even with
respect by the Muslims.” Later on, however, he contradicts himself when he
asserts that “Mohammed himself in the Quran urges violence against Christians,”
and that verses in the Qur’an “include blood-curdling exhortations to do
violence to others, especially Christians and Jews.”
To support his claims, he
cites, out of context, parts of two Qur’anic verses which have nothing to do
with Christians or Jews. Dr. Hippler cites Qur’an 2:191 thus: “kill the
disbelievers wherever we find them.” The actual context is as follows:
Qur’an 2:190: “Fight in
the way of God against those who fight against you, but begin not hostilities.
Lo! God loveth not aggressors.”
Qur’an 2:191: And kill
them wherever you find them, and drive them out of the places whence they drove
you out, for persecution is worse than slaughter. And fight not with them at the
Inviolable Places of Worship until they first attack you there, but if they
attack you (there) then slay them. Such is the reward of disbelievers.”
Qur’an 2:192: “But if
they desist, then lo! God is Forgiving, Merciful.”
I can only conclude that Dr.
Hippler has deliberately distorted and misrepresented the evidence to support
his preconceived idea. His partial quotation from Qur.5:34 is of a similar
quality. The punishments meted out in that verse were for “those who make war
upon God and His messenger and strive after corruption in the land.” Dr.
Hippler doesn’t inform his readers of this. All this has absolutely nothing to
do with Christians or Jews as Dr. Hippler falsely asserts.
(5) According to Dr. Hippler
“The Quran, indeed all of Islamic thought, is filled with warfare and violence
as the appropriate way to expand the religion by forced conversion. Those who do
not believe as Muslims do are considered vile enemies.”
First of all, this statement
contradicts his own earlier statement that Islam teaches “that ‘people of
the Book’ (Jews and Christians) are to be treated tolerantly, and even with
respect by Muslims.” Nevertheless, Dr. Hippler obviously confuses the
expansion of the Islamic State in the 7th and 8th centuries A. D. (which was
achieved by military conquest) and the spread of the Islamic religion. In his
book, "Europe Emerges" (Univ. of Wisconsin Press, pp. 298-299), my
major professor at Wisconsin, the late Robert L. Reynolds, writes the following:
“The peoples were still
Christian for a long time after the Mohammedans came in. The idea that the
latter came with the Koran in one hand and a sword in the other is completely
wrong. That they came with the Koran in one hand is true, but the tax collector’s
money bag was in the other.”
This is a reference, of
course, to the additional tax levied on Christians and Jews in the medieval
Islamic state from which they would be exempted upon conversion to Islam. “Perhaps
this,” Professor Reynolds writes, “moved more people to turn Mohammedan than
any threat of the sword.” As a matter of fact, the Umayyad state developed a
vested (financial) interest in not seeing too many converts to Islam in their
empire! And for centuries, the inhabitants of the Islamic state were mostly
non-Muslims (Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, etc.). Furthermore, in places like
Indonesia, Islam was introduced not by conquest but by merchants and
missionaries (P. K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, 6th ed. p.344).
(6) Hippler admits that the
Muslims in the Middle Ages “were very advanced in the arts, architecture, the
sciences, and medicine in comparison to Christian Europe. The West derived a
great deal of learning from Islam during this period.” Yet, he attributes the
present backwardness of Islamic countries to an incurable obscurantism within
Islam itself. It is really difficult to deal with this type of irrational
pattern of thought as exhibited by Dr. Hippler. Let me put it this way: I don’t
know how, on the basis of religious doctrine, would Dr. Hippler explain the
backwardness and authoritarianism in Catholic Latin America in comparison to,
for example, the United States or Canada or France or Germany.
Simply put, the Islamic
world went through numerous experiences over the centuries: ups and downs,
achievements and tragedies, successes and failures. Like the Roman world, the
Islamic world was subjected to barbarian invasions that destroyed many centers
of learning. The Mongolian invasions of Iraq , for example, effectively put an
end to medieval Baghdad with the slaughter of virtually its entire population.
As for violence in general,
let us look at the 20th century. Tens of millions upon millions of Europeans and
others were slaughtered by Europeans during World War I and World War II and
other “conflicts.” The scale of twentieth-century carnage and destruction
has no precedent in history. This was not the work of Muslims, nor can it be
explained in terms of religious doctrine.
(7) One of Dr. Hippler’s
most confused efforts to attack the Muslims is found in his portrayal of Muslim
attitude toward contemporary “Western” culture. He points out that the
Muslims view “with horror” the “tide [in the West] of pornography,
homosexuality, bestiality, and every form of sexual degradation known.” This,
he points out , explains the “seeming incongruous alliance of the Vatican and
Islamic countries in opposing the spread of legalized abortion.”
I am not sure what Dr.
Hippler’s objection is to the Muslim point of view in this regard. It seems to
me that "The Wanderer" and the Muslims are on the same “wavelength,”
so to speak. In his book, "Ecumenical Jihad" (Ignatius Press, 1996),
the Catholic scholar Peter Kreeft advocates cooperation with Muslims to confront
the subverters of Western culture. He points out that “when the British
Broadcasting Corporation ran a blasphemous skit about Christ, the Muslims
demanded and got an apology, whereas the Christians remained silent.” (P. 37).
(8) Dr. Hippler’s
criticism of Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle as “questionable” is
embarrassing. This principle deals with quantum physics and the behavior of
atomic and subatomic particles like electrons and protons. Attempting to apply
this principle to culture or society is nonsensical or tragic. Einstein’s
comment that “God does not play dice with the universe” is a metaphor, not a
theological statement. Let’s not rush in where angels fear to tread. Readers
of The Wanderer may wish to consult Fr. Stanley L. Jaki’s "The Absolute
Beneath the Relative."
(9) Regarding the creation
of the Israeli state, Dr. Hippler commits several errors. His statement that “there
were not a majority of Muslim Arabs in Palestine, according to many observers,
prior to the formation of Israel” is completely false. This is an old
propaganda line that even the Zionists now have ceased to repeat.
Here are the facts: “[T]he
population of Palestine at the end of 1946 was estimated at 1,269,000 Arabs and
650,000 Jews.” (Ian J. Bickerton & Clara L. Klausner, A Concise History of
the Arab-Israeli Conflict, Prentice Hall [1991], p. 89). The Israeli author
Simha Flapan tells us how the Palestinians became refugees: “For the entire
day of April 9, 1948, Irgun and LEHI soldiers carried out the slaughter in cold
blood and premeditated fashion . . . The attackers ‘lined men, women and
children up against the walls and shot them, … The ruthlessness of the attack
on Deir Yassin shocked Jewish and world opinion alike, drove fear and panic into
the Arab population, and led to the flight of unarmed civilians from their homes
all over the country.” (Quoted in The Origin of the Palestine-Israel Conflict,
published by Jews For Justice In the Middle East, pp. 8-9).
(10) It is not true that in
Saudi Arabia “it is a capital offense to be a Christian who expresses his
faith there.” Over twenty years ago I lived and taught in Saudi Arabia for two
years. Our children attended an American school there. The school celebrated
Christmas, and our daughter participated in a Christmas play. Neither my wife
nor our daughters had to cover themselves with "abaya." They did wear
long dresses in deference to local sensibilities. Nevertheless, Saudi Arabia is,
in many respects, an anomaly. There is no native Saudi Christian population.
This is not true of other Arabic and Islamic countries. In Kuwait City there are
at least two Christian churches. In Iraq, Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz is a
Christian, not a Muslim. The former U. N. Secretary-general, Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, a prominent Egyptian diplomat, is also a Christian, not a Muslim.
According to Mordechai Ben-Porat
, a former operative in the Zionist underground in Iraq, the Meir Tweig
Synagogue in Baghdad “is still standing and has recently been renovated by the
Iraqi authorities to serve the remnant of the Jewish community.” (Ben-Porat,
To Baghdad and Back, Jerusalem, 1998, p. 119).
Some of the most prominent
spokesmen and advocates of Arab nationalism have been Christian. (E.g., Michel
Aflaq, founder of the Ba’th Party; George Antonius, author of the influential
The Arab Awakening; Prof. Edward Said, prominent spokesman for the Palestinian
cause and author of the famous Orientalism.)
(11) Final Remarks: Dr.
Hippler’s essay can only be described as incompetent propaganda. One can go on
and on refuting his assertions, which are erroneous and intemperate. While Dr.
Hippler speaks of Islam and Muslims with contempt, Christopher Dawson speaks of
“the three higher religions of the West – Judaism, Christianity, and
Muhammedanism.” (Dawson, Dynamics of World History, p. 398). (My emphasis).
The history of the relations
between the Islamic world and the Christian world constitutes a vast field of
scholarship. It deserves much more than the crudities of Dr. Hippler’s essay.
Toward the end of his article, Dr. Hippler tells us that “Islam is an enemy of
all of us and if it has its way, you and I and our children either will convert
to Islam, or we will die. Islam … is in fact an enemy of civilization.” This
is hysteria, real or feigned. It is nefarious ideas of this type that
precipitate the genocidal horrors we have been witnessing all over the world.
A. I. Samarrai, Ph.D. drasamarrai@charter.net
Note: Readers who wish to
familiarize themselves with Islamic and Arab history and Christian European
relations may want to read some of the following works:
Philip K. Hitti, The Arabs:
A Short History. This is a shorter version of his monumental The History of the
Arabs. Hitti’s Islam and the West includes seven introductory chapters and 29
documents.
W. M. Watt, The Influence of
Islam on Medieval Europe.
Christopher Dawson, The
Making of Europe, esp. Ch. VIII on Islam.
Charles Homer Haskins, The
Renaissance of the 12th Century.
R. W. Southern, Western
Views of Islam in the Middle Ages.
Michael Frassetto &
David Blanks (eds.), Western Views of Islam in Medieval and Early Modern Europe.
(This book [1999] includes my paper, “Arabs and Latins in the Middle Ages:
Enemies, Partners and Scholars”).
Wilfred Cantwell Smith,
Islam in Modern History.
The
Amazing Qur'an
by Gary
Miller
Calling the Qur'an amazing
is not something done only by Muslims, who have an appreciation for the book and
who are pleased with it; it has been labeled amazing by non-Muslims as well. In
fact, even people who hate Islam very much have still called it amazing.
One thing which surprises
non-muslims who are examining the book very closely is that the Qur'an does not
appear to them to be what they expected. What they assume is that they have an
old book which came fourteen centuries ago from the Arabian desert; and they
expect that the book should look something like that - an old book from the
desert. And then they find out that it does not resemble what they expected at
all. Additionally, one of the first things that some people assume is that
because it is an old book which comes from the desert, it should talk about the
desert. Well the Qur'an does talk about the desert - some of its imagery
describes the desert; but it also talks about the sea - what it's like to be in
a storm on the sea.
Some years ago, the story
came to us in Toronto about a man who was in the merchant marine and made his
living on the sea. A Muslim gave him a translation of the Qur'an to read. The
merchant marine knew nothing about the history of Islam but was interested in
reading the Qur'an. When he finished reading it, he brought it back to the
Muslim and asked, "This Muhammed, was he a sailor?" He was impressed
at how accurately the Qur'an describes a storm on a sea. When he was told,
"No as a matter of fact, Muhammed lived in the desert," that was
enough for him. He embraced Islam on the spot. He was so impressed with the
Qur'an's description because he had been in a storm on the sea, and he knew that
whoever had written that description had also been in a storm on the sea. The
description of "a wave, over it a wave, over it clouds" was not what
someone imagining a storm on a sea to be like would have written; rather, it was
written by someone who knew what a storm on the sea was like. This is one
example of how the Qur'an is not tied to a certain place and time. Certainly,
the scientific ideas expressed in it also do not seem to originate from the
desert fourteen centuries ago.
Many centuries before the
onset of Muhammed's Prophethood, there was a well-known theory of atomism
advanced by the Greek philosopher, Democritus. He and the people who came after
him assumed that matter consists of tiny, indestructible, indivisible particles
called atoms. The Arabs too, used to deal in the same concept; in fact, the
Arabic word dharrah commonly referred to the smallest particle known to man.
Now, modern science has discovered that this smallest unit of matter (i.e., the
atom, which has all of the same properties as its element) can be split into its
component parts. This is a new idea, a development of the last century; yet,
interestingly enough, this information had already been documented in the Qur'an
which states:
" He [i.e., Allah] is
aware of an atom's weight in the heavens and on the earth and even anything
smaller than that..."
Undoubtedly, fourteen
centuries ago that statement would have looked unusual, even to an Arab. For
him, the dharrah was the smallest thing there was. Indeed, this is proof, that
the Qur'an is not outdated.
Another example of what one
might expect to find in an"old book" that touches upon the subject of
health or medicine is outdated remedies or cures. Various historical sources
state that the Prophet gave some advice about health and hygiene, yet most of
these pieces of advice are not contained in the Qur'an. At first glance, to the
non-Muslims this appears to be a negligent omission. They cannot understand why
Allah would not "include" such helpful information in the Qur'an. Some
Muslims attempt to explain this absence with the following argument:
"Although the Prophet's advice was sound and applicable to the time in
which he lived, Allah, in His infinite wisdom, knew that there would come later
medical and scientific advances which would make the Prophet's advice appear
outdated. When later discoveries occurred, people might say that such
information contradicted that which the Prophet had given. Thus, since Allah
would never allow any opportunity for the non-Muslims to claim that the Qur'an
contradicts itself or the teachings of the Prophet, He only included in the
Qur'an information and examples which could stand the test of time."
However, when one examines
the true realities of the Qur'an in terms of its existence as a divine
revelation, the entire matter is quickly brought into its proper perspective,
and the error in such argumentation becomes clear and understandable. It must be
understood that the Qur'an is a divine revelation, and as such, all information
in it is of divine origin. Allah revealed the Qur'an from Himself. It is the
words of Allah, which existed before creation, and thus nothing can be added,
subtracted or altered. In essence, the Qur'an existed and was complete before
the creation of Prophet Muhammed, so it could not possibly contain any of the
Prophet's own words or advice. An inclusion of such information would clearly
contradict the purpose for which the Qur'an exists, compromise its authority and
render it inauthentic as a divine revelation.
Consequently, there was no
"home remedies" in the Qur'an which one could claim to be outdated;
nor does it contain any man's view about what is beneficial to health, what food
is best to eat, or what will cure this or that disease. In fact, the Qur'an only
mentions one item dealing with medical treatment, and it is not in dispute by
anyone. It states that in honey there is healing. And certainly, I do not think
that there is anyone who will argue with that!
If one assumes that the
Qur'an is the product of a man's mind, then one would expect it to reflect some
of what was going on in the mind of the man who "composed" it. In
fact, certain encyclopedias and various books clam that the Qur'an was the
product of hallucinations that Muhammed underwent. If these claims are true - if
it indeed originated from some psychological problems in Muhammed's mind - then
evidence of this would be apparent in the Qur'an. Is there such evidence? In
order to determine whether or not there is, one must first identify what things
would have been going on in his mind at that time and then search for these
thoughts and reflections in the Qur'an.
It is common knowledge that
Muhammad had a very difficult life. All of his daughters died before him except
one, and he had a wife of several years who was dear and important to him, who
not only proceeded him in death at a very critical period of his life. As a
matter of fact, she must have been quite a woman because when the first
revelation came to him, he ran home to her afraid. Certainly, even today one
would have a hard time trying to find an Arab who would tell you, "I was so
afraid that I ran home to my wife." They just aren't that way. Yet Muhammed
felt comfortable enough with his wife to be able to do that. That's how
influential and strong woman she was. Although these examples are only a few of
the subjects that would have been on Muhammed's mind, they are sufficient in
intensity to prove my point. The Qur'an does not mention any of these things -
not the death of his children, not the death of his beloved companion and wife,
not his fear of the initial revelations, which he so beautifully shared with his
wife - nothing; yet, these topics must have hurt him, bothered him, and caused
him pain and grief during periods of his psychological reflections, then these
subjects, as well as others, would be prevalent or at least mentioned
throughout.
A truly scientific approach
to the Qur'an is possible because the Qur'an offers something that is not
offered by other religious scriptures, in particular, and other religions, in
general. It is what scientists demand. Today there are many people who have
ideas and theories about how the universe works. These people are all over the
place, but the scientific community does not even bother to listen to them. This
is because within the last century the scientific community has demanded a test
of falsification. They say, "If you have theory, do not bother us with it
unless you bring with that theory a way for us to prove whether you are wrong or
not."
Such a test was exactly why
the scientific community listened to Einstein towards the beginning of the
century. He came with a new theory and said, "I believe the universe works
like this; and here are three ways to prove whether I am wrong!". So the
scientific community subjected his theory to the tests, and within six years it
passed all three. Of course, this does not prove that he was great, but it
proves that he deserved to be listened to because he said, "This is my
idea; and if you want to try to prove me wrong, do this or try that." This
is exactly what the Qur'an has - falsification tests. Some are old (in that they
have already been proven true), and some still exist today. Basically it states,
"If this book is not what it claims to be, then all you have to do is this
or this or this to prove that it is false." Of course, in 1400 years no one
has been able to do "This or this or this, " and thus it is still
considered true and authentic. I suggest to you that the next time you get into
dispute with someone about Islam and he claims that he has the truth and that
you are in darkness, you leave all other arguments at first and make this
suggestion. Ask him, "Is there any falsification test in your religion? Is
there anything in your religion that would prove you are wrong if I could prove
to you that it exists - anything?" Well, I can promise right now that
people will not have anything - no test, no proof, nothing! This is because they
do not carry around the idea that they should not only present what they believe
but should also offer others a chance to prove they're wrong. However, Islam
does that. A perfect example of how Islam provides man with a chance to verify
it authenticity and "prove it wrong" occurs in the 4th chapter. And
quiet honestly, I was surprised when I first discovered this challenge. It
states:
"Do they not consider
the Qur'an? Had it been from any other than Allah, they would surely have found
therein much discrepancy."
This is a clear challenge to
the non-Muslim.Basically, it invites him to find a mistake. As a matter of fact,
the seriousness and difficulty of the challenge aside, the actual presentation
of such a challenge in the first place is not even in human nature and is
inconsistent with man's personality. One doesn't take an exam in school after
finishing the exam, write a note to the instructor at the end saying, "This
exam is perfect. There are no mistakes in it. Find one if you can!". One
just doesn't do that. The teacher would not sleep until he found a mistake! And
yet this is the way the Qur'an approaches people. Another interesting attitude
that exists in the Qur'an repeatedly deals with its advice to the reader. The
Qur'an informs that reader about different facts and then gives the advice:
"If you want to know more about this or that, or if you doubt what is said,
then you should ask those who have knowledge." This too is a surprising
attitude. It is not usual to have a book that comes from someone without
training in geography, botany, biology, etc., who discusses these subjects and
then advises the reader to ask men of knowledge if he doubts anything.
Yet in every age there have
been Muslims who have followed the advice of the Qur'an and made surprising
discoveries. If one looks to the works of Muslim scientists if many centuries
ago, one will find them full of quotations from the Qur'an. These works state
that they did research in such a place, looking for something. And they affirm
that the reason they looked in such and such a place was that the Qur'an pointed
them in that direction. For example, the Qur'an mentions man's origin and then
tells the reader, "Research it!" It gives the reader a hint where to
look and then states that one should find out more about it. This is the kind of
thing that Muslims today largely seem to overlook - but not always, as
illustrated in the following example. A few years ago, a group of men in Riyadh,
Saudi Arabia collected all if the verses in the Qur'an which discuss embryology
- the growth of the human being in the womb. They said, "Here is what the
Qur'an says. Is it the truth?" In essence, they took the advice of the
Qur'an: "Ask the men who know." They chose, as it happened, a
non-Muslim who is a professor of embryology at the University of Toronto. His
name is Keith Moore, and he is the author of textbooks on embryology - a world
expert on the subject. They invited him to Riyadh and said, "This is what
the Qur'an says about your subject. Is it true? What can you tell us?"
While he was in Riyadh, they gave him all of the help that he needed in
translation and all of the cooperation for which he asked. And he was so
surprised at what he found that he changed his textbooks. In fact, in the second
edition of one of his books, called Before we are born... in the second edition
about the history of embryology, he included some material that was not in the
first edition because of what he found in the Qur'an. Truly this illustrates
that the Qur'an was ahead of its time and that those who believe in the Qur'an
know what other people do not know.
I had the pleasure of
interviewing Dr. Keith Moore for a television presentation, and we talked a
great deal about this - it was illustrated by slides and so on. He mentioned
that some of the things that the Qur'an states about the growth of the human
being were not known until thirty years ago. In fact, he said that one item in
particular - the Qur'an's description of the human being as a "leech-like
clot" ('alaqah) at one stage - was new to him; but when he checked on it,
he found that it was true, and so he added it to his book. He said, "I
never thought of that before," and he went to the zoology department and
asked for a picture of a leech. When he found that it looked just like the human
embryo, he decided to include both pictures in one of his textbooks. Dr. Moore
also wrote a book on clinical embryology, and when he presented this information
in Toronto, it caused quite a stir throughout Canada. It was on the front pages
of some of the newspapers across Canada, and some of the headlines were quite
funny. For instance, one headline read: "SURPRISING THING FOUND IN ANCIENT
BOOK!"! It seems obvious from this example that people do not clearly
understand what it is all about. As a matter of fact, one newspaper reporter
asked Professor Moore, "Don't you think That maybe the Arabs might have
known about these things - the description of the embryo, its appearance and how
it changes and grows? Maybe there were not scientists, but maybe they did
something crude dissections on their own - carved up people and examined these
things."
The professor immediately
pointed out to him that he [i.e., the reporter] had missed a very important
point - all of the slides of the embryo that had been shown and had been
projected in the film had come from pictures taken through a microscope. He
said, "It does not matter if someone had tried to discover embryology
fourteen centuries ago, they could not have seen it!". All of the
descriptions in the Qur'an of the appearance of the embryo are of the item when
it is still too small to see with the eye; therefore, one needs a microscope to
see it. Since such a device had only been around for little more than two
hundred years, Dr. Moore taunted, "Maybe fourteen centuries ago someone
secretly had a microscope and did this research, making no mistakes anywhere.
Then he somehow taught Muhammad and convinced him to put this information in his
book. Then he destroyed his equipment and kept it a secret forever. Do you
believe that? You really should not unless you bring some proof because it is
such a ridiculous theory." In fact, when he was asked "How do you
explain this information in the Qur'an?" Dr. Moore's reply was, "It
could only have been divinely revealed."!
Although the aforementioned
example of man researching information contained in the Qur'an deals with a
non-Muslim, it is still valid because he is one of those who is knowledgeable in
the subject being researched. Had some layman claimed that what the Qur'an says
about embryology is true, then one would not necessarily have to accept his
word. However, because of the high position, respect, and esteem man gives
scholars, one naturally assumes that if they research a subject and arrive at a
conclusion based on that research, then the conclusion is valid. One of
Professor Moore's colleagues, Marshall Johnson, deals extensively with geology
at the University of Toronto.
He became very interested in
the fact that the Qur'an's statements about embryology are accurate, and so he
asked Muslims to collect everything contained in the Qur'an which deals with his
specialty. Again people were very surprised at the findings. Since there are a
vast number subjects discussed in the Qur'an, it would certainly require a large
amount of time to exhaust each subject. It suffices for the purpose of this
discussion to state that the Qur'an makes very clear and concise statements
about various subjects while simultaneously advising the reader to verify the
authenticity of these statements with research by scholars in those subjects.
And as illustrated by the Qur'an has clearly emerged authentic. Undoubtedly,
there is an attitude in the Qur'an which is not found anywhere else. It is
interesting how when the Qur'an provides information, it often tells the reader,
"You did not know this before." Indeed, there is no scripture that
exists which makes that claim. All of the other ancient writings and scriptures
that people have, do give a lot of information, but they always state where the
information came from.
For example, when the Bible
discusses ancient history, it states that this king lived here, this one fought
in a certain battle, another one had so may sons, etc. Yet it always stipulates
that if you want more information, then you should read the book of so and so
because that is where the information came from. In contrast to this concept,
the Qur'an provides the reader with information and states that this information
is something new. Of course, there always exists the advice to research the
information provided and verify its authenticity. It is interesting that such a
concept was never challenged by non-Muslims fourteen centuries ago. Indeed, the
Makkans who hated the Muslims, and time and time again they heard such
revelations claiming to bring new information; yet, they never spoke up and
said, "This is not new. We know where Muhammad got this information. We
learned this at school."
They could never challenge
its authenticity because it really was new! In concurrence with the advice given
in the Qur'an to research information (even if it is new), when 'Umar was
caliph, he chose a group of men and sent them to find the wall of Dhul-Qarnayn.
Before the Qur'anic revelation, the Arabs had never heard of such a wall, but
because the Qur'an described it, they were able to discover it. As a matter of
fact, it is now located in what is called Durbend in the Soviet Union. It must
be stressed here that the Qur'an is accurate about many, many things, but
accuracy does not necessarily mean that a book is a divine revelation. In fact,
accuracy is only one of the criteria for divine revelations.
For instance, the telephone
book is accurate, but that does not mean that it is divinely revealed. The real
problem lies in that one must establish some proof of the source the Qur'an's
information. The emphasis is on the reader. One cannot simply deny the Qur'an's
authenticity without sufficient proof. If, indeed, one finds a mistake, then he
has the right to disqualify it. This is exactly what the Qur'an encourages. Once
a man came up to me after a lecture I delivered in South Africa. He was very
angry about what I had said, and so he claimed, "I am going to go home
tonight and find a mistake in the Qur'an." Of course, I said,
"Congratulations. That is the most intelligent thing that you have
said." Certainly, this is the approach Muslims need to take with those who
doubt the Qur'an's authenticity, because the Qur'an itself offers the same
challenge. An inevitably, after accepting it's challenge and discovering that it
is true, these people will come to believe it because they could not disqualify
it. In essence, the Qur'an earns their respect because they themselves have had
to verify its authenticity. An essential fact that cannot be reiterated enough
concerning the authenticity of the Qur'an is that one's inability to explain a
phenomenon himself does not require his acceptance of the phenomenon's existence
or another person's explanation of it.
Specifically, just because
one cannot explain something does not mean that one has to accept someone else's
explanation. However, the person's refusal of other explanations reverts the
burden of proof back on himself to find a feasible answer. This general theory
applies to numerous concepts in life, but fits most wonderfully with the
Qur'anic challenge, for it creates a difficulty for one who says, "I do not
believe it." At the onset of refusal one immediately has an obligation to
find an explanation himself if he feels others' answers are inadequate. In fact,
in one particular Qur'anic verse which I have always seen mistranslated into
English, Allah mentions a man who heard the truth explained to him. It states
that he was derelict in his duty because after he heard the information, he left
without checking the verity of what he had heard. In other words, one is guilty
if he hears something and does not research it and check to see whether it is
true. One is supposed to process all information and decide what is garbage to
be thrown out and what is worthwhile information to be kept and benefited from
at a later date. One cannot just let it rattle around in his head. It must be
put in the proper categories and approached from that point of view. For
example, if the information is still speculatory, then one must discern whether
it's closer to being true or false. But if all of the facts have been presented,
then one must decide absolutely between these two options. And even if one is
not positive about the authenticity of the information, he is still required to
process all of the information and make the admission that he just does not know
for sure. Although this last point appears to be futile, in actuality, it is
beneficial to the arrival at a positive conclusion at a later time in that it
forces the person to at least recognize, research and review the facts. This
familiarity with the information will give the person "the edge" when
future discoveries are made and additional information is presented. The
important thing is that one deals with the facts and does not simply discard
them out of empathy and disinterest.
The real certainty about the
truthfulness of the Qur'an is evident in the confidence which is prevalent
throughout it; and this confidence comes from a different approach -
"Exhausting the Alternatives." In essence, the Qur'an states,
"This book is a divine revelation; if you do not believe that, then what is
it?" In other words, the reader is challenged to come up with some other
explanation. Here is a book made of paper and ink. Where did it come from? It
says it is a divine revelation; if it is not, then what is its source? The
interesting fact is that no one has with an explanation that works. In fact, all
alternatives have bee exhausted. As has been well established by non-Muslims,
these alternatives basically are reduces to two mutually exclusive schools of
thought, insisting on one or the other. On one hand, there exists a large group
of people who have researched the Qur'an for hundreds of years and who claim,
"One thing we know for sure - that man, Muhammad, thought he was a prophet.
He was crazy!" They are convinced that Muhammad (SAW) was fooled somehow.
Then on the other hand, there is another group which alleges, "Because of
this evidence, one thing we know for sure is that that man, Muhammad, was a
liar!" Ironically, these two groups never seem to get together without
contradicting. In fact, many references on Islam usually claim both theories.
They start out by saying that Muhammad (SAW) was crazy and then end by saying
that he was a liar. They never seem to realize that he could not have been both!
For example, if one is
deluded and really thinks that he is a prophet, then he does not sit up late at
night planning, "How will I fool the people tomorrow so that they think I
am a prophet?" He truly believes that he is a prophet, and he trusts that
the answer will be given to him by revelation. As a matter of fact, a great deal
of the Qur'an came in answer to questions. Someone would ask Muhammad (SAW) a
question, and the revelation would come with the answer to it. Certainly, if one
is crazy and believes that an angel put words in his ear, then when someone asks
him a question, he thinks that the angel will give him the answer. Because he is
crazy, he really thinks that. He does not tell someone to wait a short while and
then run to his friends and ask them, "Does anyone know the answer?"
This type of behavior is characteristic of one who does not believe that he is a
prophet. What the non-Muslims refuse to accept is that you cannot have it both
ways. One can be deluded, or he can be a liar. He can be either one or neither,
but he certainly cannot be both! The emphasis is on the fact that they are
unquestionably mutually exclusive personal traits.
The following scenario is a
good example of the kind of circle that non-Muslims go around in constantly. If
you ask one of them, "What is the origin of the Qur'an?" He tells you
that it originated from the mind of a man who was crazy. Then you ask him,
"If it came from his head, then where did he get the information contained
in it? Certainly the Qur'an mentions many things with which the Arabs were not
familiar." So in order to explain the fact which you bring him, he changes
his position and says, "Well, maybe he was not crazy. Maybe some foreigner
brought him the information. So he lied and told people that he was a
prophet." At this point then you have to ask him, "If Muhammad was a
liar, then where did he get his confidence? Why did he behave as though he
really thought he was a prophet?" Finally backed into a corner, like a cat
he quickly lashes out with the first response that comes to his mind. Forgetting
that he has already exhausted that possibility, he claims, "Well, maybe he
wasn't a liar. He was probably crazy and really thought that he was a
prophet." And thus he begins the futile circle again.
As has already been
mentioned, there is much information contained in the Qur'an whose source cannot
be attributed to anyone other than Allah. For example, who told Muhammad about
the wall of Dhul-Qarnayn - a place hundreds of miles to the north? Who told him
about embryology? When people assemble facts such as these, if they are not
willing to attribute their existence to a divine source, they automatically
resort to the assumption someone brought Muhammad the information and that he
used it to fool the people. However, this theory can easily be disproved with
one simple question: "If Muhammad was a liar, where did he get his
confidence? Why did he tell some people out right to their face what others
could never say?" Such confidence depends completely upon being convinced
that one has a true divine revelation. For example, the Prophet (SAW) had an
uncle by the name of Abu Lahab. This man hated Islam to such an extent that he
used to follow the Prophet around in order to discredit him. If Abu Lahab saw
the Prophet (SAW) speaking to a stranger, he would wait until they parted and
then would go to the stranger and ask him, "What did he tell you? Did he
say, 'Black.'? Well, it's white. Did he say, 'Morning.'? Well, it's night."
He faithfully said the exact opposite of whatever he heard Muhammad (SAW) and
the Muslims say. However, about ten years before Abu Lahab died, a little
chapter in the Qur'an was revealed to him. It distinctly stated that he would go
to the Fire (i.e., Hell). In other words, it affirmed that he would never become
a Muslim and would therefore be condemned forever. For ten years all Abu Lahab
had to do was say, "I heard that it has been revealed to Muhammad that I
will never change - that I will never become a Muslim and will enter the
Hellfire. Well I want to become a Muslim now. How do you like that? What do you
think of your divine revelation now?" But he never did that. And yet, that
is exactly the kind of behavior one would have expected from him since he always
sought to contradict Islam. In essence, Muhammad (SAW) said, "You hate me
and you want to finish me? Here, say these words, and I am finished. Come on,
say them!" But Abu Lahab never said them. Ten years! And in all that time
he never accepted Islam or even became sympathetic to the Islamic cause. How
could Muhammad possibly have known for sure that Abu Lahab would fulfill the
Qur'anic revelation if he (i.e., Muhammad) was not truly the messenger of Allah?
How could he possibly have been so confident as to give someone 10 years to
discredit his claim of Prophethood? The only answer is that he was Allah's
messenger; for in order to put forth suck a risky challenge, one has to be
entirely convinced that he has a divine revelation.
Another example of the
confidence which Muhammad (SAW) had in his own Prophethood and consequently in
the divine protection of himself and his message is when he left Makkah and hid
in a cave with Abu Bakr during their emigration to Madeenah. The two clearly saw
people coming to kill them, and Abu Bakr was afraid. Certainly, if Muhammad
(SAW) was a liar, a forger and one who was trying to fool the people into
believing that he was a prophet, one would have expected him to say in such a
circumstance to his friend, "Hey, Abu Bakr, see if you can find a back way
out of this cave." Or "Squat down in that corner over there and keep
quiet." Yet, in fact, what he said to Abu Bakr clearly illustrated his
confidence. He told him, "Relax! Allah is with us, and Allah will save
us!"
Now, if one knows that he is
fooling the people, where does one get this kind of attitude? In fact, such a
frame of mind is not characteristic of a liar or a forger at all. So, as has
been previously mentioned, the non-Muslims go around and around in a circle,
searching for a way out - some way to explain the findings in the Qur'an without
attributing them to their proper source. On one hand, they tell you on Monday,
Wednesday and Friday, "The man was a liar," and on the other hand, on
Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday they tell you, "He was crazy." What
they refuse to accept is that one cannot have it both ways; yet they refuse to
accept is that one cannot have it both ways; yet they need both excuses to
explain the information in the Qur'an.
About seven years ago, I had
a minister over to my home. In the particular room which we were sitting there
was a Qur'an on the table, face down, and so the minister was not aware of which
book it was. In the midst of a discussion, I pointed to the Qur'an and said,
"I have confidence in that book." Looking at the Qur'an but not
knowing which book it was , he replied, "Well, I tell you, if that book is
not the Bible, it was written by a man!" In response to his statement, I
said, "Let me tell you something about what is in that book." And in
just three to four minutes I related to him a few things contained in the Qur'an.
After just those three or four minutes, he completely changed his position and
declared, "You are right. A man did not write that book. The Devil wrote
it!" Indeed, possessing such an attitude is very unfortunate - for many
reasons. For one thing, it is a very quick and cheap excuse. It is an instant
exit out of an uncomfortable situation. As a matter of fact, there is a famous
story in the Bible that mentions how one day some of the Jews were witnesses
when Jesus raised a man from the dead. The man had been dead for four days, and
when Jesus arrived, he simply said, "Get up!" and the man arose and
walked away. At such a sight, some of the Jews who were watching said
disbelievingly, "This is the Devil. The Devil helped him!" Now this
story is rehearsed often in churches all over the world, and people cry big
tears over it, saying, "Oh, if I had been there, I would not have been as
stupid as the Jews!" Yet ironically, these people do exactly what the Jews
did when in just three minutes you show them only a small part of the Qur'an and
all they can say is, "Oh, the Devil did it. The devil wrote that
book!". Because they are truly backed into a corner and have no other
viable answer, they resort to the quickest and cheapest excuse available.
Another Example of people's use of this weak stance can be found in the Makkans'
explanation of the source of Muhammed's message. They used to say, "The
devils bring Muhammad that Qur'an!" But just as with every other suggestion
made, the Qur'an gives the answer. One verse in particular states:
"And they say, 'Surely
he is possessed [by jinn], 'but it [i.e., the Qur'an] is not except a reminder
to the worlds."
Thus it gives an argument in
reply to such a theory. In fact, there are many arguments in the Qur'an in reply
to the suggestion that devils brought Muhammad (SAW) his message. For example,
in the 26th chapter Allah clearly affirms:
"No evil ones have
brought it [i.e., this revelation] down. It would neither be fitting for them,
nor would they be able. Indeed they have been removed far from hearing."
And in another place in the
Qur'an, Allah instructs us:
"So when you recite the
Qur'an seek refuge in Allah from Shaytaan, the rejected."
Now is this how Satan writes
a book? He tells one, "Before you read my book, ask God to save you from
me."? This is very, very tricky. Indeed, a man could write something like
this, but would Satan do this? Many people clearly illustrate that they cannot
come to one conclusion on this subject. On one hand, they claim that Satan would
not do such a thing and that even if he could, God would not allow him to; yet,
on the other hand, they also believe that Satan is only that much less than God.
In essence they allege that the Devil can probably do whatever God can do. And
as a result, when they look at the Qur'an, even as surprised as they are as to
how amazing it is, they still insist, "The Devil did this!" Thanks be
to Allah, Muslims do not have that attitude. Although Satan may have some
abilities, they are a long way separated from the abilities of Allah. And no
Muslim is a Muslim unless he believes that. It is common knowledge even among
non-Muslims that the Devil can easily make mistakes, and it would be expected
that he would contradict himself if and when he wrote a book. For indeed, the
Qur'an states:
"Do they not consider
the Qur'an? Had it been from any other than Allah, they would surely have found
therein much discrepancy."
In conjunction with the
excuses that non-Muslims advance in futile attempts to justify unexplainable
verses in the Qur'an, there is another attack often rendered which seems to be a
combination of the theories that Muhammad (SAW) was crazy and a liar. Basically,
these people propose that Muhammad was insane, and as a result of his delusion,
he lied to and misled people. There is a name for this in psychology. It is
referred to as mythomania. It means simply that one tells lies and then believes
them. This is what the non-Muslims say Muhammad (SAW) suffered from. But the
only problem with this proposal is that one suffering from mythomania absolutely
cannot deal with facts, and yet the whole Qur'an is based entirely upon facts.
Everything contained in it can be researched and established as true. Since
facts are such a problem for a mythomaniac, when a psychologist tries to treat
one suffering from that condition, he continually confronts him with facts. For
example, if one is mentally ill and claims, "I am the king of
England," a psychologist does not say to him "No you aren't. You are
crazy!" He just does not do that. Rather, he confronts him with facts and
says, "O.K., you say you are the king of England. So tell me where the
queen is today. And where is your prime minister? And where are your
guards?" Now, when the man has trouble trying to deal with these questions,
he tries to make excuses, saying Uh... the queen... she has gone to her
mother's. Uh... the prime minister... well he died." And eventually he is
cured because he cannot deal with the facts. If the psychologist continues
confronting him with enough facts, finally he faces the reality and says,
"I guess I am not the king of England." The Qur'an approaches everyone
who reads it in very much the same way a psychologist treats his mythomania
patient. There is a verse in the Qur'an which states:
"Oh mankind, there has
come to you an admonition [i.e., the Qur'an] from your Lord and a healing for
what is in the hearts - and guidance and mercy for the believers."
At first glance, this
statement appears vague, but the meaning of this verse is clear when one views
it in light of the aforementioned example. Basically, one is healed of his
delusions by reading the Qur'an. In essence, it is therapy. It literally cures
deluded people by confronting them with facts. A prevalent attitude throughout
the Qur'an is one which says, "Oh mankind, you say such and such about
this; but what about such and such? How can you say this when you know
that?" And so forth. It forces one to consider what is relevant and what
matters while simultaneously healing one of the delusions that the facts
presented to mankind by Allah can easily be explained away with flimsy theories
and excuses. It is this very sort of thing - confronting people with facts -
that had captured the attention of many non-Muslims. In fact, there exists a
very interesting reference concerning this subject in the New Catholic
Encyclopedia.
In an article under the
subject of the Qur'an, the Catholic Church states, "Over the centuries,
many theories have been offered as to the origin of the Qur'an... Today no
sensible man accepts any of these theories."!! Now here is the age-old
Catholic Church, which has been around for so many centuries, denying these
futile attempts to explain away the Qur'an. Indeed, the Qur'an is a problem for
the Catholic Church. It states that it is revelation, so they study it.
Certainly, they would love to find proof that it is not, but they cannot. They
cannot find a viable explanation. But at least they are honest in their research
and do not accept the first unsubstantiated interpretation which comes along.
The Church states that in fourteen centuries it has not yet been presented a
sensible explanation. At least it admits that the Qur'an is not an easy subject
to dismiss. Certainly, other people are much less honest. They quickly say,
"Oh, the Qur'an came from here. The Qur'an came from there." And they
do not even examine the credibility of what they are stating most of the time.
Of course, such a statement by the Catholic Church leaves the everyday Christian
in some difficulty. It just may be that he has his own ideas as to the origin of
the Qur'an, but as a single member of the Church, he cannot really act upon his
own theory. Such an action would be contrary to the obedience, allegiance and
loyalty which the Church demands. By virtue of his membership, he must accept
what the Catholic Church declares without question and establish its teachings
as part of his everyday routine. So, in essence, if the Catholic Church as a
whole is saying, "Do not listen to these unconfirmed reports about the
Qur'an," then what can be said about the Islamic point of view? Even
non-Muslims are admitting that there is something to the Qur'an - something that
has to be acknowledged - then why are people so stubborn and defensive and
hostile when Muslims advance the very same theory? This is certainly something
for those with mind a to contemplate - something to ponder for those of
understanding!
Recently, the leading
intellectual in the Catholic Church - a man by the name of Hans - studied the
Qur'an and gave his opinion of what he had read. This man has been around for
some time, and he is highly respected in the Catholic Church, and after careful
scrutiny, he reported his findings, concluding, "God has spoken to man
through the man, Muhammad." Again this is a conclusion arrived at by a
non-Muslim source - the very leading intellectual of the Catholic Church
himself! I do not think that the Pope agrees with him, but nonetheless, the
opinion of such a noted, repute public figure must carry some weight in defense
of the Muslim position. He must be applauded for facing the reality that the
Qur'an is not something which can be easily pushed aside and that, in fact God
is the source of these words. As is evident from the aforementioned information,
all of the possibilities have been exhausted, so the chance of finding another
possibility of dismissing the Qur'an is nonexistent. For if the book is not a
revelation, then it is a deception; and if it is a deception, one must ask,
"What is its origin" And where does it deceive us?" Indeed, the
true answers to these questions shed light on the Qur'an's authenticity and
silence the bitter unsubstantiated claims of the unbelievers. Certainly, if
people are going to insist that the Qur'an is a deception, then they must bring
forth evidence to support such a claim. The burden of proof is on them, not us!
One is never supposed to advance a theory without sufficient corroborating
facts; so I say to them, "Show me one deception! Show me where the Qur'an
deceives me! Show me, otherwise, don't say that it is a deception!" An
interesting characteristic of the Qur'an is how it deals with surprising
phenomena which relate not only to the past but to modern times as well. In
essence, the Qur'an is not and old problem. It is still a problem even today - a
problem to the non-Muslims that is. For everyday, every week, every year brings
more and more evidence that the Qur'an is a force to be contended with - that
its authenticity is no longer to be challenged! For example, one verse in the
Qur'an reads;
"Do not the unbelievers
see that the heavens and the earth were joined together, then We clove them
asunder, and made from water every living thing? Will they not then
believe?"
Ironically, this very
information is exactly what they awarded the 1973 Noble Prize for - to a couple
of unbelievers. The Qur'an reveals the origin of the universe - how it began
from one piece - and mankind continues to verify this revelation, even up to
now. Additionally, the fact that all life originated from water would not have
been an easy thing to convince people of fourteen centuries ago. Indeed, if 1400
years ago you had stood in the desert and told someone, "All of this, you
see (pointing to yourself), is made up of mostly water," no one would have
believed you. Proof of that was not available until the invention of the
microscope. They had to wait to find out that cytoplasm, the basic substance of
the cell, is made-up of 80% water. Nonetheless, the evidence did come, and once
again the Qur'an stood the test of time. In reference to the falsification tests
mentioned earlier, it is interesting to note that they, too, relate to both the
past and the present. Some of them were used as illustrations of Allah's
omnipotence and knowledge, while others continue to stand as challenges to the
present day. An example of the former is the statement made in the Qur'an about
Abu Lahab. It clearly illustrates that Allah, the Knower of the Unseen, knew
that Abu Lahab would never change his ways and accept Islam. Thus Allah dictated
that he would be condemned to the Hellfire forever. Such a chapter was both an
illustration of Allah's divine wisdom and a warning to those who were like Abu
Lahab.
An interesting example of
the latter type of falsification tests contained in the Qur'an is the verse
which mentions the relationship between the Muslims and the Jews. The verse is
careful not to narrow its scope to the relationship between individual members
of each religion, but rather, it summarizes the relationship between the two
groups of people as a whole. In essence, the Qur'an states that the Christians
will always treat the Muslims better than the Jews will treat the Muslims.
Indeed, the full impact of such a statement can only be felt after careful
consideration of the real meaning of such a verse. It is true that many
Christians and many Jews have become Muslims, but as a whole, the Jewish
community is to be viewed as an avid enemy of Islam. Additionally, very few
people realize what such an open declaration in the Qur'an invites. In essence,
it is an easy chance for the Jews to prove that the Qur'an is false - that it is
not a divine revelation. All they have to do is organize themselves, treat the
Muslims nicely for a few years and then say, "Now what does your holy book
say about who are your best friends in the world - the Jews or the Christians?
Look what we Jews have done for you!" That is all they have to do to
disprove the Qur'an's authenticity, yet they have not done it in 1400 years.
But, as always, the offer still stands open!
All of the examples so far
given concerning the I various angles from which one can approach the | Qur'an
have undoubtedly been subjective in nature; I however there does exist another
angle, among others, which is objective and whose basis is mathematical. It is
surprising how authentic the Qur'an becomes when one assembles what might be
referred to as a list of good guesses. Mathematically, it can be explained using
guessing and prediction examples. For instance, if a person has two choices
(i.e., one is right, and one is wrong), and he closes his eyes and makes a
choice, then half of the time (i.e., one time out of two) he will be right.
Basically, he has a one in two chance, for he could pick the wrong choice, or he
could pick the right choice. Now if the same person has two situations like that
(i.e., he could be right or wrong about situation number one, and he could be
right or wrong about situation number two), and he closes his eyes and guesses,
then he will only be right one fourth of the time (i.e., one time out of four).
He now has a one in four chance because now there are three ways for him to be
wrong and only one way for him to be right. In simple terms, he could make the
wrong choice in situation number one and then make the wrong choice in situation
number two; OR he could make the wrong choice in situation number one and then
make the right choice in situation number two; OR he could make the right choice
in situation number one and then make the wrong choice in situation number two;
OR he could make the right choice in situation number one and then make the
right choice in situation number two. Of course, the(only instance in which he
could be totally right is the last scenario where he could guess correctly in
both situations. The odds of his guessing completely correctly have become
greater because the number of situations for him to guess in have increased; and
the mathematical equation representing such a scenario is 1/2 x 1/2 (i.e., one
time out of two for the first situation multiplied by one time out of two for
the second situation).
Continuing on with the
example, if the same person now has three situations in which to make blind
guesses, then he will only be right one eighth of the time (i.e., one time out
of eight or 1/2 X 1/2 X 1/2). Again, the odds of choosing the correct choice in
all three situations have decreased his chances of being completely correct to
only one time in eight. It must be understood that as the number of situations
increase, the chances of being right decrease, for the two phenomena are
inversely proportional.
Now applying this example to
the situations in the Qur'an, if one draws up a list of all of the subjects
about which the Qur'an has made correct statements, it becomes very clear that
it is highly unlikely that they were all just correct blind guesses. Indeed, the
subjects discussed in the Qur'an are numerous, and thus the odds of someone just
making lucky guesses about all of them become practically nil. If there are a
million ways for the Qur'an to be wrong, yet each time it is right, then it is
unlikely that someone was guessing. The following three examples of subjects
about which the Qur'an has made correct statements collectively illustrate how
the Qur'an continues to beat the odds.
In the 16th chapter the
Qur'an mentions that the female bee leaves its home to gather food.l2 Now, a
person might guess on that, saying, "The bee that you see flying around -
it could be male, or it could be female. I think I will guess female."
Certainly, he has a one in two chance of being right. So it happens that the
Qur'an is right. But it also happens that was not what most people believed at
the time when the Qur'an was revealed. Can you tell the difference between a
male and a female bee? Well, it takes a specialist to do that, but it has been
discovered that the male bee never leaves his home to gather food. However, in
Shakespeare's play, Henry the Fourth, some of the characters discuss bees and
mention that the bees are soldiers and have a king. That is what people thought
in Shakespeare's time - that the bees that one sees flying around are male bees
and that they go home and answer to a king. However, that is not true at all.
The fact is that they are females, and they answer to a queen. Yet it took
modern scientific investigations in the last 300 years to discover that this is
the case.
So, back to the list of good
guesses, concerning the topic of bees, the Qur'an had a 50/50 chance of being
right, and the odds were one in two.
In addition to the subject
of bees, the Qur'an also discusses the sun and the manner in which it travels
through space. Again, a person can guess on that subject. When the sun moves
through space, there are two options: it can travel just as a stone would travel
if one threw it, or it can move of its own accord. The Qur'an states the latter
- that it moves as a result of its own motion.'3 To do such, the Qur'an uses a
form of the word sabaha to describe the sun's movement through space. In order
to properly provide the reader with a comprehensive understanding of the
implications of this Arabic verb, the following example is given. If a man is in
water and the verb sabaha is applied in reference to his movement, it can be
understood that he is swimming, moving of his own accord and not as a result of
a direct force applied to him. Thus when this verb is used in reference to the
sun's movement through space, it in no way implies that the sun is flying
uncontrollably through space as a result of being hurled or the like. It simply
means that the sun is turning and rotating as it travels. Now, this is what the
Qur'an affirms, but was it an easy thing to discover? Can any common man tell
that the sun is turning? Only in modern times was the equipment made available
to project the image of the sun onto a tabletop so that one could look at it
without being blinded. And through this process it was discovered that not only
are there three spots on the sun but that these spots move once every 25 days.
This movement is referred to as the rotation of the sun around its axis and
conclusively proves that, as the Qur'an stated 1400 years ago, the sun does,
indeed turn as it travels through space.
And returning once again to
the subject of good guess, the odds of guessing correctly about both subjects -
the sex of bees and the movement of the sun - are one in four!
Seeing as back fourteen
centuries ago people probably did not understand much about time zones, the
Quran's statements about this subject are considerably surprising. The concept
that one family is having breakfast as the sun comes up while another family is
enjoying the brisk night air is truly something to be marveled at, even in
modern time. Indeed, fourteen centuries ago, a man could not travel more than
thirty miles in one day, and thus it took him literally months to travel from
India to Morocco, for example. And probably , when he was having supper in
Morocco, he thought to himself, "Back home in India they are having supper
right now." This is because he did not realize that, in the process of
traveling, he moved across a time zone. Yet, because it is the words of Allah,
the All-Knowing, the Qur'an recognizes and acknowledges such a phenomenon. In an
interesting verse it states that when history comes to an end and the Day of
Judgment arrives, it will all occurring an instant; and this very instant will
catch some people in the daytime and some people at night. This clearly
illustrates Allah's divine wisdom and His previous knowledge of the existence of
time zones, even though such a discovery was non-existent back fourteen
centuries ago. Certainly, this phenomenon is not something which is obvious to
one's eyes or a result of one's experience, and this fact, in itself, suffices
as proof of the Qur'ans authenticity.
Returning one final time to
the subject of good guesses for the purpose of the present example, the odds
that someone guessed correctly about all three of the aforementioned subjects -
the sex of bees, the movement of the sun and the existence of time zones - are
one in eight!
Certainly, one could
continue on and on with this example, drawing up longer and longer list of good
guesses; and of course, the odds would become higher and higher with each
increase of subjects about which one could guess. But what no one can deny is
the following; the odds that Mohammed an illiterate, guessed correctly about
thousands and thousands of subjects, never once making a mistake, are so high
that any theory of his authorship of the Qur'an must be completely dismissed -
even by the most hostile enemies of Islam!
Indeed, the Qur'an expects
this kind of challenge. Undoubtedly, if one said to someone upon entering a
foreign land, "I know your father. I have met him," probably the man
from that land would doubt the newcomer's word, saying, "You have just come
here. How could you know my father?" As a result, he would question him,
"Tell me, is my father tall, short, dark, fair? What is he like?" Of
course, if the visitor continued answering all of the questions correctly, the
skeptic would have no choice but to say, "I guess you do know my father. I
don't know how you know him, but I guess you do!" The situation is the same
with the Qur'an. It states that it originates from the One who created
everything. So everyone has the right to say, "Convince me! If the author
of this book really originated life and everything in the heavens and on the
earth, then He should know about this, about that, and so on." And
inevitably, after researching the Qur'an, everyone will discover the same
truths. Additionally, we all know something for sure: we do not all have to be
experts to verify what the Qur'an affirms. One's iman (faith) grows as one
continues to check and confirm the truths contained in the Qur'an. And one is
supposed to do so all of his life.
May God (Allah) guide
everyone close to the truth.
SUPPLEMENT
An engineer at the
University of Toronto who was interested in psychology and who had read
something on it, conducted researched wrote a thesis on Efficiency of Group
Discussions. The purpose of his research was to find out how much people
accomplish when they get together to talk in groups of two, three, ten, etc. The
graph of his findings: people accomplish most when they talk in groups of two.
Of course, this discovery was entirely beyond his expectations, but it is very
old advice given in the Qur'an:
Additionally, the 89th
chapter of the Qur'an mentions a certain city by the name of 'Iram (a city of
pillars), which was not known in ancient history and which was non-existent as
far as historians were concerned. However, the December 1978 edition of National
Geographic introduced interesting information which mentioned that in 1973, the
city of Elba was excavated in Syria. The city was discovered to be 43 centuries
old, but that is not the most amazing part. Researchers found in the library of
Elba a record of all of the cities with which Elba had done business. Believe or
not, there on the list was the name of the city of 'Iram. The people of Elba had
done business with the people of 'Iram!
"Say, 'I exhort you to
one thing - that you stand for Allah, [assessing the truth] by twos and singly,
and then reflect.....' In conclusion I ask you to consider with care the
following:
"And they say, 'Why are
not signs sent down to him from his Lord?' Say, 'Indeed, the signs are with
Allah, and I am but a clear warner.' But is sufficient for them that We have
sent down to you the Book [i.e. Qur'an] which is rehearsed to them? Verily, in
that is mercy and a reminder to people who believe."
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