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John McCain's Speech to the American Israeli Public Affairs Committee April 23, 2002 There will always be an Israel. The terrorist onslaught against her people represents not progress towards a refoundation of historic Palestine but a plunge into an abyss of moral decay perpetrated in the name of the Palestinian people by their own leaders. There will always be an Israel, because the Israeli people will defend their homeland against murderers who pose as martyrs, and will never accept justice imposed on them by leaders who send children to kill their children. There will always be an Israel, strong and free, because Israel, and her supporters in this country, will never allow the depravity of her enemies to obscure the moral clarity that inspired her founding, 54 years ago last week, as the homeland of a people who understood evil long before Americans saw its more recent expression on September 11. Terrorism is terrorism, whether in the form of professional killers who crash civilian aircraft into buildings or amateur murderers undistinguished by anything other than their willingness to take innocent lives. A political solution to the conflict with the Palestinians is the best answer to Israeli insecurity, of course. But no moral nation--neither Israel nor America--can allow terrorists to chart the political course of its people. No freedom-loving nation can tolerate a terrorist state on its border. And no great nation can abandon the obligations of moral clarity for the convenience of situational ethics. If we are serious about the values we in America and Israel live by, and the opportunities we would like all people in the Middle East to enjoy, we can allow terrorists no role in the political process. Indeed, we must work to spread our values in the Middle East, first by opposing tyranny in the Arab world. The celebration of freedom in the streets of liberated Baghdad will serve as a counterpoint to the state-directed Arab media's distortion of the Palestinian conflict. It will be a reminder to other Arab tyrants that the United States is a natural ally of Arab people who aspire to freedom. Freeing Arabs from repression by tyrannical regimes is the priority of neither Yasser Arafat nor the dictators he counts as his allies. But bringing liberty's blessings to Arab peoples will do much more to improve their lives than will their jihad against Israel. Unfortunately, when it comes to advocating freedom and opportunity in the Arab world, our values know few champions. In the monarchies and dictatorships of the Middle East, cynicism is the essence of statecraft. Americans find ourselves handicapped in our Middle East diplomacy by a native regard for moral clarity. It is our fidelity to the values Arab leaders reject that makes it unmistakably clear to Americans who destroyed the peace process begun in Oslo. The authors of that disaster were the Palestinians themselves--and the Arab leaders who encouraged or accepted Yasser Arafat's rejection of the sweeping settlement offered by former Prime Minister Barak at Camp David, and provided rhetorical and material support for the ensuing intifada waged by suicide bombers. I don't think our cultural differences with Arab states are so vast that a common recognition of what constitutes real peace and a just settlement is unattainable. I think Arab leaders know exactly what it will take to achieve real peace between Palestinians and Israelis, and that what they currently offer serves only to perpetuate the conflict. Telethons and poems glorifying suicide bombers are not steps toward peace. Cash payments to the families of suicide bombers are not steps toward peace. Communiqués glorifying the murder of innocents are not steps toward peace. All of this is evil, pure and simple. It is not peace, but fear of each other that motivates Arab dictators, and fear of their own populations, whose resentments toward Israel and America have been inflamed for generations to distract them from grievances against their own rulers for the economic and political inequities they are expected to endure permanently. It is the unenlightened rule of Arab dictators, not the plight of the Palestinians, that condemns the Arab world to the civilizational crisis in which it finds itself. Which Middle Eastern nation grants its Arab citizens the most political freedom? Israel. Which countries' leaders have the blood of innocents on their hands but hear nothing about it from the Arab League? Iraq, Syria, and Sudan, for starters. Which country has the most egregious record of occupying another today? Syria, in Lebanon. In which countries do Palestinian refugees suffer without rights and the most basic freedoms? Other than Israel, only Jordan has treated these people with any dignity. Which nation in the region has matched its payments to the families of Palestinian murderers with money for health care, education, and other development in the territories? Not one. How Arab leaders can abide their own hypocrisy is one question. Why they expect us to do so is a better one. Arab leaders recoil in mock indignation from any suggestion that they have a responsibility to discourage Palestinian treachery. Instead, they demand that the United States pressure the government of Israel into forsaking its obligation to defend its citizens from terrorism that Arab governments celebrate and support. I'm also distressed that some of our European allies are dismissing Israel's legitimate security concerns. In some quarters, Jews are once again threatened with attacks on their institutions. We are witnessing once again the torching of European synagogues. All world leaders must condemn, in the strongest terms, such despicable behavior. Israel has proved its willingness to risk its strategic interests by returning territories captured in war, and living cheek by jowl with a Palestinian state in exchange for peace and acceptance of Israel's right to exist by its Arab neighbors. Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian Authority he claims to lead insist on a settlement that would threaten the eventual extinction of a Jewish state in the Middle East, and accept and support murder as a means to achieve it. Official sponsorship of Palestinian terror is a self-induced mockery of the Palestinian leadership's moral authority, and that of its Nobel Peace Prize-winning chairman. The Oslo peace process was premised on the notion that Israelis and Palestinians could live together. I believe it is now time to explore ways in which they can live apart. It is time to consider alternatives such as that proposed by former Prime Minister Barak--to erect a security barrier between the Israelis and the Palestinians. This is not to accept the hopelessness of a political solution, but to embrace the hope that Israel's people can live in safety until a Palestinian leadership truly committed to peace emerges from the chaos and despair inflicted on Palestinians for generations by leaders who lack the courage and compassion and wisdom to make a better life for their people. Friends, I make no claim to wisdom on how to resolve the crisis in the Middle East. Like you, I look for guidance in the values we share with the only democracy in the region. I know this: no American leader should be expected to sell a false peace to our ally, consider Israel's right to self-defense less legitimate than ours, or insist that Israel negotiate a political settlement while terrorism remains the Palestinians' preferred bargaining tool. The moral clarity you bring to American understanding of Israel's plight is the most effective antidote to the cynicism and hostility that parade as Arab diplomacy in the Middle East today. We will defeat terrorism against America, and we will stand with Israel as she fights the same enemy. One of the great privileges of my life was the friendship that I developed with the late Sen. Henry "Scoop" Jackson. I got to know Scoop when I was the Navy liaison to the Senate in the late '70s. Scoop was and remains the model of what an American statesman should be. In 1979, I traveled to Israel with Scoop, where I knew he was considered a hero. I had no idea how great a hero he was until we landed in Tel Aviv. When we arrived, we were transferred to a bus big enough to accommodate our large delegation, as well as the U.S. Ambassador in Israel and several of his staff. About a hundred yards outside the airport, the bus was surrounded by a crowd of seven or eight hundred Israelis screaming for Jackson, waving signs that read "God Bless you, Scoop," "Senator Jackson, thank you," and dozens of other tributes. For a patriot like Scoop, their affection for him was nothing less than affection for America. Scoop understood a deep truth. The bond between America and Israel is not just a strategic one, though that is important. Today, in the war against terror, we have no stronger ally than Israel. The more profound tie between our two countries, however, is a moral one. We are two democracies whose alliance is forged in our common values. To be proudly pro-American and pro-Israeli is not to hold conflicting loyalties. As Scoop understood, it is about defending the principles that both countries hold dear. And I stand before you today, proudly pro-American and pro-Israel.
November 8, 2005 Setting the Record StraightMcCain, Israel and Torturehttp://www.counterpunch.org/bloom11082005.html By DAVID BLOOM Senator John McCain, a former naval aviator who was tortured during his six-year captivity by the North Vietnamese Army (NVA), is, to his great credit, inserting an anti-torture clause into a senate bill, to the consternation of the Bushies. The following piece ran in the Jewish Telegraphic Agency Nov.7:
But is this borne out by the facts? Not so, according to the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI), which notes that despite improvements following the 1999 decision by the Israeli High Court of Justice to ban torture, because of a clause allowing for so-called "moderate physical pressure" in the case of "ticking bombs," it's still a problem in Israel: PCATI's report published in April 2003 revealed the following: [1]
The Public Committee Against Torture in Israel estimates that a considerable portion of all interrogees, if not most, had been exposed to interrogation methods which include "severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental." In other words these methods, as applied, cause, at least in their combination and accumulation over time, the level of gravity and cruelty that constitute torture as defined in international law. In contrast with the years 2000-2001, the years 2002-2003 saw a deterioration in the treatment of Palestinian detainees by the GSS:
David Bloom writes for WW4 Report. Links Reproduced from: http://www.counterpunch.org/bloom11082005.html
Speech to the Plenary Session of
the
Houston, Texas Thank you for the opportunity to be here today. It is always a pleasure to speak before the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, because I have long admired your clear-eyed moral stand in support of Israel. AIPAC is one of those organizations which, if it did not already exist, would need to be created. Just as America is deeply fortunate to have a close friend in Israel, Israel is privileged to have a supporter in AIPAC. Make no mistake, Israel needs our support today. Times are difficult. The Jewish state has experienced tough times before - indeed, they have perhaps been the norm rather than the exception. When one thinks back over the conflicts - 1948, the Six Day War, Yom Kippur, Lebanon, the first Gulf War, two intifadas and Lebanon again - it is clear that Israel has been tested more, in less time, than any nation on earth. Survival in the face of such trials would be impressive; flourishing would seem out of the question. Yet Israel has thrived, and it is no doubt due to its fierce fidelity to its ideals that it has so successfully defended its achievements. I would like to believe that Israel’s success has been aided by America, another country born of ideals and Israel’s natural partner and ally. The tests continue today, however, in the form of suicide bombers and rocket fire, in the anti-Semitism so pervasive in the Arab press, and in the existential threats issued routinely by the Iranian president. But Israel will survive. Just as it has thrived in the face of armies and terrorists, just as it has prospered in the most dangerous neighborhood on earth, so will it succeed in the face of today’s threats. There will always, always be an Israel. The path to future success for Israel will not be an easy one, and there will be a number of difficult issues. Foremost on many minds is, of course, Iran. The world's chief state sponsor of international terrorism, the Iranian regime defines itself by hostility to Israel and the United States. It is simply tragic that millennia of proud Persian history have culminated in a government today that cannot be counted among those of the world’s civilized nations. When the president of Iran calls for Israel to be wiped off of the map, or asks for a world without Zionism, or suggests that Israel’s Jewish population return to Europe, or calls the Holocaust a myth, we are dealing with a possibly deranged and surely dangerous regime. The leadership in Tehran does more than issue ugly pronouncements; it acts in ways that directly affect the security of Israel, the United States, and our friends. A sponsor of both Hamas and Hezbollah, Iran has repeatedly used violence to undermine Israel and the Middle East peace process. It supports militias that have launched anti-coalition attacks in Iraq and has sponsored at least one direct attack against the United States outside of Iraq. Tehran's continued pursuit of nuclear weapons clearly poses an unacceptable risk. Protected by a nuclear deterrent, Iran would feel unconstrained to sponsor terrorist attacks against any perceived enemy. Its flouting of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty would render that regime obsolete, and could induce Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and others to reassess their defense posture and arsenals. The world would live, indefinitely, with the possibility that Tehran might pass nuclear materials or weapons to one of its allied terrorist networks. And coupled with its ballistic missile arsenal, an Iranian nuclear bomb would pose an existential threat to the State of Israel. In facing down this problem, European negotiators have outlined a positive endgame for Tehran, should it abandon its nuclear ambitions: far reaching economic incentives, external support for a civilian nuclear energy program, and integration into the international community. But Tehran has said no. It insists on maintaining and even accelerating its pursuit of nuclear weaponry. Iran’s choice is clear. So must be ours. Immediate UN Security Council action is required to impose multilateral political and economic sanctions. The Congress needs to pass, before it adjourns this year, the Iran Freedom Support Act, of which I was an early cosponsor. And every option must remain on the table. Military action isn’t our preference. It remains, as it always must, the last option. We have a long way to go diplomatically before we need to contemplate other measures. But it is a simple observation of reality that there is only one thing worse than a military solution, and that, my friends, is a nuclear armed Iran. The regime must understand that it cannot win a showdown with the world. It is in the interest of Russia and China to join in this effort, notwithstanding their business interests. Surely they do not wish to see a nuclear arms race in the Middle East, an end to the NPT, and a more malicious Iranian foreign policy in Iraq and elsewhere. These two countries should know that the United States will treat this as a defining issue in our bilateral relations. But should Russia and China decline to join our peaceful efforts to resolve the nuclear issue, we should seek willing partners to impose multilateral sanctions outside the UN framework. The countries of Europe, with their close economic ties to Iran and diplomatic leadership on the nuclear issue, will have a special responsibility in this regard. As Americans, we also need to reassure the reformers and the millions of Iranians who aspire to self-determination that we support their longing for freedom and democracy. The talented and educated Iranian people are stifled by a corrupt and repressive elite. Hungry for reform and an end to their country's international isolation, they have voted for change time and again - only to discover that their votes count for little with the ruling regime. The mullahs provide neither the jobs, nor the freedom, nor the basic human rights that their people want so badly. The regime cynically uses the nuclear issue to rally its people, hoping they will forget the everyday difficulties under clerical rule. After decades of difficult relations with Iran, it is important that we remain on the right side of history, supporting the legitimate aspirations of the Iranian people. The same holds true for the Palestinian people. They are ill-served by a terrorist-led government that refuses to recognize Israel’s right to exist, refuses to renounce violence, and refuses to acknowledge prior peace commitments. The United States cannot have normal relations with such a government, one that deliberately targets innocent Israeli civilians in an attempt to terrorize the Jewish population. In view of Hamas’ continued refusal to accept basic standards of international decency, the Congress should pass, before the end of this year, the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act. This bill has passed both houses in different forms. The leaders of the House and Senate must come together to resolve their differences so that we can pass a final version in November. It is tragic that we have come so far since 1993, when Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin shook hands on the White House lawn, when it seemed that the possibility of permanent peace between Israel and the Palestinians might be at hand. We are far also from 2000, when Arafat rejected the best hope for peace the Palestinians may ever see. Today the dream of peace has transformed into a nightmare of terrorist attacks, the radicalization of the Palestinian population, and Gaza-based rocket barrages on Israel long after its withdrawal from the Strip. In view of the increased threats to Israeli security, American support for Israel should intensify - to include providing needed military equipment and technology. No American leader should be expected to sell a false peace to our democratic ally, consider Israel’s right to self-defense less legitimate than ours, or insist that Israel negotiate a political settlement while terrorism remains its adversaries’ favored bargaining tool. This is not to accept the eternal hopelessness of a political solution, but to embrace the hope that Israel’s people can live in safety until a Palestinian leadership truly committed to peace emerges from the chaos and despair so evident under the rule of Arafat and now Hamas. No moral nation - neither Israel nor America - can allow terrorists to chart the political course of its people. Nor would we favor the Palestinian people if we were to confer our acquiescence or approval upon a terrorist syndicate that has won elections among a population desperate for change. We will defeat terrorism against America, and we will stand with Israel as she fights the same enemy. This enemy will not be limited to Palestinian terrorism, as the war in Lebanon illustrated so graphically. The ceasefire, the UN Security Council resolution, and the peacekeeping force are all welcome attempts to stop the fighting that followed Hezbollah’s unprovoked attack. And yet I fear that we are witnessing a mere pause in the fighting, rather than its end. Israel’s chance for peace with its northern neighbor resides in a Lebanon whose government has a monopoly on authority within its country. That means no independent militias, no Hezbollah fighters, no weapons and equipment flowing to Hezbollah. It means bolstering the security of Lebanon’s borders and ensuring that Hezbollah is not deployed in the south. Yet neither the Lebanese Army nor the international force is prepared or willing to take on Hezbollah. So long as that is the case, the current pause is likely to enable Hezbollah to regroup, reconstitute, and rearm. There is one bottom line: to achieve peace, sooner or later, Hezbollah must be disarmed. In the meantime, the international community must make sure that the Lebanese government, not Hezbollah, is able to win hearts and minds through social welfare activity. Hezbollah started handing out money and other forms of reconstruction assistance within days of the ceasefire. Only by empowering the Siniora government to provide this aid can we help marginalize Hezbollah and ensure that it does not remain a belligerent state within a state. And we have an additional task. As Americans who have suffered the pain of our own countrymen held in Lebanon, we must do everything we can to ensure that the two kidnapped soldiers held by Hezbollah - and the third held by Hamas - return home safely. The other area of critical importance to the security of both America and Israel is Iraq. Let me be clear: Iraq is going through very difficult times, and the next months are critical to the future of that country and the region. We can not wish away the many serious mistakes we have made there or the violence that plagues that society. With civil war a real possibility, the temptation is to wash our hands of a messy situation. To follow this impulse, however, is to risk catastrophe. Most observers inside Iraq agree that a precipitous American troop withdrawal would make the violence there much worse, not better. The Iraqi security forces are today plainly incapable of handling operations on their own. If U.S. forces begin a pullout, we risk all-out civil war and the emergence of a failed state in the heart of the Middle East. Allowing such a haven for terrorists to emerge would profoundly threaten the security of the United States, Israel, and our other friends, and would invite intervention from Iraq’s neighbors, including Iran - not to mention the enormous bloodshed would likely be unleashed on the long suffering Iraqi people. I believe that success in Iraq - defined as a stable state with a flawed but functioning government - is difficult but still possible. We must do everything possible to succeed there, and we should not forget that the benefits of success would be enormous, for Iraq and throughout the region. But the road is going to be long and tough, and it will be costly in dollars and American lives. There are a number of adjustments I believe we need to make. It is clear that the coalition has never had troop levels adequate to prevent looting, insurgency, and violence against civilians. The Iraqi security forces will, I hope, one day be able to handle these tasks on their own, but today they are not - as a glance at any television screen shows so graphically. So while some politicians have called for a drawdown of American troops in Iraq, I believe that we still have too few troops there. Part of the stabilization effort will require dealing, at long last, with the problem of independent militias. Just as in Lebanon, the Iraqi government will not succeed so long as it lacks a monopoly on authority. It is not easy to take on groups like Moqtada al-Sadr’s Madhi Army, but it is essential for the future of Iraq. It also involves reinvigorating the reconstruction effort. In this era of unprecedented oil revenues, I would like to see the Gulf countries contribute to an Arab reconstruction fund for Iraq. The debate over the conduct of our Iraq engagement has become an element in a larger debate over the role of democracy promotion in the Middle East. Critics charge that the emphasis America has placed on democracy in recent years has only led to results contrary to our interests, and cite real and perceived electoral setbacks in the Palestinian Authority, Egypt, Iran, and elsewhere. These are real concerns, and we cannot dismiss them. Yet at the same time, we cannot always expect a linear, forward march to freedom in countries that have never known it. On the contrary, the road to democracy is likely to be long and winding, and elections are but one element of a larger democratic phenomenon - an element that sometimes comes at the beginning of the process, sometimes in the middle, and sometimes only at the end, after the appropriate institutions have been forged and values inculcated. But if the alternative to our democracy promotion efforts is a return to the days in which we simply supported pro-American dictators throughout the Middle East, I say this cost is too high. We have learned the dangers in such approach, and the lessons have been painful. If the despair, the alienation, and the disenfranchisement wrought in Middle East autocracies contribute to the horrors of international terrorism, we owe it to ourselves and the world to promote change. Only this position is consistent with the values on which America and Israel are based. Our two democracies are strong in arms, to be sure, but stronger still in ideals. We fight this year, and we will likely fight next year and the year after that. And though we fight to protect our land and our people, we battle also for the triumph of our values, including that simple but profound truth that all men and women are created equal and endowed by God with certain inalienable rights. This shared faith has forged a deep bond between America and Israel. We are allies and strategic partners, and that is important. But we have a moral bond, too, as two democracies fiercely guarding our common ideals. And it is this moral bond that makes all the difference. There has been a deep debate in recent months about the wisdom of America’s pro-Israel orientation, and even about the loyalties of individuals in groups like these. This debate, I submit, misses the point. To defend our democratic ally in the Middle East is to defend the principles that America holds dear. I stand here today as I believe all of you stand here as well: proudly pro-American and proudly pro-Israel.
What links Lieberman,
McCain, Gingrich, Perle, Kristol, and Hoffa?
http://pittsburgh.indymedia.org/news/2006/07/24299.php Senators Joe Lieberman and John McCain aren't merely "hawkish"; as "Honorary Co-Chairmen" of a pre-Iraq-war spin machine called The Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, they were leading cheerleaders for a war that now threatens to mushroom out of all control--unless we remove the Liebermans, McCains, and their fellow war cheerleaders from our U.S. Congress.
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Jewish Press Exclusive -
McCain: 'Proudly Pro-Israel' -
Says Haaretz Article Left 'Serious Misimpressions'
As reported in the Media Monitor column in last week’s Jewish Press, the May 1 Haaretz article portrayed McCain, the early front-runner for the 2008 Republican presidential nomination, as someone who, if elected president, would "micromanage" a more even-handed Mideast policy than that of President Bush; envisioned "concessions and sacrifices by both sides"; and expected Israel to eventually retreat, with some modifications, to pre-Six Day War borders. A source in McCain’s office characterized the Haaretz interview as a brief, impromptu session and the resulting article as long on the reporter’s suppositions and short on concrete quotes from McCain. "You’ll note," said the source, "that the article featured perhaps one complete sentence from the senator; otherwise the report is basically the reporter’s narrative interspersed with several fragmentary quotes" from McCain. The senator himself was clearly miffed at his portrayal in Haaretz, saying that "after reading the Haaretz article and subsequent report in The Jewish Press," he felt the need to "clear up several serious misimpressions." McCain said that "in contrast to the impression left by the Haaretz article, I’ve never held the position that Israel should return to 1967 lines, and that is not my position today." The senator further maintained that "in the course of that brief, off-the-cuff conversation, I never discussed settlement blocs, a total withdrawal, or anything of the sort." Final settlement lines, McCain added, "depend on the decisions of the Israeli government and its interlocutor on the Palestinian side." The problem, he continued, is that "at the moment there simply is no Palestinian interlocutor, as it is impossible to negotiate with people calling for one’s destruction." And that, McCain said, is where he believes "the confusion about the article comes in. The questioner asked a few hypothetical questions about some time in the indeterminate future – but that future will never arrive so long as Israel lacks a partner for peace. Talk of concessions on either side or of negotiators is premature so long as Hamas remains dedicated to the use of violence and the extinction of Israel." McCain sounded a pessimistic note on the viability of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, at least in the short term. "There can be no comprehensive peace accord between Israel and the Palestinians until the Palestinians recognize Israel, forswear forever the use of violence, recognize their previous agreements, and reform their internal institutions," he said. "Unfortunately, with the election of Hamas, this process has taken a huge step backward, and it’s simply impossible to push today for a comprehensive accord." McCain’s remarks reflect a long-standing commitment to Israeli security and a skepticism about the readiness of Palestinians to coexist with Israel. It is precisely his outspokenness in defense of Israel and strong pro-Israel voting record that had observers scratching their heads over the Haaretz article. "That just didn’t sound like the John McCain everyone in Washington knows," said a political consultant who’s worked with both Democrats and Republicans and who requested anonymity because he doesn’t know who, if anyone, he might sign on with in 2008. "If there’s anyone who doesn’t buy into the State Department, striped-pants view of the Middle East, it’s McCain." The McCain that both supporters and opponents have come to know, said the consultant, is the McCain who in June 2001 told a special AIPAC seminar that "America’s unequivocal support for Israel – not evenhandedness, not moral equivalence, not winking at Palestinian violence – is the best guarantor of peace in the Middle East." AIPAC spokesperson Jennifer Cannata told The Jewish Press that McCain "has a strong record on behalf of the U.S.-Israel relationship. The senator consistently supports U.S. foreign aid to Israel and is a cosponsor of bills currently under consideration in the Senate that impose sanctions on Iran’s nuclear program and isolate the Hamas-led Palestinian Authority." Malcolm Hoenlein, executive vice chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, characterized McCain’s record on Israel-related issues as "excellent." "McCain has identified with many Jewish causes," said Hoenlein, who noted that the Presidents Conference will be hosting McCain in a few weeks. "He’s definitely a staunch supporter of a strong U.S.-Israel relationship." McCain was unequivocal in his remarks to The Jewish Press. "I’m proudly pro-Israel, and my positions have been consistent and clear," he said. "Israel, as one of America’s closest allies and the only democracy in a dangerous neighborhood, deserves our support and assistance. That’s why I view with such alarm the victory of Hamas and the Iranian president’s vile comments about wiping Israel off the map."
10/10/06, 5:37 pm EST http://www.rollingstone.com/nationalaffairs/?p=592
Is McCain a Neocon? John McCain reacted this morning to news of the North Korean nuclear tests by pushing the willfully hawkish, neoconservative position: America, he said, should buy itself a missile defense shield to protect itself from threats like this one. This is a position that one wing of conservatism has been backing since the Reagan administration, even though it makes even less sense than it used to: Such a missile shield would be unbearably expensive, it would probably be anachronistic in an age when the most urgent nuclear threats are likelier to come from a suitcase bomb than they are from a fleet of launched missiles, and most evidence suggests such a shield wouldn’t work anyway. But there’s a more interesting question now begged by the Arizona Republican’s stance: Is John McCain, the current frontrunner for the Presidency in 2008, a hawkish neocon likely to push regime change? Or is he an ideologically more moderate figure, a realist with deep-seated skepticism about committing American troops overseas? What kind of president, in other words, would McCain be? In a fascinating cover story in this week’s New Republic (subscription only), John Judis wrestles with the issue and winds up mostly making the case for McCain the neoconservative. It’s a convincing story, and terrifically well told. In Judis’s recounting, McCain came out of his experiences in Vietnam believing that the United States ought only to get involved in overseas conflicts when its national interests were clearly at stake and when it possessed overwhelming military force, a realist position. Judis believes McCain then underwent a slow evolution through the 1990s — watching with horror as American troops failed to prevent massacres in Bosnia in the late 1990s — and pushing Clinton to send troops on a humanitarian mission to Kosovo, a war in which he acknowledged no great American national interest was at stake. By 1999, in Judis’s telling, the transformation was complete. McCain was hiring prominent neoconservatives to work on his staff, was supporting the now-discredited Iraqi dissident Ahmad Chalabi, and soon became very prominent early advocate of regime change in Iraq and Iran positions which he defends staunchly to this day. In an interview that is recounted towards the end of the piece, Judis presses McCain to differentiate himself from the neoconservatives, or to concede that the war in Iraq was a mistake in conception and not just execution. McCain passes up the opportunity; of the neoconservatives he says “generally I agree with them and respect them enormously.” McCain backed regime change in Iran, and defended the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq. Judis concludes that McCain’s instincts are basically neoconservative. But he includes this caveat: McCain, he says, has proven that he is willing to listen to objective evidence and change his mind. “It is true that little he said to me suggests he will alter his worldview,” Judis acknowledges, “but he has done so before. Perhaps he will again.” That seems a bit too hopeful to me. Judis seems to want to distinguish between two errors that the neoconservatives have made in Iraq, and argue that though McCain may be susceptible to one, he is much less susceptible to the other. The first error was of ambition, to believe that less progressive corners of the world could be transformed into democracies by the application of military force. This, the article is pretty clear, is a theory that still has a great deal of currency for McCain. But there was a second error in the neoconservative project in Iraq, and that was its simple divorce from reality: The unwillingness of the Bush administration and their neoconservative allies to listen to the military planners who said we were sending too few troops, the State Department officials who said the necessary groundwork hadn’t been laid for a political transition, or to a thousand others. It’s this set of errors that Judis seems to want to suggest that McCain is unlikely to make; he is simply more clued into reality, more willing to listen to advisors, and less stubborn than Bush was. Well, maybe. But the evidence in the piece cuts stronger the other way, and his insistence that the Iraq war was a worthy project suggest that he is perhaps more stubborn than Judis wants to admit. Not only has McCain consistently backed neoconservative positions over the last decade of his career, but he’s also brought in that movement’s leaders as his closest advisors. And if the best evidence he can muster is the speculation that McCain, having soured on one foreign policy ideology, might sour on a second, then I don’t think I share his confidence McCain will be returning to the realist camp any time soon. -- Ben Wallace-Wells
This article appears in the Aug. 23, 2002 issue of Executive Intelligence Review. John
McCain: http://www.larouchepub.com/other/2002/2932mccain.html by Jeffrey Steinberg, Richard Freeman, and Anton Chaitkin On Oct. 15, 1982, President Ronald Reagan signed into law the Depository Institutions Deregulation and Monetary Control Act, otherwise known as "Garn-St Germain," after the principal Congressional sponsors. As a direct result of this disastrous deregulation legislation, within the span of a decade, a small tightly organized network of financial pirates—many with close ties to the Meyer Lansky National Crime Syndicate—would pull off the biggest heist in American history. By the early 1990s, the U.S. savings and loan industry (S&Ls)—once the backbone of the home mortgage industry and the preferred safe depository of household savings—was wiped out. Many of America's oldest industrial corporations were looted and left for dead, through hostile takeovers, engineered by junk bond financing. To untangle the S&L carnage, the Federal government created the Reconstruction Trust Corporation (RTC) and eventually shelled out $200-250 billion in taxpayers' money, to avert an even deeper collapse of the U.S. real estate and banking sectors. A handful of the crooks—including Ivan Boesky, Michael Milken, and Charles Keating—were imprisoned for their roles in the looting scheme. Briefly, a few members of Congress were spotlighted and slapped on the wrists for their own profiteering and coverup efforts. But the full extent of this criminal looting of America was barely known, and today is largely forgotten. The biggest political beneficiary of the public's amnesia is John McCain. With the exception of Sen. Joseph Lieberman's (D-Conn.) own ties to hedge fund bandit Michael Steinhardt, no American politician is as beholden to organized crime as the senior Senator from Arizona and would-be 2004 "Bull Moose" spoiler candidate for the Presidency. 'The Keating One,' and Carl Lindner From 1981—the year before John McCain ran for U.S. Congress—until the early 1990s, the former Navy pilot was totally beholden to junk bond swindler Charles Keating for his political fortunes. When the S&L scandal exploded and Federal prosecutors were breathing down Keating's neck, it was McCain who tried to bully Federal regulators into backing off. While the affair became known as the "Keating Five" scandal, none of the other members of the Senate and House implicated in the ethics violations, were as closely tied to Keating as John McCain. And Charles Keating was no "loan assassin." He was but one player in a larger organized crime apparatus that ran the $200 billion-plus rip-off, in what may have been the biggest actual RICO (racketeering) scheme ever. Between 1959 and the late 1980s, Charles Keating was the business partner of Carl Lindner, the Cincinnati, Ohio-based financier who would be one of the central figures in the $200 billion S&L rip-off. In 1959, Lindner and Keating co-founded American Financial Corporation (AFC). Keating served as the mortgage and insurance company's general counsel, and later as vice president. Between 1974 and 1976, Lindner and Keating engineered a series of stock purchases and mergers with some of the leading figures in the Lansky crime syndicate—who had followed the Bronfman family recipe, and gone from "rags, to rackets, to riches, to respectability." In 1975, Lindner's AFC allied with Detroit financier Max Fisher, formerly of the murderous Purple Gang; Detroit real estate developer Alfred Taubman (a Fisher associate); and Paul and Seymour Milstein, to grab a 50% controlling interest in the United Fruit Company. Drug Enforcement Administration officials had confirmed to the authors of EIR's bestselling book Dope, Inc.: Britain's Opium War Against America, that United Fruit was a major force in the Latin American cocaine trade—a business that skyrocketed following the Lindner-Fisher, et al. takeover. The Lindner group's takeover of United Fruit was only made possible by the mysterious death of the company's chairman and largest stockholder, Eli Black, on Feb. 3, 1975. Black fell to his death from the 44th floor of the Pan Am Building in New York City, in what was officially declared a suicide. At the same time that Lindner, Fisher et. al. were grabbling United Fruit, Lindner's AFC simultaneously allied with a group of other Lansky-linked entities to establish a formidable pool of interlocking companies that would collectively form the core of the junk-bond raiders. By 1977, Lindner owned: 40% of Saul Steinberg's Reliance Insurance Company. Steinberg had gotten his start as a business partner of Britain's Lord Jacob Rothschild and later had extensive dealings with Kenneth Bialkin, the longtime Chairman of the Anti-Defamation League and a top New York City lawyer representing many junk bond pirates and corporate raiders of the 1980s. 40% of Meshulim Riklis' Rapid-American Corp., which at the time, owned Schenley Distilleries, Playtex International, Lerner Shops, and RKO-Stanley Warner Theaters. Riklis was an Israeli immigrant mobster and onetime British Mandate police informant, who had been bankrolled, from the 1950s, by Burton Joseph, a Minneapolis grain merchant and top ADL official. Riklis was so close to Israel's top mafia politician, Ariel Sharon, that he bought Sharon his Negev Desert ranch. The largest minority share of Laurence and Robert Preston Tisch's Loew's Corp., the theater, hotel and real estate corporation that had also evolved out of the Prohibition-era Lansky move into Hollywood's motion picture industry. Laurence Tisch was later a founder, with Michael Steinhardt, of the secretive "Mega" group of some 50 billionaires, which today supports Ariel Sharon's war drive and the broader Clash of Civilizations. 10% of NVF, the holding company of Victor Posner, who had been the chief accountant for Meyer Lansky and the National Crime Syndicate. 8% of Gulf & Western, the debt-pyramided conglomerate run by Charles Bludhorn, which owned Paramount Pictures, Simon and Schuster Publishers, Esquire magazine and extensive properties in the Dominican Republic. 19% of Charter Oil, the Florida-based company partly owned by Armand Hammer. Charter was at the center of the late 1970s "Billygate" scandal, implicating President Jimmy Carter's brother with Libyan dictator Muammar Qadaffi and Italian Propaganda-2 Freemasonic Lodge gangster Michele Papa. Over the years, this group of companies' ill-gotten money created and funded 70 separate pro-Israel political actions committees—all part of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee money-machine, earmarked to buy members of the U.S. Congress. The Overworld Meets the Underworld As Lindner and Keating were forging their corporate alliances with Steinberg, Tisch, Fisher, Riklis, and Posner, two of the leading Anglo-American financial groups—JP Morgan and the banking and brokerage empire of Baron Edmund de Rothschild—were sealing their own alliance. These top bankers transformed the relatively small investment bank/brokerage house of Drexel Harriman Ripley, during the 1970s, into Drexel Burnham Lambert. Baron Edmund de Rothschild personified the intersection of the overworld of high finance with the underworld. Between the 1950s and the 1970s, the Geneva-based Rothschild had bankrolled the careers of Purple Gang tough Max Fisher; pyramid swindler Bernie Cornfeld of Investors Overseas Services (IOS) infamy; pioneer drug-money launderer Robert Vesco; and hedge fund pirate George Soros. The newly built Drexel Burnham dispatched hotshot bond trader Michael Milken to their newly established Beverly Hills, California office. Then the screws of usury were tightened on the whole economy. In 1979, Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker began driving interest rates up over 20%, gutting America's productive agro-industrial sector, and the stage was set for the looting and carnage. The passage of Garn-St Germain in 1982, after interest rates had soared past the 20% mark, was the final step. The Securities and Exchange Commission slapped a $1.4 million fine on Charles Keating for his role in his and Lindner's AFC in the late 1970s. Keating then formally left Lindner's employ. The split was in name only. Keating bought AFC subsidiary American Continental Homes, which he later parlayed into American Continental Corp.—with funding from Lindner. In 1979, Keating moved to Arizona. Two years later, he was introduced to John McCain, and he immediately began bankrolling McCain's political career. In this, Keating joined McCain's new father-in-law and other major financial backer, beer distributor Jim Hensley, a pivotal figure within the Kemper Marley-run Southwest crime syndicate. (The political smoke had not yet cleared from the 1976 gangland bombing that had killed investigative reporter Don Bolles, over his probe into the Marley/Hensley ties to the mafia's Emprise company.) In 1983, Keating bought the Irvine, California-based Lincoln Savings and Loan, which had $2.2 billion in deposits. By 1987, Lincoln's deposits had soared to $4.2 billion—largely through brokered deposits, referred to in the industry as "hot money." These are short-term deposits, placed by large institutions like pension funds and insurance companies, seeking high-yield but secured "parking lots" for their funds. Prior to Garn-St Germain, S&Ls could only hold 5% brokered deposits. In connection with Garn-St Germain, all restrictions were lifted. Once the Milken scheme was under way, Drexel floated high-risk, high-yield corporate bonds—the cash used by the "monsters" to buy up corporate America, and then asset-strip and sell off the carcasses to meet the payment schedules on the high-interest bearing bonds. S&Ls like Keating's Lincoln, and corporations like the Riklis, Posner, Steinberg, and Tisch enterprises, were both the purchasers and the generators of the Milken-brokered junk. By the time the bottom fell out of this vast Ponzi scheme, Keating alone had palmed off $250 million in now-worthless junk bonds to 20,000 Lincoln customers; thousands of elderly depositors were wiped out. The total cost of the Lincoln bailout was between $2.2 and 3 billion in taxpayers' money. At least $110,000 of that money had gone directly to the campaign coffers of John McCain, according to FEC records. McCain in the Keating Family Keating and Hensley first put John McCain up for the House of Representatives in 1982. Charles Keating and his family and employees made 40 donations, including at least 12 of $1,000 each, to the McCain campaign. Keating's American Continental company political action committee had only two beneficiaries in the 1982 campaign—$5,000 to McCain, and $2,500 to Sen. Jake Garn (R-Utay). The Garn-St Germain bill was the license to steal; McCain was to drive the getaway car. In February 1984, Keating assumed formal ownership of Lincoln Savings, formerly a bank servicing many minority people. In April 1984, Keating attended the "Predators' Ball"—the annual junk-bond gangsters' strategy and celebration session in Los Angeles. Billions of dollars were now flowing out of and through Lincoln, through Keating, to Lindner and his co-conspirators at Drexel Burnham. Over $134 million also went to Keating's partner, Sir James Goldsmith, notorious corporate blackmailer and backer of the Central American "Contras," alongside Carl Lindner's United Fruit Company. The Keating loot helped Sir James fund his brother Teddy Goldsmith, sponsor of Jacobin "anti-globalization" anarchist demonstrators whose real target is the nation-state. McCain's second Congressional race in 1984 was a Keating extravaganza. There were at least 32 individual contributions of $1,000 each from Keating family members and employees. Of this, $4,000 came from Brad Boland and his wife; Boland was John McCain's former staff driver, who had been selected by Keating's staff to date and marry Keating's daughter Elaine. Another nine $1,000 contributions to the McCain campaign came from crooked Atlanta lawyer Lee J. Henkel and his partners and spouses. Henkel would soon go to center stage in a spectacular Keating/McCain attempt to sabotage U.S. government oversight of the S&Ls. As the Arizona Republic reported (Oct. 8, 1989), "the McCains—sometimes with their daughter and baby sitter—made at least nine trips at Keating's expense from August 1984 to August 1986, aboard either Keating's American Continental Corporation jet or chartered planes and helicopters owned by (Lansky-originated) Resorts International. Three of the trips were for vacations at Keating's luxurious retreat in the Bahamas." The U.S.A., or the Gangsters? In 1985, a showdown loomed. Ed Gray, chairman of the Federal Home Loan Bank Board (FHLBB), appalled at the plundering of the S&Ls, called for re-regulation and the end of brokered deposits. Gray's attention was first called to the Keating scheme in particular, when Gray saw that Alan Greenspan, then a big-name economist for J.P. Morgan, was being paid by Keating ($30-40,000, in fact) to lobby and lie about how honest and sound Keating was in running Lincoln Savings and Loan; this was two years before Greenspan was appointed Federal Reserve chairman. Keating now demanded that Gray be fired and/or blocked. He got Representative McCain and three Senators to write to Gray, to delay new rules that would cut off Lincoln's looting. On Jan. 31, 1985, Gray got the Bank Board to roll back the limit on speculative non-home-mortgage investments by S&Ls to 10% of their assets. Keating responded by falsifying his records to make speculations look like permitted loans. Tension was rising; would McCain's benefactor keep getting away with it? In 1986, John McCain ran for Senate. At least 45 individual contributions of $1,000 for that campaign appear in Federal records for individuals identified with the Keating organization. Meanwhile, in April 1986, mob-appointed beer distributor Jim Hensley and his daughter Cindy, John McCain's wife, invested $359,100 and became the main owners in a Keating-run shopping center. In a personal letter to John McCain, July 31, 1986, Charles Keating asked McCain for action against Ed Gray, calling Gray's FHLBB a "mad dog." Then: double pay dirt! On Nov. 4, 1986, Keating's man, John McCain, was elected to the Senate. Three days later, Lee J. Henkel, Keating's agent and McCain's backer, was appointed by President Reagan to the Federal Home Loan Bank Board, upon the insistence of Keating's politicians. Henkel's purpose was to overpower Gray on the Board. At his first Board meeting, Dec. 18, 1986, Henkel proposed a plan to raise the direct investment (speculation) limit for Lincoln savings bank alone! On the same day, Keating's Arizona firm transferred $3.7 million to Henkel's blind trust. Henkel withdrew $250,000 cash the next day. But Gray's allies moved ahead with plans to seize Lincoln Savings, and in March 1987, Keating asked his kept politicians for direct political help to stave off the regulators. All accounts of these events show John McCain to be worried stiff over the outcome, and evidently aware that he is acting as a criminal. Keating met with a nervous McCain, they had a stormy scene, and Keating called in his chips. On April 2, 1987, FHLBB Chairman Ed Gray met with the new Senator McCain, and three Democratic Senators, Dennis DeConcini (Ariz.), Alan Cranston (Calif.), and John Glenn (Ohio). The Arizona Republic later wrote, "The meeting had a clandestine air. Gray came alone. None of the senators brought their aides." Gray was asked to withdraw regulations so as to aid Keating's S&L. He refused. Within a few days, Lee Henkel resigned in disgrace from the FHLBB; his ties to Keating had been leaked to the press. 'McCain Was the Weirdest' But a second meeting took place one week after the first. There were McCain and the other three Senators, plus Don Riegle (D-Mich.), and more regulators. According to notes made by William Black, deputy director of the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corp., a frantic McCain started this second meeting with the comment: "One of our jobs as elected officials is to help constituents in a proper fashion. ACC [owner of Lincoln S&L] is a big employer and important to the local economy. I wouldn't want any special favors for them.... I don't want any part of our conversation to be improper." Black told reporters, "McCain was the weirdest. They [the Senators] were all different in their own way. McCain was always Hamlet ... wringing his hands about what to do." Rather than submit to the political blackmail of elected officials demanding favors for nation-wrecking bandits, the regulators played their trump card, informing McCain and the others that the Justice Department had just been directed to start criminal prosecution against Keating's operation. A shaken McCain left the room, and, it is claimed, never spoke to his moneybags Keating again. Seized in 1989, Lincoln Savings involved the biggest Federal bank fraud case ever. An Arizona Republic reporter (Sept. 29, 1989) asked McCain about his ties to Keating. McCain replied, "You're a liar.... That's the spouse's involvement, you idiot. You do understand English, don't you?." When reporters probed further on the Hensley-Keating investment tie, McCain retorted, "It's up to you to find that out, kids." And, referring to his days as a prisoner of war, McCain said, "Even the Vietnamese didn't question my ethics." Charles Keating was sentenced to ten years in prison for fraud, and served five. Lee Henkel was barred from dealing with banks. Lee Fishbein, Keating-Lindner attorney/co-conspirator, Anti-Defamation League official, and heavy contributor to McCain's campaigns, was banned from ever having any dealings with banks or any other financial institution. But the Senate Ethics Committee, considering the "Keating Five" Senators, gave McCain merely a rebuke for exercising "poor judgment" in trying to bend Federal regulators. McCain went on in the same orbit, minus one of the stars. In each of his later Senate campaigns, 1992 and 1998, McCain received at least $3,000 in contributions from Dope, Inc. godfather Carl Lindner; McCain got into some bad odor around Scottsdale, Arizona, in the late 1990s, for pushing officials to give in to a Lindner land scam. Today's "McCain the Reformer" is an image crafted by media backers allied to the Tisches, and the old Wall Street-gangster axis.
John McCain's father helped cover up the attack with the assistance of Admiral Kidd.
John McCain's father helped cover up the attack with the assistance of Admiral Kidd.
Crimes and Treason:
Part One -- The U.S.S. Liberty – an introduction June
8th, 1967 was a clear, sunny day with unlimited visibility. It was such a nice
day that as the U.S.S. Liberty floated in international waters 14 miles north of
the Sinai Peninsula, sailors were sunbathing on the spy ship’s deck.
Part Two – The Attack
Despite being fully aware of its status, at 2:00 in the afternoon, three
unmarked Israeli Mystere and Mirage III fighter jets pummeled the Liberty with
rockets and cannon fire. These bombers initially went after the ship’s antennae
and electronics dishes, in the process filling the American flag full of holes.
As sailors fled for cover, Liberty crewmen hoisted a new, even larger 7x13 foot
flag into the air. But this new, even larger flag didn’t stop the Israeli
onslaught as they sprayed the Liberty with napalm – the highly incendiary
substance burning the sailor’s flesh.
Part Three – Israeli Lies
Let
us make one thing perfectly clear before we proceed. What occurred on June 8th,
1967 was an unmitigated WAR CRIME perpetrated by the nation of Israel against
the United States. To make this event even more appalling, Israel continues to
lie about it to this day; and even has the audacity to place the impetus of
blame on us. A case in point is Brigadier General Yiftah Spector, who flew a
Mirage III fighter jet code named “Kursa” and was the first pilot to reach the
U.S.S. Liberty. He said, and these are his exact words, “As far as I know, the
mistake was of the U.S.S. Liberty for being there in the first place.”
Part Four – U.S.
Government Cover-up In
the aftermath of Israel’s lies and heinous behavior, Senator Barry Goldwater and
Adlai Stevenson both called for full investigations, while a secret 1976 Naval
Board of Inquiry report concluded that Israel’s attack upon the Liberty had been
deliberate. In addition, a recent Independent Commission of Inquiry declared
that Israel had committed “an act of war” against the U.S. Captain Ward Boston,
in a signed affidavit, even went so far as to say that Lyndon Johnson and Robert
McNamara told those heading a Navy inquiry to “conclude that the attack was a
case of mistaken identity despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary.”
Part Five – The McCain Hearings
Since the U.S.S. Liberty was attacked by Israel on June 8th, 1967 there have
been 13 quote-unquote “official” hearings into this matter, but not once has a
surviving Liberty crewman been allowed to testify. Not only that, the first
hearing presided over by John McCain Jr. was held in secret, the press was
barred from attendance, and every soldier and NSA agent aboard the ship was told
they would be court-martialed if they ever testified before any commission. The
government’s cover-up was so heavy-handed that military officers even imprisoned
certain sailors against their will in psychiatric wards, drugged them, and
threatened them with electroshock to keep them from speaking.
Part Six – Israel’s Motives
At
this point, the utmost question on everyone’s mind should be: what were Israel’s
motives in attacking the U.S.S. Liberty? We will provide those answers in a
moment, but first, please remember that the Israeli leaders at that time only
“admitted their mistake” after Lyndon Johnson made a half-hearted threat to cut
off their undeniable lifeblood – U.S. financial aid. Only then did they come up
with their cock-n-bull story that the attacks were due to “mistaken identity.”
Part Seven – Conclusion
In
the end, we must ask ourselves: why does the nation of Israel hold such a
diabolical, hypnotic sway over the United States? After bombing the U.S.S.
Liberty on June 8th, 1967, were the Israeli leaders apologetic for their heinous
actions? No. Instead, they called the sailors who tried to reveal the truth
anti-Semitic Israel haters. THE
LIBERTY FOUNDATION --- Ernie Gallo The
mission of the Liberty Foundation is to raise donations in order to purchase
newspaper space to tell the USS Liberty story. The USS Liberty Veterans
Association (LVA) has tried for over 37 years to expose the true story of the
deliberate Israeli attack on the USS Liberty to the American people through
books, news media, movies, and letters to the President of the United States and
congressmen. While we have encountered politicians and news media personnel who
were willing to help, they have been unable to interest their superiors or
others in supporting our cause. Many people believe it is just too politically
risky or politically incorrect to confront the Israeli lobbyists and support
groups. Please read on. THE ISSUE
The
Israelis do not want the truth to be told. It is obvious that they fear that
America may be less of a supportive ally if the truth were known. The truth of
their deeds and the Johnson Administration needs to be fully investigated.
Congress has never officially investigated the attack and so the attack
continues to be a cover-up of the worse magnitude. We believe the operational
plans were FRONTLET 615 and Operation Cyanide. We have discovered that the USS
Liberty was part of these plans. These documents should be declassified
immediately and released to the American public for historic analytical
purposes. The complicity of the Israelis and the Johnson Administration in
starting the Six Day War alarmed the Soviet Union. The United States and the
Soviet Union came closer to a nuclear confrontation than any other incident in
history including the Cuban Missile crises. When the Soviets discovered that the
U.S. was planning to enter the war militarily, they challenged President Johnson
with a nuclear confrontation and President Johnson wisely backed down from any
further military activities.
SYNOPSIS OF OUR STORY
On
June 8, 1967, the Israeli Defense Forces murdered 34 Americans on the high seas
(31 sailors, 2 marines, and a NSA civilian). Out of a total compliment of 294
men, 70% of the crew became casualties as 172 were wounded in addition to the 34
killed. CONCLUSION
What
a crime it would be for historical reasons if the US Government continues to lie
about details of the Six Day War. In the end, truth always wins out. What a
shame for elected officials who will not stand up to be counted. For the sake of
our fallen 34 shipmates, we will not give up. God bless America and may God give
our officials the grace and courage to do the right thing and initiate a proper
Congressional investigation. WE NEED
YOU
After reading this article, if your American spirit is challenged, please write
a tax deductible check or money order to the USS Liberty Veterans Association (LVA)
so that we can continue to purchase additional newspaper space in other parts of
the country. Anyone who donates $100 or more will receive a free BBC film Dead
in the Water DVD or VCR tape (your choice). It is the goal of the Liberty
Foundation to publish this article in newspapers all over the country. This is
the sole purpose of the funds. In addition, you should write to the President of
the United States and your congressmen requesting an official investigation. If
enough citizens demand to know the truth, the pressure may be too great for our
distracters to stop us. Make no mistake, our society will be the winners when
the complete truth of the attack on the USS Liberty and the Six Day War (June
67) are fully understood. Please help! REFERENCES
Book: Assault on The Liberty; author, James Ennes, Jr.
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