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The
Lightning and the Sun
PAGE IIi
211–212
PART IV
BOTH SUN AND LIGHTNING
21
CHAPTER XII
THE LATE-BORN CHILD OF LIGHT
It was in 1889 — during the first year of Kaiser
William the Second’s reign.
Bismark — the Iron Chancellor; the maker of the Second German
Reich — was still in power, though not for long. The hidden anti-German forces
that were soon to cause his dismissal and then, gradually, to break the impetus
he had given things, were already at work; had been at work for years. But there
were imponderable factors — moral and mystical forces — besides and, nay, behind
them: the very forces of disintegration that had been, for over two millenniums,1
striving to lead the Aryan race to its doom. And it needed a more-than-political
genius, nay, a more-than-human personality, to stand in the way of those.
Specially for the past hundred years, i.e., since the
outbreak of the French Revolution, Europe had been sinking, more speedily than
ever, under the influence of international Jewry and of its cunning agents: Free
Masonry, and the various so-called “spiritual” secret bodies directly or
indirectly affiliated to it. Centuries of erroneous application of Christianity
— an essentially other-worldly creed — to worldly affairs, had prepared the
ground for the triumph of the most dangerous superstitions: the belief in the
“equal rights” of “all men” to life and “happiness”; the belief in citizenship
and “culture” as distinct from and more important than race; the belief in
illimited “progress” through a presumed universal receptivity to “education” and
in the possibility of universal Peace and “happiness” as a result of “progress”
— the wonderful
1 I say “over two millenniums” meaning that
the disintegrating influence of Jewry upon the Aryan race began before
the advent of Christianity. The disastrous new scale of values drawn from the
misapplied other-worldly religion, and the spreading of the creed itself, were
the consequences of Jewish influence, not its causes.
214
discoveries of science being put to the service of “man”; the
belief in the right of man to work against Nature’s spirit and purpose for his
own brief pleasure or profit. One had increasingly stressed, exalted, made
popular the sickly love of “man” as distinct from and opposed to all other
creatures, or, to be more accurate, the love of a repulsive, standardised
conception of “the average man,” “neither all good nor all bad” but weak,
mediocre, — as foreign as possible to the age-old warrior-like Aryan idea of
superior humanity expressed in the conception of the “hero like unto the Gods,”
to use Homer’s words.
And colonialism was at its height, and Christian missionary
activity also. Which means that, after having given herself up to the forces of
disintegration, Europe was rapidly handing the rest of the world over to them;
preparing the very last phase of the Dark Age: the state of biological chaos
which is the preliminary condition of the rule of the worst and the systematic
annihilation of any surviving human élite of blood and character.
* * *
At that time, an elderly, honest and hard-working Customs
officer lived with his wife and family in Braunau, a pretty little town on the
river Inn, on the border of Austria and Germany.
The town, with its main square, on one side of which an old
fountain, dominated by a stone statue of Christ, is still to be seen; with its
old houses and churches, its old streets, — clean, but often narrow, — and the
four-storied “tower” — Salzburger Turm, —that already separated the main
square from “the Suburb,”1 was little different
from any small town in the region. It probably looked much the same as it does
to-day: small towns change less than large ones. And the Customs officer, whose
name was Alois Hitler, lived and re-acted to, life as many a Government clerk.
Gifted with enormous will-power and perseverance, he had, in his youth, worked
himself up from the position of a village lad to that of a scribe in a
Government office, which appeared to him as the summit of respectability. And
now, after all these years, the days of
1 Die Vorstadt.
215
which were so desperately alike, his dreary life did not seem
dreary to him, for he had no time to think of it as such. Meticulously dutiful,
he worked and worked. And days and years went by. Time would soon come when the
honest clerk would retire, with a small pension.
Meanwhile, he lived in “the Suburb,” only a few footsteps
from the Salzburger Turm, in an old, two-storied house that had
picturesque arched landings at the top of each flight of stairs, and spacious
rooms. His wife, Clara, was pretty: blonde, with magnificent blue eyes. Aged
twenty-nine only, (she was his third wife) she was of an ardent, thoughtful and
self-possessed nature; as imaginative and intuitive as her husband was
unromantically pains-taking; as loving as he was dutiful; and capable of endless
sustained sacrifice. She respected him deeply; he was her husband. But she loved
her children — and God; God in her children. And she did not herself know
how right she was, i.e., how truly the divine spirit — the divine collective
Self of Aryan mankind, Whose manifestation appears now and then in the form of
an extraordinary human being, — lived in the youngest baby son that she was
nursing: her fourth child.
She had just given birth to him on the 20th of April, at six
o’clock eighteen in the afternoon, in that large airy room on the second floor —
the last on the right hand side, at the end of a narrow passage — in which she
was now reclining, still feeling weak, but happy. The three windows opened on
the street. Through their spotless glass-panes and white blinds warm sunshine
poured in. The baby slept. The mother rested. She did not know that she had just
been the instrument of a tremendous cosmic Will.
A few hundreds of yards away, — beyond the Salzburger Turm
and the broad Square surrounded with relatively high houses, — on flowed the
greyish-blue River Inn, tributary of the Danube. There was a bridge over it,
like to-day. The landscape — soft green hills, with woods here and there; and
neat and homely red-roofed houses, and, occasionally, the steeple of a church,
between the river bank and the rich green slopes in the distance — as the same
on both sides of the bridge. The people were the same: Bavarians; — Germans. But
this side — where the main Square with its old fountain, the Salzburger
216
Turm and “the Suburb” stood — was called “Austria”;
the other side: Germany.
The baby slept; the mother rested; was grateful for the
bright sunshine and the coming summer. She would be able to take the child out,
now and then, when she would find time. In the meantime she prayed to the Queen
of Heaven that he might live: her three first children had died, one after the
other.
* * *
The Child was christened Adolf.
Thirty-five years later, the Man into whom he had grown was
to write: “It appears to me to-day that Destiny has happily appointed me Braunau
on the Inn as a birthplace. This little town lies indeed on the border of the
two German States, the unification of which we men of the younger generation
consider as our life’s work, to be carried out by all means.”1
He referred to “Destiny.” Had it not been for the oddness of
such a statement in a book written for millions of Europeans hardly concerned
with or interested in the idea of birth and rebirth, he could have, with equal
if not greater accuracy, spoken of his “own choice.” For according to the
Ancient Wisdom, men of such a quality as he choose to be born, without
being compelled to, and choose their birthplace.
Invisible in the blue sky above the little frontier-town, the
stars formed, on the 20th. of April 1889, at six o’clock eighteen in the
afternoon, a definite pattern marking the return to earth of Him Who comes back;
of the divine Man “against Time” — the incarnate collective Self of superior
mankind, — Who, again and again, and every time more heroically, stands alone
against the ever-accelerated current of universal decay, and prepares, in hard,
bloody struggle, the dawning of the following Time-cycle, even if he be, for
some years or decades, apparently bound to fail.
For the newly born Babe was none other than He.
1 Adolf Hitler, “Mein Kampf,” p. 1.
217
* * *
Never had circumstances been more unfavourable to His
recognition, nay, to the very possibility of His taking consciousness of His
mission in the garb of a predestined ruler. Not only was there, as everyone will
readily agree, a long way from the child’s humble status to that which he had to
attain in order to play, in the history of the West, the political part
he was destined, but nothing seemed likely to prepare him for the accomplishment
of his even greater task, namely that of awakening the Western Aryan Soul to
its own natural wisdom. Aryan Wisdom, in its conscious, warrior-like form,
in opposition to all the traditional values of Christianity, was unknown in the
Western world of the time, let alone in Braunau on the Inn, — unknown, at least,
to all but a few lonely thinkers such as Friedrich Nietzsche. The heavenly
Powers, however, gave the divine Child two main privileges through which he was,
amazingly soon, to become aware of it; to reinvent it of his own accord;
first, a pure, healthy heredity, containing the very best both of Nordic and of
Keltic blood — the fiery imagination and mystical intuition of the Kelt, allied
to Nordic willpower, thoroughness, efficiency and sense of justice, (and insight
also); and, along with that, a passionate, limitless and fathomless love
for that German Land that stretched on both sides of the Inn as well as on both
sides of the Danube and beyond, and for its people, his blood-brothers: not
those who are perfect specimens of higher humanity (for there are none in this
Dark Age) but for those who can and will become such ones, while they
have the stuff in them.
Through that love — and through it alone — he was to raise
himself to the intuitive certitude of the eternal Truth upon which he was to
build the National Socialist Doctrine, modern form of the perennial Religion of
Life; to that certitude which separates him from even the greatest politicians
and sets him straight away into the category of the warring Seers, Founders of
the healthiest civilisations we know; into the category of the. Men “against
Time,” whose vision grasps, beyond our sickly world, doomed to speedy
destruction, the yet unthinkable following Golden Age, of which they are the
prophets and will be the gods.
Written in Emsdetten in Westfalen (Germany), on the 14th of
August, 1954.
218
CHAPTER XIII
THE STRUGGLE FOR TRUTH
Whether alive or dead in the flesh, the predestined
Child of Braunau — Adolf Hitler, — lives forever in National Socialism, his
creation and integral expression. To understand the latter is to understand him:
to see him in the proper light and to place him — whether one be, personally,
attracted to him or not, — on the proper level and in the proper class
among the galaxy of exceptionally great men. And that is precisely what most
National Socialists, even those who remained after 1945, irreproachable
in their profession of faith — even “fanatical” ones — (let alone our enemies,
and the world at large, which lies for the last ten years under their
influence), apparently fail to do, out of lack off, feeling for cosmic realities
and, in particular, out of lack of awareness of the rhythm of Time which
explains an laws of history, when not also all great happenings.
One should carefully distinguish the ephemeral N.S.D.A.P., —
the National Socialist German Workers Party;1
an organisation in view of precise aims, which have their place in German and
European history, — from the everlasting National Socialist Idea.
The Party came (officially) into existence on the 24th of
February 1920; in fact, already in 1919. It was a revolutionary body
determined to win power for its Leader — and for its members, — to rid Germany
of the enslavement and shame resulting from the Versailles Treaty, and — for the
first time in the history of the West, — to apply, on a broad scale, solid —
eternal — biological principles to social and to political life. It had,
however, the characteristics of even the very best organisations of our Dark
Age: their inherent clumsiness; their all-too-human short-comings. There were
all sorts of people — fearless idealists and time-servers; heroes, nay, demi-gods,
and an immense majority of irresponsible, sheep-like creatures, and
a few
1 Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter Partei.
219
influential traitors — among the thirteen million members it
had at the height of its glory. It achieved a lot, and yet it failed. It has,
since 1945, ceased to exist as a body, and even if it be, one day, destined to
rise again under its old name and everlasting Sign, will never be restored
exactly as before. Cannot be; for it belongs to Time, and in Time nothing is
ever restored. Should not be; for restoration would mean
stagnation, whence incapacity to face new circumstances and overcome new
dangers.
The National Socialist Idea is not the Party. Not only was it
in existence —“in the air” — more or less in its present-day garb, before
the Party (the Proclamation of Friedrich Lange’s “Deutsches Bund,” in
Heidelberg, on the 9th of May 1894 — when Adolf Hitler was five years old — has
all the traits of a National Socialist Manifesto; and so have Hans Krebs’
declarations in 1904), but it is, in its essence, as old as the oldest contact
and first clash between the Germanic race and the outer world. Fundamentally, it
is nothing else but the expression of the collective will of the race to survive
and to rule; of its readiness to combat and eradicate all that which, from
without or from within, stands in the way of its survival and expansion; of its
healthy consciousness of itself — of its strength; of its youth; — and of
Godhead within itself: a biological reality stressed in political and in
social life, rather than a “political” idea. One could say that Theodoric the
Great acted in the true National Socialist spirit when, fourteen hundred years
before the famous “Nüremberg Laws,” he did all he possibly could to prevent
marriages between his Goths and the racially less pure — less Aryan — people of
conquered Italy, let alone people of altogether non-Aryan stock. And I have many
times and in different writings pointed out that there is no difference in
purpose and in standpoint between the National Socialist attitude to life and
that of the ancient, warrior-like Aryans, worshippers of Light, who were
conquering North-West India, setting the caste-system, conceived on a racial
basis, between themselves and the conquered people, and praying the Vedic Gods
for “many sons,” prosperous flocks, and “victory over the dark-skinned Dasyus” —
for Lebensraum — several thousands of years before 1919, 1933, or 1935.
One could go a step further and state that, in its essence,
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the National Socialist Idea exceeds not only Germany and our
times, but the Aryan race and mankind itself and any epoch; that it
ultimately expresses that mysterious and unfailing Wisdom according to
which Nature lives and creates: the impersonal Wisdom of the primaeval forest
and of the ocean-depth, and of the spheres in the dark fields of Space; and that
it is Adolf Hitler’s glory not merely to have gone back to that divine Wisdom, —
stigmatising man’s silly infatuation for “intellect,” his childish pride in
“progress” and his criminal attempt to enslave Nature, — but to have made it the
basis of a practical regeneration-policy of world-wide scope, precisely
now, in our over-crowded, over-civilised, and technically over-evolved
world, at the very end of the Dark Age.
In other words, it is impossible to understand National
Socialism unless one integrates it into the cyclic conception of history as
suggested by Tradition, i.e., unless one sees in it not a political system among
many others, — not an ephemeral “ism,” product of ephemeral circumstances, — but
the last, (or, as we shall see, the one before the last) effort of the permanent
and more-than-human Forces of Life within this Time-cycle, against the
accelerated current of degeneracy characteristic of any advanced development in
Time, or, in one sentence, unless one sees in it the effort “against Time” at
the very end of the last Age of our present Cycle.
Seen in this light, the whole well-known struggle to free
Germany from the enslavement to which the Versailles Treaty had reduced her, —
the National Socialist struggle for “freedom and bread.” (and far space); for
the German people’s right to thrive in healthy creative activity, — is the last
(or, rather, as we shall see, the one before the last) phase of the perennial
Struggle for Truth within the present Time-cycle the form which that perennial
Struggle was bound to take at our epoch, i.e., at the end of the Dark Age. And
Adolf Hitler is the most heroic of the heroes who, in the course of history,
stood in the way of the world’s fated downward rush towards its doom; the One
Who comes back, in His last desperate attempt to save that which is still worth
saving, before it is too late, — the typical Man “against Time.” He embodies
that eternal Nature-wisdom to which I have alluded in the former paragraph — the
only wisdom that deserves the name of divine, and opposed it, — not
human arguments, —to the false science,
221
and false religion and false morality and, of course, also
false political conceptions of our decadent Age, and made Germany’s struggle for
freedom the occasion of a broader systematic struggle for the liberation of
higher mankind from the chains of the Dark Age. And made the Sign of the Sun —
the Sign of Health1 — the Symbol of both German
and Aryan regeneration, and Germany, the holy Land of the West — the
Stronghold of regenerate Aryandom.
Considered as the twentieth century expression of the age-old
yearning of Aryan mankind to free itself, here and at once, from the appalling
determinism of decay, National Socialism begins before Adolf Hitler’s
political career. Its un-recorded but real evolution as an incarnate Idea, — its
true history — starts with the future German Führer’s gradual awakening to the
consciousness of his own scale of values, of his fundamental aspirations and
repulsions, and of his mission: the awakening of the Man “against Time,” as
such.
* * *
There are, to my knowledge, — unfortunately, — no records of
Adolf Hitler’s childhood. And, enlightening as it surely is, the little one can
gather about it from a conversation with his most sympathetic old tutor, Herr
Mayrhofer, (who is still living in Leonding, near Linz, and whom I met twice)
and the little he mentions himself in “Mein Kampf” (which is not an
autobiography) is not enough to buttress such a definite (and unusual) view of
him as the one put forth in the present study. The one apparently authoritative
picture of the future ruler’s life and character, years before he “decided to
become a politician,” is to be found in the very good book in which August
Kubizek — the one friend he had in early youth, — has related the story of his
four years’ friendship with him, namely from 1904 to 1908.2
In those years — i.e., when he was over fifteen, less than
nineteen, — Adolf Hitler’s main traits of character were already fixed, and
visible at every step of his: in all he said or did.
1 The Swastika, “Swasthi,” Sanskrit,
meaning: “health,” “well-being.”
2 August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfround” (Leopold Stocker
Verlag, 1953.)
222
His scale of values was already that one which was, in later
years, to set him apart from every political leader of our times. And the
psychological (the real) basis of his philosophy the source of his
unshakable faith in it, and the key to his whole career, — was already definite.
In other words, the man he was to be — the Man he could but be, under the
given circumstances, — had already taken shape and was, with the sureness of
instinct, with a mysterious, inner knowledge, a logic of his own that baffled
all human calculations, invincibly following the path of his tremendous destiny.
And the features of the rapidly awakening personality were unmistakably those,
and the unfailing, baffling logic, that, of a Man of the type I have, in this
book, characterised as “against Time”: of an inspired, ruthless and realistic —
extraordinarily far sighted — fighter for a Golden Age ideal, in the depth of
our Dark Age.
And, were we able to trace the history of Adolf Hitler’s
evolution further into those very early years which he describes as providing
(from the standpoint of events) “little to remember,”1
it is not only probable but certain that we would find, in him, up to the very
beginning of his life, the self-same, deeply distinctive traits of character,
the self-same fundamental aspirations — the same person. Such men
as he are not, as so many people seem to think, the “product of circumstances,”
but predestined beings who use the given circumstances to the utmost, for
a purpose which far exceeds the obvious, immediate aim of their action, or, to
speak the language of ancient Wisdom, — and one is, ultimately, compelled to
speak that language, — great free Souls,2 no
longer bound by the law of birth and rebirth, who choose to be born in the
environment (within the race, the country, the social stratum) in which, and to
grow into leading men and to struggle as such under the circumstances
under which they are to act the most efficiently, in the highest interest of
Creation. They are children and adolescents “against Time” before leaving in
history the mark of their passage as Men “against Time.”
One of the most noticeable traits of people “against Time” —
no less than of those I have described as “above Time” — is that they fit
nowhere in the world as it is; that their moral
1 “Mein Kampf,” Vol. I, chapter 1, p. 2.
2 In Sanskrit “Mukta Purusha.”
223
and aesthetic — and practical — standards: their conception
of happiness and unhappiness, their idea of “success” and failure, and of
usefulness, in one word their values, and its, have nothing in common.
And, from all that his friend A. Kubizek relates about Adolf Hitler’s
adolescence in Linz, that appears precisely to have been the case of the future
master of Germany, .at that time a no doubt remarkably gifted but, in the
estimation of cool-minded grown-ups, “unpractical” youth, who had recently left
the middle-school without completing the course of his studies, and nourished
the ambition of becoming a great artist — a painter, or perhaps an architect —
with little material prospects of fulfilling it, and who lived on his widowed
mother’s meagre pension, and roamed about the streets — or the countryside — and
occasionally went to the theatre (taking admittedly the cheapest seats,) and
made gigantic plans and spoke — already — with compelling eloquence, — of things
that interested nobody but himself, while other boys earned their living and
helped their families, or were learning something “useful.” “He just fitted into
no social frame whatsoever,”1 concludes A.
Kubizek, after having tried to, analyse the reasons why his friend, despite
capacities by far above the average, failed, even in subsequent years, to “get
on” professionally. “He had not the slightest ambition of securing himself a
livelihood”2 and of being comfortable. He did
not wish to be “comfortable.” He did not — and never was to — think in terms of
comfort or of personal “happiness.” What others called “enjoying life” was
something absolutely foreign to him.3 Nor could
he “take things as they came” and live lightly, free of worry, entirely within
the present.4 He was, at a very early age,
intensely aware that things were wrong in the world round him — wrong in
every walk of life, in every domain of thought and action, from A to Z, — and he
felt himself duty-bound to change them; not to change this or that in
them, leaving the rest untouched, but to change them ruthlessly and radically,
for they were radically wrong, and to build everything anew, according to
principles different from those that had prevailed up till then.
1 August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,”
p. 37.
2 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 36.
3 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 37.
4 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 43.
224
And this was not a mere wish, a more or less vague desire or
day-dream. It was a purpose that he pursued with “deadly seriousness”1
and unfailing consistency,2 busying himself
long before hand with the most minute details of his plans in every particular
case, without for all that ever losing sight of the spirit and general lines of
his creation as a whole, so much so that that “extraordinary seriousness” and
consistency — and merciless radicality3 —
struck all those who knew him as the main trait of his character. He pursued it
— nay, already in those years in which he was not yet politically active;
already while he himself still believed that art would remain, throughout life,
his first and foremost concern — with that feverish impatience which finds its
expression in the words: “Now, or never”; with the haste inherent in all earnest
action “against Time.” And that impatience — that tragic awareness that
“tomorrow will be too late” — was to stamp his whole career as a ruler and as
the Founder of the last true civilisation within the Dark Age. In it, in
fact, lies the source and the explanation of Adolf Hitler’s most drastic — and
most criticized — steps in later life and the sign that National Socialism, that
most heroic of all reactions against our Dark Age, historically still
belongs to this Age, while transcending its spirit.
* * *
The ideal in the name of which Adolf Hitler constantly
rebelled against practically all he saw in living life — already as an
adolescent, and then more and more as a young man and as a man thirty and
over thirty — was nothing less than that which I have described in this book as
“a Golden Age ideal”; the inner vision of a healthy, beautiful and also peaceful
(necessarily peaceful) world; of the real earthly paradise,
faithful image of cosmic perfection, in which righteousness prevails as a matter
of course. There can be no doubt about it if one reads not only that interesting
story of his youthful years which his friend A. Kubizek has written, but also
all that he wrote and said himself in later, active life. And in an epoch such
as that in
1 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 43.
2 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 52.
3 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 203.
225
which we are now living — when, all over the world,
every possible attempt is made to present him not merely as “a war monger” but
as the “war criminal” number one, — it is not superfluous to stress the fact
that Adolf Hitler was, not only at the dawn of his awakening as a “Man against
Time” but all his life, “a bitter enemy of war”1
as such; the fact that he was by nature “gifted with deep sensitiveness, and
full of sympathy for others”2; that his programme was essentially a constructive one, his struggle, the struggle
for an exalted, positive aim, his aim: the regeneration of higher mankind
(of the only section of mankind worth saving) and, ultimately, through the
survival of regenerated higher mankind, the restoration of the long-destroyed
harmony between the cosmic Order and the sociopolitical conditions on earth,
i.e., the restoration of Golden Age conditions; the opening not merely of a “new
era” for Germany, but of a new Time-cycle for the whole world.
It is not superfluous, in times like ours, to remind the
reader of all the Führer’s efforts to avoid the Second World War, even at
the price of heavy concessions, and then, (when this had proved impossible) to
stop it, while it could yet be stopped. It is not superfluous to recall the
words he addressed his old friend Kubizek on the 23rd of July 1940, i.e. when,
from a military standpoint, all seemed to be going on splendidly; when the
Swastika Flag was fluttering over public buildings in the capitals of seven
conquered States, — “This war thrusts us years back in our constructive work.
It is deplorable. I have not indeed become the Chancellor of the Greater
German Reich in order to conduct war!”3 Not
only was he against war for war’s sake (or for the sake of worthless motives)
but he was against any form of useless violence, not to speak of “useless
cruelty,” which was, under the Third Reich, according to law and (whenever
detected) also in fact, a severely punishable offence.4
The news of even such an understandable outburst of broad-scale revengefulness
as that which took place during the
1 August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,”
p. 294.
2 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 44.
3 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 345.
4 It is a fact, for instance, that Martin Sommer was, in 1943, i.e.
under the N.S. regime and by a N.S. tribunal, sentenced to three years
imprisonment for ill-treating internees in the Buchenwald concentration Camp.
226
“Kristall Nacht” (8th–9th of November 1938) — attacks on Jews
and Jewish property, and burning down of synagogues in answer to repeated
Jewish provocation, — brought him “to the pitch of indignation.”1
That inborn reluctance to wanton violence is a trait common
to all those whom I have called men “above Time” (such as King Akhnaton, the
Buddha, or Jesus Christ) and to the great fighters “against Time,”
Founders of new religious and cultural eras, such as Lord Krishna or, nearer to
our times, the Prophet Mahomet, the only men with whom Adolf Hitler can be
compared if one feels at all the necessity of drawing historical parallels.
It is one of the signs that his ultimate aim remained — like
theirs — a state of deep-rooted, lasting, (more-than-human) harmony, not
of conflict among men; in other words, I repeat, a restoration of the original
Golden Age conditions upon earth, the only conditions under which absolute
health — which means: perfection, — ever prevailed. Considered in the light of
such an aim, every necessary violence is a “deplorable” necessity (to quote once
more Adolf Hitler’s own words about, the Second World War in 1940). Every
unnecessary violence is a denial of the spirit of such a struggle “against Time”
as that of National Socialism for power; a foolish provocation of the Dark
Forces that stand in the way of its success, and. therefore a sin against the
Cause of Truth. And that is the real, deep meaning of the Führer’s bitter words,
addressed to Dr. Goebbels at the news of the “Kristall Nacht”: “You people have
thrust back National Socialism, and spoilt my work for many years when not for
good, through this nonsense!”2
* * *
Adolf Hitler’s leading emotion is obviously his “love beyond
all measure”3 for Germany and all that is
German. “He lived in the German people; nothing counted for him, save
they.”4 These words, describing the future
ruler’s feelings al-ready in early youth, are true at all stages of his
life. And his
1 K. Hierl, “In Dienzt für Deutschland,” p. 138.
2 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1955), p. 184
3 A. Kubizek, loc. cit., p. 292.
4 A. Kubizek, loc. cit., p. 115.
227
main intellectual, or rather, spiritual, feature, is perhaps
that inborn, baffling intuition of history in the broadest sense of the word —
of history as our planet’s destiny, — which lifts him straight above all
politicians, generals and actual kings, to the level of the great Seers, and
gives his whole career that extraordinary, “dream-like”1
character of which Hans Grimm so appropriately speaks. The originality of his
genius lies in the fact that he lived his German patriotism from a cosmic
point of view, giving both Germany and the history of our times their true
significance in the light of not merely human but cosmic evolution.
I do not know whether Adolf Hitler would have been, at any
period of his career, in a position to give a learned lecture about the cyclic
conception of history according to ancient Wisdom. But I am absolutely sure that
he felt, thought and acted, from beginning to end, in full consciousness of the
eternal truth — both biological and metaphysical, — which this conception
expresses. His writings — specially the general statements which he laid down in
Chapter XI of the first part of “Mein Kampf” — his speeches before and after his
rise to power, and more eloquently than anything, the great decisions of his
life, prove that he did. The basical tenets and entire spirit of the National
Socialist doctrine prove that he did. For what is the latter, if not a
passionate denial of the wide-spread belief in the “dignity” of “man” as such
(of any human creature of any race) and of the no less wide-spread and no
less arbitrary idea of man’s “mastery” over Nature, and of his illimited
“progress”? The denial of these dogmas in favour of an aristocratic conception
of the Universe and, in particular, of history, in the light of which the noble
races (and, among them, in first rank, the Aryan, the noblest of all) are alone
capable of bringing collectively into material fulfillment, the whole
wealth of higher human possibilities? Their denial, also, in favour of the bold
assertion that history is, — in fact, has always been, — a long process
of more or less slow decay from original perfection to a final state of chaos
out of which one rises once more not through regular, unbroken evolution, but
abruptly, — i.e., through revolutionary methods — to the state of health,
virtue
1 Traumhaft is the word H. Grimm repeatedly
uses (See quoted book).
228
and beauty, i.e., of earthly godhead, which marks the
springtime (all the successive spring-times) of Creation?
Considered in its essence, it is, indeed, that, before
anything else. More so: the fact that it is that governs, as we shall
see, its attitude, — determines its position, —with regard to the various
“questions” of our times, from the all-important, worldwide Jewish problem
(which is anything but “modern”) to those affairs which, at first sight, seem to
concern Germany alone. (And there lies precisely the hidden but actual source of
its unpopularity in this Dark Age.)
Years before he came to power; nay, years before he started
his political career, — Adolf Hitler was vividly aware of that incompatibility
between this Age, this world as we see it, and the healthy, glorious world of
his dreams. And he sought the reality of the latter, when not in the
historical Golden Age of our Time-cycle — so far behind us and so different
from all we know that it is practically unthinkable, — at least in as remote a
past as his imagination could reach: in the legendary Age before the dawn of
recorded German history; the Age pictured in the old Germanic sagas. He
did not study that age, as a student of archaeology would have. He lived
in it through his own visionary’s intuition and through the magic of Richard
Wagner’s music, which he loved. And far from being the mere product of an
ephemeral youthful enthusiasm, that consciousness of the World of the Sagas was
precisely that which, more decisively than anything else, “conditioned his
historical and political views.”1 It was
the consciousness of the world “to which he felt he actually belonged.” And “all
through his life, he found nothing for which he could stand with such pious
devotion as he did for that world, which the Sagas of the German heroes had
opened to him.”2
In other words, it is the healthy, strong, beautiful Germans
of the heroic Age who, in his eyes, represented real Germany; eternal
Germany. Maybe they have, historically, lived only a few millenniums
before the beginning of the present Dark Age (in what the Sanskrit authors call
the Dwapara Yuga; the third of the four great Ages) maybe, already within
this present Age of Gloom itself (I mean, in the very first part of it).
1 August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,”
p. 99.
2 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 99.
229
That is not the point. The point is that, faithful in fact to
Tradition, Adolf Hitler believed in the existence of earthly perfection as a
reality both of the future and of a very, very remote past. The point is
that, whatever might have been the epoch in which they — or their historical
prototypes — actually lived, the men and women of the hallowed “world of the
Sagas” signified, symbolised, for him, that earthly perfection, that
humanity without a flaw for which he yearned with all the ardour of his heart
and nearer and nearer to which one reaches to the extent one follows Time
further and further up-stream.
There is more. Strange as this statement may seem to the
European, nay to the German reader himself, Adolf Hitler’s “immeasurable love”
for his people is something greater than usual patriotism. It is, no doubt,
rooted in that natural feeling of blood — solidarity which binds most
individuals — and certainly all Germans, — to their countrymen. But it
is, at the same time, the immediate outcome of a staggering intuitive knowledge;
the expression of actual insight into the nature, meaning and destiny of Germany
as the privileged Nation among all those of the same blood: the most
gifted; the most conscious; the most fit to rule; in one word, the most
objectively valuable section of Aryan mankind. It is, in spite of what many may
think, nay, in spite of the judgement passed upon it by such a prominent figure
of the National Socialist regime as Konstantin Hierl,1
anything but the German counterpart of the British chauvinist’s attitude
rendered in the well-known motto: “Right or wrong, my country!”
True, Adolf Hitler himself has written in “Mein Kampf” that,
had he “been French,” and had France’s greatness meant to him all that Germany’s
in fact did, he “could not and would not have acted any differently from
Clemenceau.”2 But, if one is to consider him,
and to try to interpret his historical career in the light of Ancient Wisdom,
(and subsequently, in connection with the destiny of the whole world) one is
forced to say: he could not have been French — nor English; nor even
Scandinavian. He could not have been anything else
1 Konstantin Hierl, “In Dienst für Deutschland”
(edit. 1954).
2 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), II, p. 766.
230
but German, nay, anything else but a frontier German,
doubly aware of the tragic injustice of man-made frontiers and of the natural
unity of the Reich beyond and in spite of them-and of the natural unity of the
Aryan race beyond and in spite of the boundaries of the Reich. More still: one
is bound to admit that, far from exalting Germany merely because he was a
German, it is, on the contrary, he who chose to be born a German because
of the predestined — God-ordained — part that Germany has played and is more and
more called to play on the side of the eternal Forces of Light and Life in their
struggle against the Forces of disintegration, now, as the end of this Dark Age
is drawing nigh; because, objectively speaking, the earthly salvation of
the Aryan race — the regeneration of higher mankind — can only come from and
through Germany: the one Aryan Nation in which the race is still sufficiently
pure to be, under given circumstances, capable of total regeneration,
while, at the same time it has, through the unbroken experience of
danger, remained sufficiently awake to be fully awakened, and
sufficiently warrior-like to carry on, to its end, the struggle against Dark Age
conditions: the perennial Struggle “against Time,” for integral Truth.
In other words, both the quality of her biological substance
and the particular stamp which history has left upon her, have made
Germany the one Nation capable of taking the lead of Western Aryandom (when not
also of Aryandom as a whole) in the last life and death struggle — the struggle
for the survival and rule of the best, who are the predestined founders of the
next Golden Age; the last phase of the perennial Struggle “against Time,”
marking the end of the present Age of Gloom. And the inspired Man “against Time”
who was, at the beginning of that phase, to act on behalf of the Forces
of Light and Life, was bound to be a German, nay, the very embodiment of eternal
Germany. And Adolf Hitler was that Man. And he knew it in the depth of his
heart. He was perfectly conscious of the fact that his policy, both at home and
abroad, was the only real German policy, and therefore the only
conceivable one in the interest of Aryan mankind as a whole and — consequently —
of the whole realm of Lift the only conceivable one “in the interest of the
Universe,” to quote the words of the Book of books. For alone regenerate
231
Aryan man can and will save what is, in spite of all, worth
saving in this doomed world, and build a new earth — open a new Time-cycle — on
the basis of principles eternally true. Adolf Hitler has repeatedly said so in
his speeches. And repeatedly expressed in “Mein Kampf” the same fact, namely
that he was acting “in the spirit of the almighty Creator” and struggling “for
the Lord’s own work”1 i.e. for Truth upon this
earth: earthly Perfection; and that his “new ideas” are “in harmony with the
primeaval meaning of things.”2
What August Kubizek relates of his life in Linz and Vienna
from 1904 to 1908, shows how early the future ruler had acquired a clear
conception of his ultimate aim — the “ideal State” — and become aware of the
spirit of the whole programme he was, one day, to set forth and to work out,
with the help of enthusiastic millions of people; how early he knew what his
policy would be (what, in fact, any policy in accordance with truth, i.e.
with Nature, can only be): — at the same time national and socialistic; nay,
socialistic because it was to be — is too be — national in the
full sense of the word, first in the sense of racial; and national in
that sense because that Godhead within us which is real Godhead, is
nothing else but the latent glory of our race in its original perfection.
To urge the German and, beyond the pale of the Reich, the
Aryan in general — the youngest race of our Time — cycle, destined to the
lordship of the divine Beginning of the next cycle — to yearn for and to
strive with all his enlightened might towards that perfection on all planes, and
to bring it, here and now, collectively as well as individually, into
being (to the extent this is exceptionally possible, already during the Dark
Age); to urge him to be, now, against the prevailing spirit of general
contamination and general decay — against the current of Time, — the witness and
the herald of the coming Dawn, and that, on a national, or rather on a racial
scale, such is and remains the actual goal of National Socialism, the Hitler
faith, however astounding this may yet appear to most people, to-day, in Year
twenty-two3 after “the first Seizure of power.4
Important
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 76.
2 “Main Kampf” (edit, 1939), p. 440.
3 These words were written in 1955.
4 Machtübernahme, — which took place on the 30th Jan. 1933
232
as they may have been after 1918 — or as they may be now
after 1945, —the immediate political aims which could not and cannot be
separated from the persecuted Weltanschauung are mere steps towards that
one great positive, permanent goal.
* * *
As I have previously stated, Adolf Hitler was from early
adolescence, and probably from childhood, conscious of the shocking disparity
that exists between “real life” — life under Dark Age conditions — as it drew
his attention through thousand and one details, and his own conception of
earthly perfection, a living reflexion of which he sought in the world of the
old Germanic Sagas (transfigured, for him, in Wagner’s musical dramas) and —
Kubizek tells us, — in the stately blonde young maiden to whom he never spoke,
but whom he idealised from a distance as the resplendent embodiment of perfect
German womanhood.1 Instances of human misery,
nay — and the importance of this can never be sufficiently stressed — instances
of the age-old exploitation of animals by man,2
which another person would have deplored, but judged unavoidable, or looked upon
as trifling, or not noticed at all, provided him with an opportunity to
feel indignant and to crave for entirely new conditions of life. But it is
during the years of grinding poverty and complete moral solitude, which he spent
in Vienna as a young man, that the experience of the wretchedness and ugliness
of this present Age imposed itself upon him for the first time in all its tragic
horror. He has described it in immortal words.3
And, more than the daily contact with material misery itself (with material
misery which he, by the way, not merely beheld, but actually shared),
the sight of the degrading effects of that misery upon his people and upon their
young children was unbearable to him.
Two facts should, at that stage of Adolf Hitler’s life,
retain the attention of whoever wishes to understand him and the Movement he was
to start ten years later, obviously as a
1 A. Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,”
p. 76 and following.
2 August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 61.
3 “Mein Kampf,” I, p. 23; p. 32 and following.
233
political Movement for the assertion of Germany’s rights, in
reality, also as the moral and metaphysical basis of a new civilisation: first,
the aloofness in which he lived, amidst the surrounding misery and degradation;
and then, the thoroughness and detachment with which he studied the
latter, traced its deep causes under the immediate, superficial ones, and
became, through that clear knowledge, more and more aware of his own predestined
role in this Age of Gloom. “One cannot ‘study’ the social question from above,”
writes he, in “Mein Kampf.”1 One has, one’s
self, to experience the same perpetual insecurity of life, to be acquainted with
the same pangs of hunger, to dwell in the same over-crowded, dirty, noisy
surroundings as the disinherited classes, in one word, to live the
wretchedness that gnaws into them and degrades them, in order to know
what social misery means. The future German Führer has lived it, and suffered
from it, personally, day after day, for months, for years, without it ever
degrading or even changing him. He preferred to “exist” on hunger
rations, rather than sacrifice his independence or sell more than it was
absolutely necessary of the precious time he needed to study both books and men
and to think. And when he had earned a little money, he preferred to buy
himself a seat in the theatre — two or three hours’ holiday in the beautiful
world of the old Sagas, to the accompaniment of Wagner’s solemn music, away, far
away from the daily dreary wretchedness that seemed to be his lot for ever, —
rather than treat himself to a substantial meal.2
He refused publicity — and money — rather than to allow a story which he had
written to he printed by a Jew.3 Nobody can
understand him save a true artist who is, at the same time, a true
revolutionary: a person of one dream and one aim, like himself. But how well
every such a one — every creator and fighter of his type, when surely not
of his magnitude, i.e. every person “against Time” — does understand him!
There is more. Not only did he live in uncompromising
faithfulness to his ideals, inaccessible to the lure of material
1 “Mein Kampf,” I, p. 26.
2 A. Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 37.
3 A. Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 298-299.
234
comfort and social advantages, but he shared none of the
weaknesses of average mankind, not to mention the vices of that underworld into
which fate had pushed him or, by the way, those of the so-called “better
classes” of this fallen humanity. He rigourously abstained from alcohol and
tobacco; and even when, occasionally, he could afford a diet other than his
usual bread and milk, he ate pastry and fruits, not meat. His deeper instinct
inclined him naturally towards that sort of food which people, in whose life an
immemorial Tradition still plays a great part, call “pure.”1
And the dictates of serious reflexion merely confirmed in him those of deeper,
healthy instinct. Adolf Hitler was, in course of life, to become a more and more
convinced vegetarian; and though disaster robbed him of the opportunity of
attempting “after the war,” to give his views, gradually, the force of law, he
remains, to my knowledge, the only ruler in the West who, both on hygienic
and moral (and aesthetic) grounds, ever earnestly considered the possibility
of suppressing meat-eating, and of abolishing thereby the standing horror of the
slaughterhouses. This is reported by Dr. Goebbels in his “Diaries,”2
and brilliantly confirmed by numerous statements ascribed to the Führer himself
in the “Dinner-time talks,” also printed after 1945 by the bitterest
enemies of National Socialism, certainly not with the intention of
exalting him.
As a young man, and nay, a very attractive one, Adolf Hitler
withstood the manifold temptations of the corrupt metropolis — ignored the
solicitations of women, rejected with disgust those of men, and kept the sacred
“flame of Life” (to use the word Kubizek quotes) pure and strong and constantly
under control within himself. He did so without the slightest intention of
“mortifying the flesh”; without the slightest desire of “acquiring merit” for
the salvation of his soul; simply because he respected that energy given to man
for a higher purpose, and looked upon every wanton waste of it as a sin against
the Race at the same time as a profanation of the divinity of Life. The “flame
of life,” felt he, was to be dedicated to the selfless service of the Race,
visible Vehicle of Life eternal. It was to
1 In Sanskrit: sattwik.
2 See the “Goebbels Diaries,” entry of the 26th April, 1942.
235
be used, like man’s whole physical and moral energy,
“in the spirit of the Creator,” i.e., in view of the attainment of perfection on
earth. The entire National Socialist teaching concerning sex and sexual
relations, with its well-known stress upon absolute health and racial purity, as
laid down in “Mein Kampf,”1 has its origin and
its basis in that truly religious (although anything but “other-worldly”)
attitude; in that standpoint of the “Man against Time” seeking, in defiance of
the corruption of the Dark Age, to re-establish, here and now, the biological —
i.e. fundamental — conditions of the earthly paradise; preparing the privileged,
natural élite of mankind for the part it has to play in the formation of the
god-like Race of the new earth, that will thrive in peace after this Dark Age
has come to an end.
And all Adolf Hitler’s positive measures in view of the
physical and moral protection of his predestined people, natural leaders of
Aryan man, after he came to power: his admirable laws for the welfare of mother
and child; for the creation of ideal living conditions for workmen’s families;
for the education of a healthy, self-confident and self-reliant, proud and
beautiful youth; and his famous “Nüremberg Laws,” forwarding the growth in
Germany of a pure-blooded Germanic race (forbidding sexual relations with Jews
and, in fact, with non-Aryans of any description), have no other origin and no
other meaning. Their aim — nay, the practical aim of National Socialism as such
— was and remains not merely to improve the material lot of the German labourers
(however important a part this immediate aim doubtless played in the success
of the Hitler Movement in Germany, after the first World War); not merely to
make the new State, comprising all people of Germanic blood — that “holy Reich
of all Germans”2 of which Adolf Hitler already
spoke in his adolescent’s conversations with August Kubizek — a strong and
prosperous State, but to regenerate the German people — the most conscious among
the Aryans of the West — radically, and to organise them, in all walks of life,
so as to create out of them the only dam capable of withstanding and thrusting
back the threatening tide of
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 444-446.
2 A. Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund”, p. 109.
3 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 439.
236
inferior humanity, whose rise is, in this as in every
Time-cycle, the increasingly tragic sign of an advanced stage of the Dark Age;
capable of thrusting it back and of carrying, beyond its defeat, (and its
destruction, at the very end of the Age of Gloom) the treasure of god-like life
into the glory of the new Beginning.
As I said before, it is difficult to state how far Adolf
Hitler could have explicitly given expression to this point of view. It
was, nevertheless, in reality, his point of view. In particular, he was and
remained all his life vividly aware of the compelling necessity of preserving,
nay, of forwarding, at any cost the racial aristocracy of mankind — the
best elements of the Aryan race, — if this planet is not, after an appalling
period of chaos, (after the end of the present Time-cycle) “to go its way, void
of human beings, through aetherial space, as it did millions of years ago.”1
Standing alone, personally untouched by Dark Age conditions at their worse,
although deeply and painfully acquainted with them, he observed their effects
upon the people in whom his unfailing intuition forced him to recognise, in
spite of all, the predestined biological substance of an infinitely
better mankind: the ones who are not yet, but who (to quote Nietzsche’s
words) are “becoming,” or at least are capable of becoming supermen: his
own German people. And, with serenity and with realism, he sought the causes of
physical and moral wretchedness; the many causes: selfishness of the owning
classes; indifference or cowardice of men in power; the grip of international
high finance upon national economy; the influence of Jewry upon the national
body and soul, etc.; etc., but under those many causes, the one cause: the rule
of false values; the exaltation of untruth, which is synonymous of sickness; in
all domains, rebellion against the spirit of the divine Order of Nature. That
is what he had come to fight, so that the “reign of Righteousnes” be
re-established.
* * *
Adolf Hitler’s second and even more shattering experience of
the horror of the present Age began on the 10th of November 1918, as he stood,
half-blind from the effects of poisonous
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), I, chap. XI, p. 316.
237
gas, among his wounded comrades in a hospital hall at
Pasewalk in Pomerania, and heard from the clergyman the latest news: the
“November revolution” and Germany’s capitulation; the tragic end of the first
World War.
More than four years before, he had joined the war with
enthusiasm, as a volunteer in a Bavarian regiment, not in an Austrian
one, clearly showing thereby that he was prepared to die anytime for the German
people and “for the Reich that embodied them,”1
though not for “the State of the Habsburgs” — that artificial State of many
nationalities. For he considered the war in no way as an Austrian concern, but
as a struggle of the German people (including, naturally, those of Austria) “for
their existence”2 — as a just war. And, he had
done his duty thoroughly; faithfully. And although he had, for months already,
(specially since the general strike of 1917) been fearing —feeling — that some
diabolical traitors’ intrigues were being carried on to rob the German
front-soldier of a victory which he well deserved, yet he had not expected such
an end, and so suddenly....
The grief, the indignation and temporary despair that took
him over as he abruptly acquired “the most horrible certitude in his life”3
are so eloquently described in “Mein Kampf” that nothing can throw more light
upon the future, Führer’s state of mind than an extensive, quotation of his own
words: “I could not remain any longer” (i.e. remain hearing the news). “While my
eyes once more stared into darkness, I sought my way back to the dormitory,
threw myself upon my bed, and buried my burning head under the quilts and
pillows.
Since the day I had stood before my mother’s grave, I had not
wept. When, in my youth, Destiny had been mercilessly harsh to me, I had faced
it with growing defiance. When during the long years of the war, death had taken
many a dear comrade and friend of mine from our ranks, it would have seemed to
me nearly a sin to complain — for they had died for Germany. And when, in the
days of the terrible struggle, the
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 179.
2 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 178.
3 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 222.
238
slowly advancing gas had taken me in its grip, and begun to
gnaw into my eyes, and when the fear of becoming blind for ever had made me
feel, for a second, as though I would weaken, the voice of conscience had
thundered to me: ‘Miserable wretch! You feel like weeping, while thousands are
faring worse than yourself!’ And I had put up with my lot in silence. But now I
could not help weeping. Now I experienced how completely every personal
suffering fades away before the misfortune of one’s Fatherland.
So, it had all been in vain! In vain all our sacrifices, and
all the hardships we had endured; in vain, hunger and thirst, for months without
end; in vain, the hours in which, facing the terror of death, we had yet done
our duty; and in vain, the death of two million men! Would not the graves of the
hundreds of thousands who had gone forth full of faith in the Fatherland, never
to return, break open and release the dumb heroes covered with mud and blood, —
release them as revengeful spirits among the people at home, who had treated so
disdainfully the highest sacrifice which a man can offer his country? Had they
died for that, the soldiers of August and September 1914? Had the
regiments of volunteers, in the autumn of the same year, followed for that
the elder comrades? Had those boys of seventeen sunk for that into
Flanders’ earth? Was that the object of the sacrifice that German mothers
had brought the Fatherland when, with a grieving heart, they had sent the boys
to their duty, never to see them, again? Had all that happened in order to
enable, now, a handful of criminals to set their grip upon the Fatherland?!! ...
The more I tried, then, to think clearly about the monstrous event, the more my
forehead burnt with indignation and shame. What was all the pain I felt in my
eyes, compared with this wretchedness?
What followed, were appalling days and still worse nights. I
knew that all was lost. Only fools — fools or ... liars and criminals — could
put their hope in the enemy’s mercy. During those nights, hatred grew in me,
hatred against the originators of that deed.
In those days, I also became aware of my destiny. Now, I
could only laugh at the thought of my own future, that had caused me such bitter
worry only a short time before. Was it
239
not ridiculous to build houses upon such foundations as this?
At last it was clear to me that the very thing which I so often already had
feared, without ever being able, in my heart, to believe it, had now happened.
Emperor William the Second had been the first German emperor
to hold out his hand to the leaders of Marxism, in a gesture of reconciliation,
without knowing that rascals have no honour. While they still held the Emperor’s
hand in one of theirs, their other one was already seeking for the dagger.
With Jews, no pactising policy is possible, but only that of
the hard “either — or.”
“I decided to become a politician.”1
This heart-rending autobiographical account could —
historically — be described as: the passage of National Socialism from the stage
of an expectant or latent incarnate Idea, to that of an active one.
Surely the incarnate Idea is, when not as old as Adolf Hitler
himself, at least as old as his earliest awakening to socio-political, nay, to
philosophical consciousness in general. And that took place very early:
already in Linz, when not before. Yet, then, and in Vienna, although his
interest in social and political problems grew and grew with the daily
experience of injustice and misery, and still in Münick, after 1912, the future
ruler continued to think of himself primarily as of a future architect. There
may have been moments, of course, in which he thought, or at least felt,
differently. There were such moments — one such moment at least, and a great
one, — already in his life in Linz, if we are to believe Kubizek’s account of
it.2 But the artist’s immediate goal soon
reappeared. Horrible as — in Vienna, at any rate — many of them doubtless were,
the experiences of daily life were not sufficiently appalling to push it out of
sight altogether. Nay, during the war, when more and more aware of the
necessity of opposing to the forces of international Socialism a national
organisation which would be free from the weaknesses of the Parliamentary
System, Hitler had begun to think seriously of becoming politically active, he
had merely visualised himself speaking in public
1 “Mein Kampf,” p. 223, 224-225.
2 August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 140 and
following.
240
“while carrying on his profession.”1
Now, his profession, nay, his art, — for he still was, and could but remain,
fundamentally, an artist, — was out of question. Every activity which was not to
contribute directly and immediately to free Germany from the consequences and
specially from the causes of defeat, was, out of question; and that, not
merely because Adolf Hitler loved Germany above all things, but because that
more-than-human intuition that classes him among the few great seers of mankind,
told him that Germany’s real, deeper interest was — is, absolutely, — the
real interest of Creation; — the “interest of the Universe,” again to quote the
immortal words of the Bhagavad-Gita. (And it is not an accident, — not a mere
coincidence, — that I, a non-German Aryan intimately connected with England,
Greece and India, should stress this fact. It is a sign; a symbol; the first
expression of the homage of worldwide Aryandom to the latest Man “against Time”
and to the truly chosen Nation).
Out of the abyss of powerless despair — from that bed of,
suffering upon which the nameless corporal Adolf Hitler lay weeping over
Germany’s fate while his blinded eyes burned in their sockets, like red-hot
embers; out of his appalling certitude that “all was lost,” that “all had been
in vain” — rose the defiant Will to freedom and Will to power of an invincible
people and, beyond that, and greater than that, the perennial cosmic Will to
Perfection in all its majesty; the will of the German soldier who had fought in
Flanders and — identical to it; expressing itself through it, — the impesonal
and irresistible Will of the eternal Warrior and Seer above Time and “against
Time”; the Will of Him Who comes back age after age, “when all is lost,” “when
evil rules supreme,” to re-establish on earth the reign of Righteousness.
From then onwards, the age-old Struggle for Truth — the
Struggle “against Time” — was, in the West, to enter a new phase. It was to
identify itself with the political struggle to free Germany from the bondage
imposed upon her by the victors of 1918, no less than with the
more-than-political one against the causes of physical and moral decay that were
— and still are — threatening the existence of the natural aristocracy
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 192.
241
of the Aryan race. And the National Socialist German
Labourers’ Party — the famous N.S.D.A.P., which Adolf Hitler soon evolved out of
the tiny group of idealists (seven, including himself) originally called
“Deutsche Arbeiter Partei,” which he joined in 1919 — was to be the one agent of
the everlasting Force of Light and Life amidst the growing darkness of the Dark
Age. I say: the one; for, contrarily to all other so-called
movements of regeneration, religious and secular, this political and yet
infinitely more than political Movement, attacked the very root of
historical decay as such: biological decay, consequence of sin against the
primary natural Commandant of blood purity; in other words (from the standpoint
of original Perfection), sickness; tangible, physical untruth and that
moral untruth (that false conception of “man”) which stands to the back of it.
* * *
There are, in the records of mankind, few things as beautiful
as the early history of the National Socialist Movement.
The tremendous will-power, kindled through despair, on of
which the latter had sprung, was, as I just said, nothing les than the divine
Will to Perfection in its last (or one before last) effort to lead the best
up-stream against the fated current of Time and to save through them whatever is
yet worth saving in this doomed Creation. The material and moral condition under
which the Movement took shape — the miserable, smoky room1
in which six unknown German workmen sat and discussed with the superman who was
soon to guide them, and millions of others, to the reconquest of national
greatness these men’s utter poverty, their utter insignificance in the eye of
the wide world and specially of those well-spoken of, comfortable politicians
and party-leaders whom they were, within few years, to thrust into oblivion;
their burning faith and which is more, the fact that their Leader — Adolf Hitler
—was in possession of cosmic truth — are highly symbolical. All life begins in
darkness. All everlasting things are born in silence and away from the
lime-light of publicity; in faith and in truth And whatever is not born in such
a manner, does not last However noisy and wide-spread be its success, it will
not stand
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 240 and following.
242
the test of time and that of persecution, let alone the
terrible impact of the storm in which a Time-cycle comes to its end.
The very early growth of National Socialism as an active,
incarnate Idea, was like the growth of a corn-seed within the snow-bound earth;
it was like the slow rise of molten rock within the depth of a slumbering
volcano: unnoticed and irresistible. It was the outcome of a natural Force, in
fact, of the oldest and mightiest of all natural Forces: of Life’s inherent
instinct of self-preservation in presence of the Powers of death — the Force
that links every Time-cycle to the following one, over almost total destruction.
Started in 1919, officially founded in early 1920, it owes that divine Force its
impulse which nothing, — not even the disaster of 1945 — was able to break.
Throughout the wide world, governments representing sheer
finance interests looked with satisfaction upon their latest handiwork: the
Versailles peace-treaty, up till then the most infamous official document in
history, intended to enslave Germany for all times. And the sheep followed their
shepherds. And the parrots repeated the nonsense — and lies — which they had
been taught: “This Treaty seals the victory of those who fought this war in
order to put an end to all wars!” — while frenzied crowds demonstrated in the
streets of the French towns howling “Germany must pay!”. Never had there been so
many speeches, so many sermons, so many articles and books — such a “hullabaloo”
— about “peace.” And never had victors yet behaved with such calculated
barbarity.
In the unconspicuous little room at the back of a café in
Münick, however, Adolf Hitler — the Man “against Time,” — spoke to the tiny
group of German workmen; to the rough men of pure blood and solid virtues, sons
of the people among which he — He, the One Who comes back, — had chosen
(this time) to be born. And his words were — and his whole life was — the answer
to the lies of this advanced Dark Age. They cannot have been much different from
those one reads in “Mein Kampf” although these were written five years later. He
said “For me, as for every true National Socialist, there is only one doctrine:
people and fatherland.
We have to fight to, secure the existence and expansion of
our race and of our people; to enable them to nourish their children and to
preserve the purity of their blood; to secure
243
the freedom of our Fatherland, so that our people may be
in the position too fulfill the mission appointed to them by the Creator of the
Universe.”1
He said: “Whoever speaks of a mission of the German people on
this earth must know that such a mission can only lie in the formation of a
State which holds it to be its highest task to preserve and to promote the
noblest of all elements which have, in our people, nay, in the whole of mankind,
remained unspoilt.”2
He said: “The German Reich should, as a State, comprise all
Germans, and set itself the task not merely to gather and preserve the most
valuable original racial elements in that people, but to raise them slowly and
surely to a ruling position.”3
He said: “Men do not go to ruin through lost wars, but
through the loss of that power of resistance that lies in pure blood alone.”4
He was aware of the downfall of the whole of mankind —
including Germany — in the present Age. “Unfortunately,” said he, “our German
people are no longer racially homogeneous.”5
And aware of the primary cause of downfall: racial mixture, the result of
forgetfulness of Nature’s truth. And aware of that truth, expressed in the
oldest Book of Aryan Wisdom, the Bhagavad-Gita: “Out of the corruption of women
proceeds the confusion of races; out of the confusion of races, the loss of
memory; out of the loss of memory, the loss of understanding; and out of this,
all evil.”6 He was aware of it, not because he
had read the Book, (it is doubtful whether he had, at least as early as 1919)
but because the impersonal Wisdom of the most ancient Aryans lived in him;
because he was He Who has spoken in the Book — the One Who comes back. And he
knew that the Wisdom which he preached as the key to earthly salvation
“corresponds entirely to the original meaning of things”;
7
and that the way he preached — return to that
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 234.
2 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 439.
3 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 439.
4 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 324.
5 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 436-437.
6 The Bhagavad-Gita, I, verse 41 and following.
7 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 440.
244
primeaval, cosmic Wisdom in individual and in
collective life, in thought and in deed, — was — is — the only way through which
the chosen few can survive the last impact of the forces of disintegration and
become the founders of the new Age of Truth. And that those chosen few are the
best elements of the youngest great Race of our Time-cycle: the Aryan. He knew
that too. And while he stressed in his speeches the necessity of freeing
Germany, at once, from the immediate consequences of the Versailles Treaty —
inflation; unemployment; growing misery, — his ultimate aim remained to raise
her to that organised power which, in the light of traditional Wisdom, can only
be termed as a “State against Time” — nay, the “State against Time,”
enabling the best to carry both their privileged biological substance and
their unmarred Golden Age ideal through and beyond the last storms of this Dark
Age.
He spoke with the compelling eloquence of faith, knowing that
he was right — that the endless future of the Universe (not merely of Germany
and Europe) would glaringly prove how right he was. He spoke with the wild
eloquence of emergency, knowing also that the struggle he was about to start had
to take place then or never; that there was not an hour to waste.
And the sombre faces of the hungry, embittered men, who had
fought and suffered, and yet lost, gazed at him with that unconditional
admiration and confidence that is the essence of worship — the faces of the six,
and, soon, of many more; of; hundreds, in ever broader meeting-halls, always too
small to contain them; of hundreds of thousands under the open sky.
“Men do not go to ruin through lost wars...” The magic words
— these, and others, meaning the same, — rang throughout defeated Germany. And
the hundreds of thousands no longer felt defeated. They now knew they had been
betrayed. And they roared against the traitors and against the dark powers at
the back of them — the dark powers that they (the German people) would one day
crush. They felt strong; they felt young; — invincible and immortal. They felt
what the best among them really were — had been, from the beginning of Aryan
history, appointed to become — the masters of an unheard-of future; the proud
founders of a new world (Only they did not — yet — know through what a terrible
Via dolorosa
245
they actually were to fulfill that staggering destiny). They
gathered, more and more numerous, round the Man whose inspired speech quickened
in them the highest possibilities of joyous heroism — and made them see old
forgotten truths in a glaring new light; whose magic radiance filled them with
self-assurance: whose love for them was limitless and gratuitous, like the love
of a God. They beheld in him the Leader, the Avenger, the Saviour — the living
embodiment of their unvanquished collective Self, which indeed he was. And they
followed him blindly. Their love carried him to power; their love, and their
hatred for those whom he rightly pointed out to them as the promoters of the
humiliation of 1918 and of all the subsequent misery: the Jews, and the servants
of Jewry, agents of the Dark Forces by nature or by choice, Germany’s — and the
world’s — real enemies.
* * *
Their real enemies and their only enemies. Adolf Hitler has
pointed out no others. (And that is precisely the reason why the whole
world — this doomed Dark Age world, stricken with madness, which exalts its foes
and kills its friends, — has risen against him like one man). The fact is too
important not to deserve a thorough explanation.
Nothing is more unfair to National Socialism than the
all-too-easy description of its inherent “Anti-Semitism” as “a means intended to
turn the German people’s attention away from their actual exploiters” (meaning:
the German capitalists), or, as a modern expression of the age-old “envy” of the
Goyyim — of any Goyyim — at the sight of the Jews’ undeniable
success in business. The first assumption, brought forth ad nauseam by
the Communists and their sympathisers, — reveals either a complete absence of
good faith or a complete misunderstanding of the Jewish question as such and
therefore of all serious, vital “Anti-Semitism.” The latter may well be applied
to Armenian “Anti-Semitism” (or to that of any commercially clever Levantines,
whose trickery the Jews alone are able to outdo). It has nothing whatsoever in
common with the profound, biological and therefore irreducible hostility
which opposes National Socialists and Jews.
No doubt, that hostility first burst out in a popular uproar
in answer to all the tangible harm wrought by Jews against
246
the German people during a few decades (and many a German
whose family Jews had reduced to misery at the time of the inflation, after the
first World War, welcomed the boisterous Anti-Semitism of the young Movement for
personal no less than for national reasons); no doubt, the first thing that made
Adolf Hitler himself a definitive enemy of the Jews was his knowledge of the
anti-German part played by the latter, both politically and socially, in Austria
and in Germany, already before 1914, in particular, his knowledge of the Jewish
spirit and Jewish leadership of Marxism, and his awareness of the presence of
Jews in the press, in the theatre, etc., behind all propaganda directly or
indirectly aiming at the destruction of every healthy national instinct among
people of German blood. In other words, National Socialist Anti-Semitism is —
first — racial self-defence of the Aryan; a vigorous reaction against the
mischief the Jews did (and are, by the way, since 1945, again doing) in
an Aryan land.
But there is more — and much more — to be said. What the Jews
did and do (and cannot but do) is a consequence of what they are — and of
what they remain even when they turn their backs to Jewish tradition (or pretend
to do so) and become Christians, Theosophists, Buddhists or just “rationalists,”
or Communists. And they are, fundamentally, irreducibly — already in the
invisible Realm of which this world of shapes and colours and sounds is but a
projection, — the polar opposite of the natural Aryan élite; the dark
counterpart of the youngest Children of the Sun. As racially conscious as they,
if not — alas! — often more so; as tightly bound as they to one another through
the most compelling solidarity; through total solidarity (in practical —
financial and political — no less than religious or so-called religious affairs)
such as one can, in history, if at all, seldom come across; nay, as devoted as
they to a merciless collective purpose. Only theirs is not the legitimate
consciousness of true superiority and the blood-solidarity of Nature’s best
ones; nay, it is not the healthy racial pride and patriotism of a real people
in their place within the scheme of Life. Nor is their collective purpose by
any means, like that of Adolf Hitler’s followers, “in harmony with the original
meaning of things.” On the contrary! For the Jews are, in the first place,
not a race in the true sense of the ward, — let alone “God’s chosen one.”
They are neither an homogeneous
247
variety of Semites nor a brotherhood of kindred Semitic types
bearing to one another such a relation as that which binds together Aryans of
“Nordic,” “Dinaric” and other types within the German nation. One needs but to
look at them, in order to be convinced of this; nay, to look at them in the
country where they have been gathering for the last thirty or forty years from
all the ghettos of the world in the name of their common past and common
nationhood: Palestine. One meets there, apart from the “classical” Jew, Jews of
all physical types, including the Slav, including the “Nordic” — rare,, no
doubt, yet present and not necessarily marred by the well-known visible signs of
Jewish descent. And some of the members of the strange pseudo-ethnical,
pseudo-religious world-community — such as, for instance, the so-called “black
Jews” of Cochin, on the Malabar coast, — have no Jewish blood, in fact, no
Semitic blood at all in their veins1 which does
not prevent them from feeling themselves “Jews.”
The Jewish world-community is — has been, more and more, for
centuries already — not a Semitic, nation but a raceless brotherhood gathered
around a Semitic nucleus; a raceless brotherhood, however, as racially-conscious
as any people can be; increasingly numerous cosmopolitan elements who put the
usual characteristics of the raceless — faithlessness; unscrupulousness;
disregard of order; soul-poisoning scepticism, — to the service of the racial
idea that they have partly inherited partly adopted from their full-blooded
brothers in faith and brothers in interests, and Semites — a very
definite, inferior section of the broad Semitic race — in whom masterfulness in
subtlety and intrigue outways by far all warrior-like qualities.
And its collective aim, pursued throughout history with
relentless consistency, is nothing less than the prosperity and power of the
Jew, everywhere in the world, at the expense of all non-Jews. The
consciousness of being (more or less) “children of Abraham” and the common “Law”
under which, (nominally at least) its members live, may well keep the community
together. Yet they are but means to an end. And the end — the common collective
purpose: actual Jewish rule — is what really matters.
1 Those so-called “black Jews” are just low caste
Indians whose fore-fathers have once accepted the Jewish faith. To this
day, they marry among themselves only.
248
It is an unholy purpose, the fulfillment of which would imply
the dissolution of all races and of all genuine nationalities; of all
natural communities, i.e., of all those that have a solid racial background
(first the dissolution of the most gifted and most conscious one; of the most
fit to rule — the Aryan — and then, gradually, of all others, including,
ultimately, the Semitic nucleus of the Jewish community itself)
and the ever-tightening grip of a soulless money power — the power of the
raceless, gifted with destructive intelligence — over increasingly bastardised
and numberless masses of Menschenmaterial, possessing neither thought nor
will of their own, nor the innocence and nobility of real animals. It is the
purpose of the Forces of darkness, whose influence grows, whose free play
becomes more and more free and shameless, and whose rule asserts itself as a
more and more obvious reality, as history run; its fated downward course. It is
the purpose of Time itself, as Destroyer of all creation; as Leveller and
Denier. And it is the purpose of the community, “in Time” par excellence;
of the community who, like the privileged Aryan élite gathered around Adolf
Hitler, talks passionately of its “mission” and calls itself “chosen” — and
rightly so; but who omits to state that, contrarily to the pure-blooded
disciples of the Man “against Time,” it has been chosen not by “God,” not by the
everlasting Forces of Light and Life, to serve Life’s constructive goal, but by
the Powers of Death, to bring about, through ever-increasing unfaithfulness to
the original divine life-pattern, i.e., through increasing untruth, the
end of this Time-cycle. The end, without a new beginning — for that is
the intention, the tendency of the Death-forces. While the purpose of the
National Socialist Movement — its real, deep purpose, far beyond all “politics”
— was and remains the glorious new Beginning — the new victory of
uncreated Light over the dark Powers; the new victory of Life in its original
earthly perfection, of Order, in its true meaning, in spite of the
temporary, unavoidable reign of Chaos; the Golden Age of the next
Time-cycle.
In one word, the sharp hostility between National Socialists
and Jews means infinitely more than that which the detractors of the Hitler
faith so lightly take it to be. It reveals not the usual tension between any two
rival “racialisms,” but the unique opposition between the two poles of thinking
Life at
249
the very end of the present Dark Age. That is the hidden but
real reason why it is absolute — and why its tangible expressions have been, and
will, at the first opportunity, again be, so deadly.
Adolf Hitler knew it. The wisest among his true disciples
knew it, and know it. The all-powerful leaders of world Jewry knew it, and know
it.
* * *
The National Socialist struggle against international Jewry
took, in broad day-light, the form of a tremendous holy war against Marxism —
the latest large-scale Movement “in Time” — and, in a much subtler and
indirect manner, yet, with equal deadly determination, that of a relentless
action against all spiritual or pseudo-spiritual, open or secret organisations
equally “in Time,” the influence of which is, in fact, no less than that of
Marxism, directed against any attempt at an Aryan regeneration “against
Time.” It took place and will, one day, be resumed — for no “de-nazification”
policy can hinder the play of the invisible Forces — with the necessary Dark Age
methods.
War against Marxism seemed and still seems to be — and no
doubt is, in the practical field, — the first task of National Socialism,
only because Marxism represents, to-day, the most immediate menace; because it
is the most successful brand of the old, very old Jewish mass-poison for
Goyyims’ consumption, intended to bring about the decay of all races, the
end of all true nationalisms, and the limitless increase of a Jew-ridden
humanity of poorer and poorer quality in a duller and duller — uglier and uglier
— world; in one word, the consummation of the downfall of Life upon this planet.
Which does not mean to say that other brands of the same, the effects of which
are less obvious, less rapid, are not, in the long run, just as dangerous, if
not even more so.
The greatness of the National Socialist Movement in this
respect, lies less in the fact that it has, more vigorously (and efficiently)
than any other party — or Church — fought against the “Communist danger,” than
in that, that it has pointed out the right reason why the latter is “a danger” —
the danger — and fought it for that reason alone.
Considered from the point of view of cosmic Wisdom,
250
Communism, or rather Marxism, is not a danger because it
threatens the owning classes of this earth with dispossession and the subsequent
unpleasant compulsion of daily labour, and aims at the total abolition of
capitalistic economy. That, — the main cause of all the “hullabaloo”
against the Communists outside National Socialist circles — is a detail,
and a minor one at that. The world has nothing to lose through the disappearance
of capitalists and of the rotten system they represent. On the contrary! And,
although private ownership, inasmuch as it be the product of personal work,
and not of speculation, is recognised in the National Socialist Party
Programme as “a legitimate right of the individual,”1
I would go so far as to say that, even so, it would not be an irreparable
catastrophe, were that also to be wiped away in the storm of radical
economic changes.
Marxism is also not a danger because its true adherents —
people who live thoroughly “in Time” — have little leisure for Christian and
other metaphysics and, in particular, little curiosity about what might happen
to them after they will be dead. Nay, it is no danger because Karl Marx’s basic
teaching concerning history — his famous “historical materialism” — attempts to
explain all evolution in Time without the help of the hypothesis of “God” and of
the human “soul.” That — the main cause of the uproar against “Communist
atheism” among Christians and other spiritually-minded people; and the main
excuse set forth by the Catholic Church to justify its ban on the
“materialistic” doctrine — is also a detail. And the idea of God, as the
overwhelming majority of Anti-Communists uphold it, is vague, anyhow; vague, and
of no practical use whatsoever. The danger of Marxism lies, as Adolf Hitler has
pointed out in “Mein Kampf”2
and in numberless
speeches, solely — absolutely — in the fact that its conception of man as a mere
product of his economic surroundings and of destiny as a play of purely economic
forces, implies the denial of the importance of race and personality; — the
denial of the natural hierarchy of races and of the irreducible differences in
kind and in value between one race and the other, no less than that of
the natural inequality of individuals, even within the same race. In other
1 See the Twenty-Five Points. “Das Programm der
N.S.D.A.P.” by Goltfried Feder (edit. 1939), p. 35.
2 “Mein Kampf,” p. 420 and following.
251
words, it lies in the fact that Marxism is man-centred
— not life-centred — and equalitarian; in contradiction with the spirit
of Nature, not in harmony with it; false, from the standpoint of cosmic wisdom,
like historical Christianity (the source of those moral and spiritual values, in
the name of which the capitalistic Democracies are, or rather pretend to be
Anti- communistic) and like all Jewish teachings for Aryan use, but not more so.
It lies in the fact that, among all such teachings ancient and modern, Marxism
is in addition to that, by far the most popular and the most militant. As I
said: for the time being, at least, the most successful.
Adolf Hitler has rightly stressed that the definitive victory
of such an Ideology would mean the end of life upon this planet — which is
precisely the aim of the more-than-human Forces of disintegration that stand
behind world Jewry. The tragedy, however, is that it would not mean such
a rapid and dignified end as one might imagine. It would mean, first, a
general and irredeemable bastardisation of the whole human species and an
unbelievable increase of the number of human beings — “producers” — at the
expense of the rest of life — increase, till the last beautiful wild animals are
killed off and the last patch of forest cut down, to make place for more
worthless two-legged mammals; — and then, when all the possibilities of
nourishment which the earth can provide even with the assistance of perfected
agricultural technique, are exhausted, war for food;1
bitter, savage war to the finish (also with the assistance of perfected
technique) until the doomed species has blown itself to pieces. It would mean,
in other words, “the reign of quantity” in all its horror, and then, — in the
absence of any biological élite capable of starting a new Time-cycle — a full
stop; on this planet at least, the final victory of that death-tendency which
is, from the beginning, inherent in every manifestation within Time. And it is
that which Adolf Hitler, — the Man “against Time” — has striven to avoid,
through his struggle against Communism, i.e., against applied Marxism.
The non-Communist world — nay, the Anti-Communist
world, — has understood neither the nature of the growing menace nor the real
meaning of the National Socialist Struggle.
1 Hans Grimm has very accurately pointed this out
in his beautiful book “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (1954).
252
Moreover, most of those who, in and outside Germany, before
or during the Second World War, have answered Adolf Hitler’s call to arms
against the Communist danger, and most of those who, to-day, realise how right
he was, seem to have seen and to see in his struggle hardly anything more than
the “defence of the West.” But it is not “the West” alone that was, and is,
threatened in its biological substance, and consequently in its further
evolution, by the latest man-centred, equalitarian Weltanschauung of
Jewish origin incorporated into the latest powerful world-organisation — one
could say: the latest Church — under Jewish leadership. It is the entire Aryan
race: the man who, in Cape Town, Sidney or Ottawa, has, up till now, kept his
Germanic blood pure, no less than the “European” of Germanic blood; no less than
those Aryan minorities of Asia that the racially conscious European is too often
tempted to forget or to underestimate: the Persian, to the extent he has,
specially throughout the last one thousand five hundred years of the most stormy
history, withstood the curse of blood-mixture; the Indian Brahmin and Kshattriya,
whom the Caste System has, up till now, kept aloof and protected; in particular
the Brahmin of Kashmir, outwardly at least, one of the finest types of Aryan
humanity. It is, nay, all pure or relatively pure races of the world that are
menaced, including the non-Aryan; including the Semitic nucleus of the Jewish
people themselves — and no one knows that better than those
racially-conscious Jews, once holders of highly responsible positions within the
Communist Party, who have been, during the last few years, charged with
“Zionism” i.e., Jewish nationalism, before Communist Courts and sentenced to
long terms of hard labour, when not to death.1
(Adolf Hitler has written: “After the death of his victim, the vampire himself
dies, sooner or later.”2 The poison of man-centred,
equalitarian internationalism, intended to bring about the ruin of all races —
specially of the Aryan — for the benefit of the Jew, is ultimately bound to work
also against its originators. For the Death-forces are not selective.
They spare nobody; — not even their agents.) The fact is that, at the root of
that disregard for personality and specially for race, which characterises
Marxism, lies the
1 See the charges against the eleven Jews in the
Prague Trial (1952) and against Anna Pauker, former Commissar in Rumania.
2 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 358.
253
conceited belief in “man” as the measure of all things; in
“man” as “the master of Nature” (not merely a part of it; a living species among
others); and the illusion that anything endowed with a more or less human shape
is of unquestionable value and must be allowed to live, nay, kept alive at any
price; the sickly superstition of “man” — that “Jewish lie” which Adolf Hitler
so brilliantly exposed in the eleventh Chapter of “Mein Kampf” — as opposed to
the true, aristocratic Religion of Life.
But the lie is, as I have said, no monopoly of the Marxists;
no consequence of Karl Marx’s particular conception of man as the product of his
economic environment. It is the common basis of all man-centred,
equalitarian philosophies old and new, Jewish and non-Jewish,1
and specially of the Jewish philosophies of international scope, which all draw
an arbitrary line between “men” and the rest of living creatures, thus denying,
the oneness of the realm of Life and the universality of its iron laws. It is,
in particular, the moral basis of historical Christianity.
It matters little what hypothesis or what dogmas be set
forth, in order to make it sound like truth. The important fact remains that the
Jewish lie, — snare of the Dark Age — is accepted as truth by the Anti-Communist
forces of the West outside the National Socialist Movement, primarily, by the
Christian Churches (the “bourgeois” political parties just do not count). The
fact remains that these forces share with the Marxists themselves, be it under a
different form, the superstition of “man,” origin of the attitude that leads to
decay. And that is why none of them was, or is, Anti-communist in the true sense
of the word. Not only did they and do they not fight Marxism on account of the
real danger it represents, but every one of them would, ultimately,
represent the self-same danger as it, were they to day as militant and full of
faith as they once were. They are, at the most, the rivals of conquering Marxism
— or would like to be. While in non-Christian countries, the Christian
missionaries are precisely the people who, through the alarming increase
of a half-educated, bastardised population, seething with discontent (the
immediate result of their equalitarian preaching coupled with medical aid)
prepare
1 “Man” is greater than everything; there is
nothing above him” is a saying attributed to one of the famous Bengali
“Vaishnavas” of the XIVth century.
254
the way for Communism with miraculous efficiency — extending
to the whole world (be it in the manner they are the last ones to desire)
the mischief which the Dark Forces have once wrought in the Near East and in
Europe, through Christianity itself.
In other words, the National Socialist struggle against
Marxism is merely the most obvious aspect of the general — infinitely more than
political — deadly struggle of the bold new faith in Light and Life against
every form of untruth — every doctrine setting up “man” against Nature, every
cult of imperfection, in this last part of the Dark Age. It is not to be
separated from the struggle against the Christian Churches, against Free
Masonry, and all such international and antinational so-called “spiritual”
bodies as unduly distort and exploit teachings originally “above Time,” in order
to forward the aims of the Death-forces.
Only the latter struggle had to be more subtle, for practical
reasons easy to understand.
* * *
It is written in “Mein Kampf”: “Poison can only be overcome
through counter-poison, and alone a shallow bourgeois mind can consider the
middle line as the way to Paradise.”1
“A philosophy filled with infernal intolerance will only be
broken through a clear and absolutely true new idea animated with the same
spirit and defended with the sane tremendous will-power.
“One may, to-day, well regret that, in the Ancient World,
which was much freer than ours, the first moral terror appeared with the coming
of Christianity; one cannot, however, put in doubt the fact that the world has
been, since then, dominated and oppressed through tyranny, and that tyranny can
only he broken through tyranny, and terror through terror. Then only can new
conditions — constructive ones — be created.
“Political parties are inclined to compromise; creeds, never.
Political parties take contradictors into account; creeds proclaim their own
infallibility”2
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 371.
2 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 507.
255
“That which gave Marxism its success was the perfect
collaboration of political will and militant brutality. That which prevented
national Germany from moulding German evolution was the absence of a decisive
collaboration of brutal force and of the political will of a man of genius,”1
“The conviction that one has the right to use even the most
brutal weapons always goes hand in hand with fanatical faith in the necessity of
the victory of a revolutionary new order upon this earth.
A movement that is not fighting for such high aims and
ideals, will therefore never resort to the most extreme means (or weapons).”2
These and other such sentences (there are many more in what
one could call the Book of the new Aryan faith) define with amazing exactitude
the National Socialist Movement as an upheaval “against Time,” and point out the
fundamental difference between Adolf Hitler and all such great historical
figures as I have, in these pages, described as men “above Time” and men “in
Time” — “Sun” men, and “Lightning” men. They glaringly show how foolish it is to
compare the Founder of National Socialism with Napoleon — as so many have done,
— or to accept the well meant but no less erroneous — though by far less popular
— description which a few of his English followers have boldly given of him as a
“political Christ.”3
Napoleon is but the pocket edition of Genghis Khan. Yet, —
considered from the cosmic standpoint — he is a man of the same sort as
he: a war-lord and an organiser who put his genius to the service of his family
and of nothing more, not, by any means, because he saw, or thought he
could see, in it, the vehicle of some great impersonal Idea, but simply because
it was his. In other words: a man altogether “in Time.” Men “in
Time” either have no ideology at all and do not pretend to have any, or they
pretend to serve a faith “above Time” or “against Time” and exploit the latter
for their own ends (like all the false Christians who fought for themselves in
God’s name, and all the false National Socialists for whom the struggle
under the Swastika Flag was only a means to work
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 596.
2 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 597.
3 The expression was used by Molly Stamford, an English woman
detained during the war under the 18 B act.
256
themselves into power) or else, — like the sincere
Marxists — they have an Ideology which is, itself, an Ideology “in Time”; an
Ideology which is in contradiction with the divine final y of Creation, and
therefore expresses the will of the Death-forces.
Christ (be he a man and a myth, or only a myth, it
makes no difference) is, like the Buddha, a figure typically “above Time.” His
one resort to violence (against the merchants in the temple) is either a
personal inconsistency of the historical Jesus or — more likely — a concession
of the Gospel writer to popular hatred of the money-maker and money-lender.
Original Christianity — in striking opposition to historical Christianity
— finds its expression in Christ’s words to Pilate: “My Kingdom is not of
this earth.” It is, like all mystical doctrines of escape, meant for those
who turn their backs to “the world,” i.e., to all actual and possible
manifestation within Time, and seek pure Timelessness, and who, therefore,
automatically forsake violence, which is inseparable from Time. (Even Akhnaton,
— one of the very few men “above Time” who are not men of escape, and, to
my knowledge, the only one who undertook the unbelievable task of establishing —
or trying to establish — a State “above Time,” — did away with violence,
as we have seen, to the extent he could).
Adolf Hitler is a typical Man “against Time” — like Rama,
like Lord Krishna, the most widely remembered Aryan heroes who fought and ruled
in India already before, or at the dawn of, this Dark Age, and, nearer to us,
like the very noblest Figure of the Arab world, the Prophet Mohamed. As I said
in the beginning of this book, all real great men “against Time” are,
ultimately, also “above Time,” inasmuch as any ideal of integral
Perfection is necessarily timeless. In other words, that towards which the great
men “against Time” strive — Adolf Hitler like the others, — is “God”; Perfection
beyond Time as the Archetype and Principle of that perfect, tangible life-order
which they seek to bring — to bring back; or rather to hasten back; —into
the world. But they thoroughly know that no changes upon this earth, and
specially no changes in the direction of primaeval Perfection in and, which is
more, at the end of this Dark Age, can be brought about without violence. They
know — infallibly — that, more the Forces of disintegration and death are
successful, i.e. more the Dark Age is advanced,
257
more violence is indispensable in order to break the current
of decay; at least in order to stand in the way of the rush of Time, as a
witness (and an active precursor) of the coming glorious Dawn of the next
Time-cycle. And they accept that physical necessity. Contrarily even to
those men “above Time who, such as Akhnaton of Egypt, dream of an earthly
“Kingdom of God,” they are prepared to make use of violence — of “utmost
brutality,” to quote Adolf Hitler’s own words, — to the extent it is to forward
the sacred purpose: “the destruction of evil-doers and the establishment on
earth of the reign of Righteousness,” of which it is spoken in the
Bhagavad-Gita; the foundation of the socio-political order which is “in
harmony with the original meaning of things” — true to the eternal cosmic
Order — as again Adolf Hitler has, with, crystal-clear insight, understood and
proclaimed.
The very fact of historical existence — existence within Time
— sets a dilemma before all those who already strive towards Perfection; they
must either turn their backs to this world of strife altogether, and seek
the timeless inner Kingdom of Peace, which is not of this earth; or, if
that which they want be an earthly paradise, seek it, by all
means, against the current of Time; against the formidable and ever-increasing
pressure of the Death-forces throughout any Time-cycle and, specially near the
end of one, but then, far from renouncing violence, fight the Forces of
disintegration with the self-same ruthless weapons as they use; with
violence; with the impact of quantity; and, if necessary, — if expedient,
— even with lies; with the weapons of the Dark Age, the only ones which can and
will match theirs.
For centuries, perhaps for millenniums, — perhaps ever since
the day Lord Krishna proclaimed upon the Kurukshettra battle-field the Gospel of
detached Violence, creed of every hero “against Time” — no man has understood
that dilemma so clearly, and faced it with such boldness and such consistency as
Adolf Hitler. And unless one also understands it; unless one at least realises
that it is a dilemma — i.e. that one cannot go both ways and that,
after one has chosen, one is to tred the path to its end, — one will behold
neither the evolution of National Socialism (before 1933; between 1933 and 1945;
and after 1945) not the history of the Second World War,
258
which is narrowly connected with it, nor the subsequent
history of our times, in the proper light. And any judgement one might, then,
pass, will be false from the cosmic — and a fortiori from the historical
— point of view.
* * *
Adolf Hitler chose to use the Dark Age weapons because, —
contrarily to that other uncompromising champion of Truth, Akhnaton of Egypt,
who lived 3300 years before him, — he fully realised that there is, in
this world, no peaceful escape from the grip of the Dark forces. He realised it
as he experienced that his German people, and, along with them, the whole
Aryan race — the youngest creative race of our Time-cycle and the only creative
race for centuries; the best — were threatened in their existence by the agents
of the Death-powers; cornered; and that their definitive downfall and
disappearance would mean the definitive downfall of higher organised Life upon
this planet, with no hope of resurrection. That experience did not begin
on the day Adolf Hitler was told that the First World War was lost for Germany.
It had been familiar to him for years. But the news of the loss of the war and
then of the infamous Treaties of Versailles and Saint-German imposed upon
Germany by her victors, and the sight of the following misery, gave it further
depth, further acuteness, and a further tremendous hold on him. A growing sense
of emergency, a feverish haste — not unlike that, which one can trace in the
building of the capital of King Akhnaton’s ideal State — drove him forwards,
defining his whole policy in its positive and negative aspects, at home and
abroad, to the end.
His Gospel of Germanic pride and glorious healthy earthly
life — ”freedom and bread” — coupled with the hard blows of the early Storm
Troopers’ fists, that kept order in his public meetings and, when necessary,
fought his battle in the streets, broke down whatever opposition stood in his
way to power. There was, in that blending of mystical insight, elemental logic
and well-organised brutality — of truth and youth — that characterises National
Socialism, a grandeur that appealed to the masses and to the very best of
the best people: to those exceptionally intelligent and reliable men who
have retained the raw vitality of the masses within their psychological make-up.
259
Temporary set-backs1 only
kindled the bitter determination of both. And the struggle started in 1919 was a
staggering triumph. On the 30th of January, 1933, Adolf Hitler was acclaimed as
Chancellor of the German Reich. A few months later, the Reichstag was to
vote him “illimited powers,” so that he might, without hindrance, remould the
whole State, and direct Germany’s foreign policy according to his programme —
which he consistently did to the extent it could be done in spite of the
undermining activities of a well-hidden and — alas! — extremely efficient pack
of traitors in Germany itself, and in defiance of the increasing hostility of
the whole world, i.e. against the pressure of the coalesced forces of this Dark
Age.
It is an error to believe that “after a time” the National
Socialist State “should have” — could have, in the first place, — avoided
evolving into a “police State,” i.e. a State permanently dominated by the
consciousness of emergency. In other words, it is an error to believe that, in
1933, — or 1934 — the struggle was “over,” and conditions of emergency a thing
of the past. From the moment Adolf Hitler acquired a free hand to remould the
German Reich according to his ideals, the National Socialist struggle merely
entered a new phase. It was no longer the struggle for power. But it still was
the Struggle for Truth; for cosmic Truth applied to social problems and to
politics in our advanced Dark Age, i.e. the Struggle for Truth, with unavoidable
Dark Age methods. And for that very reason — because it is the State
“against Time” par excellence, — the National Socialist State could (and
can, were it again to take shape during this Dark Age) only be a State resting
upon an iron coercive and military organisation; a State in which every free
citizen feels himself a soldier — a voluntary soldier, glad to submit to
integral (inner and outer) discipline, for the advent and defence of Adolf
Hitler’s ideal Reich, (the Kingdom of Truth “against Time”) — and in which every
enemy of the new Order lives under the constant threat of denunciation and
arrest, hard labour in a concentration camp, or death; what a well-known hater
of the Hitler faith has tried to slander under the name of an “S.S.
1 Such as the failure of the putsch of the
9th November 1923.
260
State.”1 (The word is, in
reality, the greatest compliment paid, to the glorious revolutionary State
“against Time.”)
“A revolution,” says Konstantin Hierl, one of the men to whom
the National Socialist regime owes the most, in the practical field, “can only
be a transitory state of affairs, (ein Ubergangszustand). And he adds:
“Also the absolute system, of government connected with the National Socialist
revolution should have been only a transition, and could not be the first aim of
a German revolution.”2
It is true that revolutions in the usual sense of the word —
such as the French Revolution or the Russian Revolution, which are but passages
from given conditions “in Time” to different conditions, also “in Time”; steps
along the downward path of history — can only be “transitory states of affairs.”
But it is, from the cosmic standpoint, an error — an understandable error,
maybe, yet, a fundamental one, — to consider the National Socialist upheaval as
a mere “German Revolution” of the same type as those. Being an upheaval “against
Time,” the National Socialist Revolution was, — and, as long as its guiding,
Idea lives in the consciousness of a militant minority, remains, a transition,
no doubt, but a transition between advanced Dark Age conditions and coming,
Golden Age conditions, yet hardly dreamable. And therefore only with the end
of the Dark Age — with the end of every influence of the Forces of
disintegration and, subsequently, the end of all opposition to the truth
it stands for, — can and will “the absolute system of government” connected with
it cease to have its justification, and the National Socialist emergency State
“against Time” give place to a normal form (which will then be a Golden Age
form) of collective life a form devised for a few — very few — god-like
men and women, of the best blood, uncontested masters of a beautiful regenerate
earth more than broad enough to contain them and their descendants for many
generations, and to feed them, without them needing to kill or harm or exploit
any living creature; the glorious fulfillment of those very ideals of perfect
health and more-than-human strength and beauty that the heroic Third German
Reich has striven to impose yesterday, against the current of time, with Dark
Age weapons.
1 This is the title of one of Eugen Kogon’s books
against the Third Reich.
2 Konstantin Hierl, “In Dienst für Deutschland,” p. 121-122.
261
That is the proper meaning of Adolf Hitler’s own comments
upon the “humane pacifist Idea” according to which every human life is supposed
to have such an enormous “value.” The humane pacifist idea is, in fact, perhaps
quite good, once the highest type of human being has already conquered and
subdued so much of the surface of the world as to make himself the sole lord of
this earth,” writes he, in “Mein Kampf.”1 “The
idea can, in that case, cause no harm, inasmuch as its application” (meaning:
its application in its present-day form) “will be rare, and finally impossible”
— “impossible” precisely because, then, there will (for very many
millenniums at least) no longer exist any politically dangerous or racially
inferior elements, capable of corrupting the best and of marring the harmony
between actual life and its divine pattern. But now “the highest type of
human being” — the best of the best among Nature’s chosen race, — are far from
being the “sole masters of this earth.” Now, we are still in the Dark
Age, — sinking into it more and more. And therefore comes the logical conclusion
of the inspired Man, Founder of the Dark Age State “against Time”: “Also erst
Kampf, und dann vielleicht Pazifismus” — “So, first struggle, and then,
perhaps, pacifism.”2
All but a very few people have thoroughly misunderstood — and
millions have most unjustly condemned — the coercive methods of the Third Reich
and its drastic steps intended to protect Western Aryandom against the Jewish
danger (and against the influence of any man-centred, international
Weltanschauung, all. of which are, in the West, Jewish products.) They have
misunderstood them precisely because they have refused to acknowledge the
infinitely more than political significance of National Socialism, and to see,
in it, what I have called an upheaval “against Time.” And they have condemned
them because, as I have stated in the beginning of this book, evolution in Time
goes hand in hand not with a decrease in violence (on the contrary!) but with
a steady decrease in honesty regarding violence, and in understanding concerning
the right use of it. They have condemned them while tolerating (and,
more often than not, defending) all
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 315.
2 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 315-316.
262
manner of horrors, among others, vivisection, that most
degrading of all crimes against Life. They have — unknowingly, perhaps, but in
fact, — condemned them, because the drastic coercive and preventive steps taken
by the National Socialist State against the actual or potential agents of the
Dark Forces had, inasmuch as they were taken in the Führer’s spirit, their full
justification in the light of cosmic Truth, which our Dark Age denies; because
one had resorted to them not in order to try to find out means of
patching up a sickly humanity or of prolonging the life and enjoyment of the
vicious, but in order to make possible, here and now, a new world of the strong
in which vice and disease would be unknown; because one had resorted to them
not “for the sake of suffering mankind” — of mankind in its present-day,
contemptible state — but “in the interest of the Universe” in the sense these
words are used in the Bhagavad-Gita.
Nay, inasmuch as the men who were trusted to carry out those
steps did so selflessly and without passion, simply because I they knew it was
their duty as Aryan fighters for the Cause of Truth, they acted exactly as the
Blessed One has urged warriors to act. And one can safely say that, despite all
individual cases of unfaithfulness to the spirit of detached Violence (cases
with which one is bound to reckon, at such an advanced stage of the Age of Gloom
as the one in which we are living) no State in history has, as a whole,
embodied the moral outlook of the Bhagavad-Gita, as the Third German Reich has
done.
That was enough for typical Dark Age people — people
whose man-centred moral outlook is the exact opposite of that expressed both in
the oldest Book of Aryan wisdom and in Adolf Hitler’s words and deeds and
regulations, — to feel personally threatened through the mere existence of such
an organised power “against Time,” and to hate it.
And that hatred is, as we shall see, the real cause of the
Second World War.
* * *
Adolf Hitler’s whole constructive policy — all he did to give
manual as well as intellectual work the dignity of happy, dedicated service, and
to make every labourer’s life a healthy, self-respecting and interesting
one; all he did for the welfare of mothers and children; all he did for the
cultivation of
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bodily efficiency and qualities of character in boys and
girls, from the age of six onwards, in the different sections of the beautifully
organised pan-Germanic Youth Associations — the famous Hitler Youth and the
B.D.M.1 — and then, at the age of sixteen, in
the squads of the Labour Service2 for six
months (or more) and in further bodies preparing them to the privilege of
becoming worthy citizens of the proud new Reich; all he did, on one hand through
the admirable Nüremberg Laws (1935) and, on the other, through the most active
encouragement of early marriages and of joyfully consented racial selection, to
raise sexual relations from the shameful status of “an amusement” or of a
drudgery or of a “business,” back to that of the dispassionate duty of the
healthy and pure-blooded towards their race, in honour, innocence and joy; all
that, I may, nay, the whole structure of the National Socialist State — its very
existence — had one aim and one alone: to breed, out of the best Germans, a
nation of supermen in the Nietzschean sense of the word; a nation of “heroes
like unto the gods,” to repeat the words of Homer.
And, as I said before, the Führer pursued “that aim not
just because the Germans were his people, but because his, more-than-political,
nay, more-than-human insight pointed them out to him as the only people
sufficiently pure-blooded and, at the same time, sufficiently militant to be the
saviours of the Aryan race, here and now, in its present-day emergency, and to
become the instruments of its regeneration and survival, beyond the stormy end
of our Time-cycle.
The well-known National Socialist policy of German expansion
towards the East is the logical consequence of Adolf Hitler’s efforts to raise
not only the biological quality of his people (through racial selection)
but also their birth-rate, while doing all he could to avoid coming in conflict
with England i.e., while refusing to claim, for Germany, colonies overseas.
It was as clear and consistent as could possibly be: if every healthy and
pure-blooded German was to have as many children as he or she could — the more
the better, — (and that was what the National Socialist State was urging
them to do), then surely that yearly increase in population was to live
somewhere and
1 Bund deutschen Mädchen.
2 Arbeitsdienst, or rather Reichsarbeitsdienst (R.A.D.)
264
somehow. And if emigration overseas was to be discouraged (in
order to avoid all economic rivalry with England, in those days in which there
still existed a British Empire) then the growing millions had to find another
outlet, for Germany was anyhow, and already before Adolf Hitler came to power,
too small for the population she had. The new outlet was to be “the East” — the
rich corn-lands of Ukraine, and further still: Russia’s illimited expanses.
This policy has been misunderstood, even in strongly Anti,
communist circles, and criticised, often nearly as bitterly as the bold stand of
the National Socialist State against the Jewish danger. Adolf Hitler has been
described — already before the war — as a “war monger,” and the
wholehearted response of the German people to his appeal for “more babies” as an
“output of cannon-fodder”... all because nobody outside a National Socialist
minority understood the meaning of that appeal or of the far-sighted
Ostpolitik.
In order fully to understand both, one has — again — to
consider National Socialism from the standpoint of cosmic evolution and to
recognise, in it, the great Movement “against Time” at the very end of
the last Age of our Time-cycle. One has to realise that, throughout a
Time-cycle, but specially as one nears the end of one, the number of
human beings increases all over the world, while their quality decreases no less
alarmingly. Any Time-cycle could be briefly and picturesquely described as man’s
passage from the Garden of Eden into a huge international slum. The passage is
imperceptible; it takes myriads of years. And yet, one gets an idea of it if one
looks back far enough into the past. It takes place at the expense of the
noblest forms of non-human life, while the altogether inferior forms keep pace
with fallen man.1 And it goes hand in hand with
a more and more conceited — and blasphemous — self-assertion of man in
opposition to Nature; an increasingly vicious will of man to defy the divine
finality of Creation: — the intended survival of the healthiest specimens of
every species: men and other creatures — in order to over-run
1 A few centuries before the Christian era — from
a cosmic standpoint, yesterday, — lions were still plentiful in the woods and
deserts of the classical East. They have all been killed off. While bugs and
lice are as numerous and flourishing in the Near East now as in Antiquity.
265
the earth with his own brood of poorer and poorer quality.
That sinful will, coupled, as time goes on, with positive
hatred for the eternal, natural Order, has found its latest main expression in
the system of false values which stands, at an interval of two thousand years,
behind both the Christian and the Communist revolution — the system according to
which “man” is everything, and man’s “happiness” the end of all desirable
activity — and in an increasing effort not to stop the silly application
of “science” to the prolongation or preservation of superfluous lives — oh, no!
— but, on the contrary, to encourage it, and then to organise the every day more
enormous Menschenmaterial for the benefit of the Forces of
disintegration. These, i.e., their agents, tend, admittedly to do away with the
vast international slum which the world has become, but... only in order to
drill the slum-dwellers — ultimately — into factory robots with one ideal: work,
work, work; “production,” ever more production, and cheap enjoyment — ever more
enjoyment — quantity, and ever more quantity... till more and more
millions of bastardised world-citizens have completely killed Nature for “man’s”
sake; till there are no more deserts, no more forests, no more inviolate
mountain fastnesses, no more broad landscapes free from human habitations and
from the sound of wireless dance-music; no more jungles — for the dullest of
human beings is, in the eyes of the Communist as in those of the Christian, and
of all believers in man-centred ideologies, worth more than the noblest royal
Bengal tiger or than the most gorgeous banyan tree.
In the eyes of the believers in quality, however, (in
the eyes of those who deplore that broadening disparity between actual life and
its divine pattern, which characterises evolution in Time) any Bengal tiger,
nay, any healthy cat — any healthy tree; any perfect sample of manifested Life —
is worth far more than an ugly, — degenerate human bastard. Alone man in his
perfection — superior man “like unto the Gods,” not the patched-up weakling
that this conceited Age exalts — is to be looked upon as “the highest creature,”
“God’s image,” etc... National Socialism — and that is the root of its
conflict with Communism, no less than with Christianity as the latter has come
down to us, — strives to bring back that conception of
266
man into living reality, and to prepare the reappearing of
such a human type, through the preservation and strengthening of the best in our
fallen Age, not at the cost of the other healthy and beautiful creatures
of this earth but, no doubt, — and without a qualm of remorse — at the expense
of those masses of racially inferior humanity which the Dark Forces are now
organising, with the help of the Jews, their permanent agents, under the sign of
the Hammer and Sickle. For those organised masses are, as Hans Grimm has clearly
seen — alas, after the disaster of 1945 — tomorrow’s threat to the very
existence of higher mankind (not “Asia’s” threat to “Europe,” — by any
means! — but the threat of raceless numbers to the pure-blooded Aryan of Europe
and Asia, America and South Africa and Australia, and to the pure-blooded
and noble non-Aryan, also of the whole world.)
That is, I repeat — one can never stress the point enough, —
the deep opposition between National Socialism and Marxism, nay, between
National Socialism and all man-centred, equalitarian creeds, of which
Marxism is merely the latest in date and the most consistent. It is the
opposition between the Golden Age ideal of quality at all levels of existence,
and the Dark Age dream of organised human quantity, submerging all life, until
it itself finally sinks into chaos and death.
But we are, now, in the Dark Age — and, which is more,
near the end of it. This is a fact which nothing can alter. And just as “tyranny
can only be broken through greater tyranny, and terror through terror,”1
so can quantity only be crushed through quantity. And so can the impact
of well-organised, raceless masses, devoted to a false idea, only be held back
and overcome through the stronger impact of still better organised, disciplined
millions of the best Aryan blood, inspired with a fanatical faith in eternal
cosmic Truth (or, at least, in that much of it as they may need to know, in
order to kindle their fighting efficiency to its maximum.)
The truth which Adolf Hitler gave his people, so that they
might become and remain the bulwark of Aryandom against the impact of a
bastardised world drilled in Marxism (the latest Jewish revolutionary creed “in
Time”), can be Condensed in a few simple sentences: “We Germans are the only
1 “Mein Kampf” (edit. 1939), p. 507 (already
quoted).
267
possible leaders of Western Aryandom. That is our
“God-ordained” — Nature-ordained — mission. We are, therefore, valuable —
irreplaceable. Therefore we must live; live and thrive; become numerous, at
the same time as we breed an élite. Numerous at any cost (in this Age, in
fact, pure-blooded quantity is the raw material out of which, here and there,
quality emerges; great men are often born in large families.) Therefore: become
a pure-blooded quantity; produce as many healthy Aryan babies as possible! But
we are a nation without space. And we need space for the many babies; space in
order to live and fulfill our mission. We don’t want to become England’s
enemies. The English are, like we, of Nordic blood (or mostly so). People of the
same best blood should collaborate in view of the same lofty aim: the rule of
the best of their common best blood. It is the original intention of Nature; the
spirit of the eternal Order, against which we do not wish to sin. England can be
(we hope) converted to this standpoint. But Russia has become the citadel of
Marxism, — that hated Jewish snare. It is, apart from that, a broad, rich land;
can provide plenty of space for us, and all possibilities of our growing into a
huge people. Huge, and of exceptional quality, therefore invincible; the
lords of this earth along with our Nordic brothers, the English. Therefore:
expansion towards the East — Ostpolitik!”
It was not cosmic Truth in its entirety, as Adolf
Hitler himself intuitively felt it. But it was a part of it. And a part of it —
an aspect of it — free from any admixture with untruth; free from any
concessions to the moral superstitions of this Age. It could have provided a
sufficient basis for the beginning of a first Western and then —
gradually, — world-wide pan-Aryan collaboration (including that of the Aryan
elements of Russia herself, and of Asia) against the forces of disintegration
and their agents, i.e. “against Time,” if only England had not betrayed
her own blood and deliberately started the Second World War.
The fact that all Adolf Hitler’s efforts to avoid the war —
or to end it speedily and victoriously, at least honourably — remained
fruitless, proves by no means his inefficiency as a statesman or as a
strategist. It only proves that the forces of disintegration — the coalesced
forces of our Dark Age, embodied in all-powerful international Jewry — were, in
spite of his
268
insight, in spite of his genius, too strong for him; that it
needed a still harder “Man against Time” than he, in order to break them; in
other words, that he is not the last Man “against Time.”
He knew it himself, from the early days of the struggle. And
nothing shows more clearly how aware he was of his own place and significance in
the history of our Time-cycle, than the words he addressed Hans Grimm in 1928,
in the course of a conversation that lasted an hour and a quarter: “I know that
some Man capable of giving our problems a final solution must appear. I have
sought such a man. I could nowhere discover him. And that is why I have set
myself to do the preparatory work (die Vorarbeit); only the
most urgent preparatory work, for I know that I am myself not, the one. And
I know also what is missing in me (to be the one). But the other One still
remains aloof, and nobody comes forward, and there is no more time to be lost.”1
Or, to speak the language of most ancient Tradition, the
One-Who-comes-back, age after age, “whenever justice is crushed” — the One Who
had actually come back in him, to reassert eternal cosmic Truth in our
times, through the most heroic and most misunderstood of all political and
more-than-political struggles — would have to come back at least once more
during the present Time-cycle. For this Dark Age was not to come to its end in
Adolf Hitler’s life-time.
Emsdetten in Westfalen, (Germany) 4th May, 1955
1 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit.
1954), p. 14.
269
CHAPTER XIV
THE WORLD AGAINST ITS SAVIOUR
Nobody wanted peace more than Adolf Hitler. Nobody
needed peace more than he. He needed it in order to consolidate and to
extend his great work; in order to allow the understandable but nevertheless
somewhat alarming differences. in outlook between the old German ruling classes
and ruling: bodies — the nobility and the wealthy higher middle class; the “intelligenzia”;
the Churches; but specially the General Staff, of Prussian tradition (entirely
or nearly entirely recruited among the old, land-owning nobility) — on one hand,
and the Reichsleiters and Gauleiters and, in general, the leading
men of the New Order, on the other, slowly to die out, and a synthesis of the
best of all German national forces to take place under the Sign of the Swastika;
he needed it to secure the: undisturbed growth of a healthy and uncompromising
new generation of men and women — fighters and mothers — born and brought up in
the glorious National Socialist atmosphere and. devoted, without any
reservations whatsoever, to his ideals; to enable himself to continue carrying
out his admirable social programme and — without them hardly becoming conscious
of the change — gradually inducing the German people to accept the ethical and,
one should add, in the deeper sense of the word, the religious revolution
that National Socialism represents in this country: the return to racial i.e.,
natural, values and, in general, to that life-centred wisdom which the new
doctrine implies, after one and a half thousand years of man-centred,
equalitarian, anti-natural and anti-national Judeo-Christian superstition. He
needed peace in order to bring, slowly, but irresistibly, into existence, under
the leadership of the regenerate German Reich, the Greater Reich comprising all
people of Germanic blood and ultimately all people of Aryan blood, in and
outside Europe, and to remould the whole world according to the principle of the
God-ordained hierarchy of races and of the rule of the best.
And nobody strove for peace as hard and as consistently
270
as he — admittedly not on account of any humanitarian
prejudices, but for the sound, practical reasons that I have just mentioned: for
the sake of the success of his life’s work or, in other words, in the interest
of the Greater German Reich; in the interest of the Aryan Cause, i.e. in the
interest of the Universe.
But the everlasting forces of disintegration and death —
those which I have described as forces “in Time,” and which were (and are, since
1945, more fatally than ever) leading all races to their doom, — mightily stood
in the way of the Man “against Time” and of his dream of Aryan regeneration. And
their agents — the Jews, as a body; and the conscious or unconscious, willing or
unwilling servants of international Jewry: Free Masons of high and low
grades; members and sympathisers of the most varied pseudo-spiritual societies
in the service of Jewish interests or Jewish ideals (or both); believers in the
most varied man-centred, equalitarian creeds of whatever origin, afflicted with
a sincere but false conception of history; and all manner of people prepared to
sacrifice any possibility of general regeneration to the maintenance of personal
or collective advantages of a material or moral nature, — needed war,
in order to nip the National Socialist revolution in the bud; in order to
break its impulse before it had time to bring about the inner and definitive
transformation of Germany, and before it spread to other countries of Aryan
blood; the sooner, the better. They needed war, if they were not, themselves, to
be compelled to abdicate all influence, and culturally — and spiritually,
— no less than politically, to cease to exist. And they did everything they
could to start war in spite of Adolf Hitler’s efforts to avoid it; and
everything they could to prolong it, once it had started. And they succeeded;
and they won the war, not because of any fault of his, but simply because the
world had not — and has not, yet, — reached the end of the present Dark
Age; because, as I have said before, Adolf Hitler is not the last Man
“against Time,” and because it is a fact — nay, an unavoidable consequence of
the laws of historical development, — that all Men “against Time” fail, save the
very last one: the one whom the Sanskrit Scriptures call “Kalki.”
In other words, seen from that higher standpoint from which
all “politics” appear as consequences, never as causes,
271
the 1939–1945 World War is, in the midst of the gigantic
struggle of polar opposites, without beginning nor end, which constitutes cosmic
history, a tragic local instance of the fated victory of the satanic Forces —
i.e. of the Forces of untruth — near the end of an Age of Gloom.
* * *
“Ribbentrop, bring me the English alliance!”1
Sincerer words than these — the last Adolf Hitler addressed to the man whom he
was sending to London, as Germany’s ambassador, in 1936, to sound once more all
the possibilities that could lead to an understanding with England — were never
uttered in the history of diplomatic relations.
Adolf Hitler had indeed been striving for “an understanding
with England” nay, an “English alliance,” from the beginning of his public life.
Already as early as 1924 he had, in his immortal book, “Mein Kampf,” clearly
laid down the main lines of this new policy (“new,” at least after the first
World War.) And, which is more, however justified it doubtless was, from a
strictly political point of view, this policy had — like everything the Führer
did — a definitely more-than-political meaning and more-than-political scope,
and was even more justified from the point of view of Nature, i.e. of living
truth. It rested upon the solid biological fact of common blood. And although it
was, admittedly, something quite different from Adolf Hitler’s
continental policy, — although there was, there, for instance, no question of
people of the same blood coming under “the same State” — yet it could have been
formulated in sentences impressively parallel to those which proclaim, on the
first page of “Mein Kampf,” the legitimity of Austria’s incorporation into the
German Reich; I mean: the inspired Leader would certainly have maintained that,
“even if, economically, it were a matter of indifference, nay, even if it were
positively a disadvantage,”2 still one should,
in Germany, seek England’s alliance, for “people of similar blood” should stand
together.
It was, — again in perfect consistency with the tenets and
general character of National Socialism, — a thoroughly revolutionary policy.
Revolutionary not merely because it was a
1 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau”
(edit. 1954), p. 93.
2 “Mein Kampf,” I, p. 1.
272
break with the recent past and — apparently — a return to an
older political tradition, but because it was the outcome, of an attitude
in complete contradiction with that of all European politicians for the
last one thousand five hundred years at least, and a return to the spirit and
corresponding customs of a long-forgotten age, the sanity of which other-worldly
superstitions, on one hand, and all-too-worldly business considerations, on the
other, had not yet destroyed, and in which common blood was, as a matter of
course, — as Nature intended it to be, — the soundest thinkable basis of
friendship and constructive collaboration; in other words, because it was a
break with that untruth — that rebellion of man against Nature, — which
is the distinctive (and increasingly visible) trait of our Dark Age.
The system of political alliances that had prevailed up till
then, and that yet prevailed, was indeed — like practically all human
institutions of this Age — stamped with the sign of untruth. Common dogmatic
faith (in the first millennium of the Christian era and somewhat later) and
then, more and more, common (or supposed common) material interests, had been,
irrespective of blood, and, more often than not, in flagrant opposition
to any idea of natural blood-solidarity, the main bond between allied powers.
Charlemagne and his warriors had fought, with the blessing of the Catholic
Church, — the oldest international (and anti-national) power in Europe — against
the Lombards, against the Saxons, people of Germanic stock like themselves,
which was bad enough. And seven hundred years later, Francis the First, King of
France — an Aryan king, at any rate — had, for the sake of dynastic greed,
allied himself with the Turks against the German Reich, which was even worse, if
worse could be. And in later history, calculations of mere material profit had
played an ever greater part in the determination of the attitude of governments
towards one another and in that of nations’ “friends” and “foes,” without the
mentioned profit being, in fact, anybody’s but that of a few international —
Jewish; or raceless — big-businessmen, — which meant the complete separation of
“politics” from national life in the true sense of the word. The typical Dark
Age mentality’ behind that unhealthy state of affairs had
1 “When society reaches a stage in which property
confers rank; in which wealth becomes the only source of virtue ... then we are
in the Kali Yuga or Dark Age” (Vishnu Puran).
273
been, already at the close of the 19th century, that of an
influential British minority, championing, in the name of a misled and
pre-eminently commercial nationalism, the most extreme anti-German policy. It
can hardly ever have found a dearer and more cynical expression than in Sir
Philip Chalmers Mitchell’s essay “A biological view of our foreign policy, by a
biologist,” published in the 1st of February issue of the London “Saturday
Review,” in 1896, and recently quoted in extenso by Hans Grimm.1
There, not only are England’s commercial interests stressed as though they were
everything; not only is Germany, — the prosperous, and therefore dangerous
business rival — pointed out as England’s main enemy in spite of undeniable
biological similitude, but that biological similitude, that community of
blood and the community of nature, which is the consequence of it, that
similitude in permanent, deeper qualities, is precisely the fact alleged
to make war between England and Germany unavoidable, nay, to cause that war to
be a war to the finish;2 it is the fact which
urges Sir Philip Chalmers Mitchell, professor of biology, — and, later on, (from
1916 to 1919) member of the British General. Staff — to paraphrase, applying
them to England’s sister-nation, the famous pitiless words which the Roman Cato
once used to repeat, at every opportunity, against Carthago, Rome’s Semitic
rival, and to say: “Delenda est Germania” — “Germany must be destroyed.”
It is difficult to ascertain whether Adolf Hitler knew or not
of the existence of that strangely enlightening piece of English literature.
Possibly he did; the essay had been, already at the time of its publication,
handed over to German diplomatic and military circles, in which, apart from a
few exceptional men, such as Admiral Tirpitz, nobody had — unfortunately — then
or afterwards, taken it seriously. Possibly, he did not. But even so, he
was perfectly aware of the widespread attitude which it now so
unmistakably expresses; of that superstitious hostility to Germany, rooted in
the fear of being commercially “outdone,” which is, with minor circumstantial
differences, Eyre Crowe’s attitude and, nearer to us, Sir Robert Vansittart’s,
Duff Cooper’s, Eden’s and Winston Churchill’s.
1 In both his “Erzbischofschrift,” and in “Warum?
Woher? aber Wohin?”
2 See the text of the essay.
274
He was aware of it, and yet, from the beginning of his public
life, and over and over again — nay, as we shall see, even during the
war, — he held out his hand to England in a gesture of friendship — in a spirit
of total, unconditional, thoroughly sincere reconciliation, without a shade of
bitterness, let alone of revengefulness. He did all he possibly could, not to
“placate” the mistress of the Seven Seas, whose might he neither feared not
hated, but to win her confidence and collaboration, in absolute good faith; to
break that superstitious dread of a powerful Germany, which clever, or,
sometimes, irresponsible agents of the Dark Forces had been breathing into her
people for over forty years at least, and to awaken in them the slumbering
consciousness of the brotherhood of blood, deeper, truer, stronger than any
commercial or narrowly political realities — everlasting, while profit and power
are time-bound.
Governments and Churches, inasmuch as they do not actually
embody and adequately express a people’s collective soul, are also time-bound.
Maybe, England was living under a political regime entirely different from —
nay, the very opposite of — that which Adolf Hitler had given Germany. But that
was a secondary matter. Germany herself had lived under a different regime up
till 1933. And quite possibly, even a real “people’s regime” in England — in an
English National Socialist State, if ever one had happened to come into
existence — would have been, in many ways, profoundly different from the German
National Socialist regime. Maybe, deep-rooted moral and religious prejudices
(blind allegiance to time-honoured institutions and ideas) would, for years, —
or for centuries — prevent the English from accepting some of the hard and
simple biological truths upon which genuine National Socialism is based, and
from sharing wholeheartedly that heathen scale of values which is, strictly
speaking, inseparable from it. Yet even that was, from the standpoint of
permanent, natural reality, i.e. from the standpoint of the Seer,
a secondary matter. That did not alter the fact that, considered with her
dominions overseas, England was, before the Second World War, — in spite of
obvious weakness, mistakes and crimes; in spite of her having, hardly forty
years earlier, waged the most disgraceful war upon the Boors, in South Africa;
in spite of her having, through her missionaries and her schools, introduced the
microbe of Democracy (and,
275
unwillingly, that of Communism) into such a land as India, —
the great ruling Aryan power. Her Empire was, as a historical reality, one of
the grand material achievements of the Nordic race — unthinkable, apart from the
qualities of character of the best men among those who had built it up, and
among those who were running it: daring; perseverance; sense of responsibility
and sense of honour; organising genius, coupled with selfless idealism: Nordic
qualities.
Adolf Hitler repeatedly proclaimed his determination to
respect the integrity of the British Empire. He repeatedly declared that the
German National Socialist State was to look upon every manner of pre-1914
colonial policy, and every form pf aggressive commercial competition with
England as a thing of the past. And he fully meant what he said. He meant it
because he saw, no doubt, in that “alliance with England” which he so eagerly
urged J. von Ribbentrop to “bring him back,” a guarantee of peaceful development
for Germany and of further unhindered evolution and expansion for National
Socialism — Germany’s highest interest, immediately and in the long run.
He meant it also because the friendly collaboration of the two leading
nations of Nordic blood appeared to him, from a more-than-political standpoint,
as the unmistakable dictate of sanity; as the course in harmony with the meaning
of life (which should also be the meaning of “politics,” if the latter are to
cease being mere business intrigues) and the policy which was, therefore,
immediately and in the long run, in the interest of superior mankind in the
biological sense of the word, and consequently, “in the interest of the
Universe,” again to quote the old hallowed words of the Bhagavad-Gita. He held
out his hand to England both as a wise, far-sighted statesman and as a
“Man against Time.”
But England’s leading men — and number of men in high office
in Germany — were not only short-sighted politicians but active agents of
the everlasting Dark Forces. Adolf Hitler’s efforts were systematically
neutralised through their stubborn, combined hostility and through that of the
unseen Powers of disintegration and death at the back of them.
* * *
Had J. von Ribbentrop succeeded in bringing about that
Anglo-German alliance which Adolf Hitler so eagerly wanted,
276
there would have been no Second World War. And the unseen
Powers of disintegration would have had to devise some other means of thrusting
this present Creation a foot-step nearer its doom. The formation in Germany of
an eminently efficient National Socialist ruling élite would have secured
the stability of the regime and, which is more, the definitive acceptance
of the new scale of values and new conception of life “in harmony with the
primaeval meaning of things,” first among Adolf Hitler’s people and then, also,
— gradually — among all people of Aryan blood; in other words, it would have
brought about a general rising of the Indo-European race (and, through the
latter’s influence, of all the noble races) against the fatal, downward pressure
of Time. The success of such a rising would have meant the end of this Dark Age
and, under the divine Swastika, Sign of the Sun, Sign of Life in its pristine
glory, “a new heaven and a new earth.” But, as I said before, this is precisely
what the Death-forces were bound to try to hinder. They tried with diabolical
masterfulness, knowing that it was perhaps their last chance of large scale
success on earth within the present Time-cycle.
J. von Ribbentrop’s experience with England’s ruling men was
a steady series of disappointments. The Permanent Secretary of State, Sir (later
Lord) Robert Vansittart, whom he had hoped to convince of the advantages of a
close Anglo-German collaboration, proved adamant in his anti-German attitude —
all the more baffling that he did not even attempt to justify it through some
sort of logic.1 “In Vansittart,” was the German
Ambassador to write, shortly before his martyr’s death in Nüremberg, ten years
later, “I felt I had before me a man with an absolutely fixed opinion; the man
of the Foreign Office, who not only supported the thesis of “balance of power”
but also embodied Sir Eyre Crowe’s principle: ‘Whatever may happen, never
pactise with Germany!’ I had the definite impression that this man would not
even once try to bring our two countries nearer to each other. Every word was
simply lost on him.”2 Winston Churchill,
although admittedly more outspoken, was no less irreducibly opposed to any
Anglo-German alliance. The very thought of a powerful
1 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,”
p. 96.
2 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 97.
277
Germany filled with bitterness, nay, with hatred. And he was
determined to do all he possibly could to keep that nightmare of his from
becoming a permanent reality. “If Germany grows too strong, she shall again be
beaten down,” declared he bluntly, in the course of a several hours’
conversation with J. von Ribbentrop, in 1937. And he added, as the Ambassador
reminded him that Germany had friends “Oh, we are pretty good at getting them
around in the end,”1 thus foretelling that
which was — alas! — actually to take place a few years later. Himself one of the
cleverest and most efficient agents of the Forces of disintegration at the end
of this Age of Gloom, he understood both the mentality of the professional
politicians and that of the dull, conceited, inconsistent and gullible average
man: the ultimate human factors at the back of “public opinion” and
world-politics under a Democratic order.
The hopes that one might have been prompted to draw from King
Edward the Eighth’s friendly attitude to Germany were abruptly brushed aside
through the King’s well’ known abdication in 1937. “With this abdication,”
states the former German Ambassador, in the Memoirs I already mentioned, “the
cause of the Anglo-German alliance had lost a possibility.”2
And the remaining possibilities were not to materialise. They rested upon the
influence which a minority of racially-conscious, unprejudiced and far-sighted
Englishmen, in no way connected with open or secret Jewish or pro-Jewish world-organisations
— men such as Sir Oswald Mosley and some of the most enlightened members of the
London Anglo-German Fellowship — could exert in Government circles, and upon the
public. And that influence was practically negligible. In British Government
circles, Adolf Hitler’s healthy new Germany was, — wrongly, no doubt, but
all-too-actually — looked upon with mistrust, as a growing menace. And the very
admiration that so many thousands of English people could not help feeling for
the inspired ruler’s social achievements, was — with the help of the press, —
steadily giving way to resentment at the idea of the leading position to which
Germany had risen, under him, economically and politically, within but three or
four years’ time and without war. The increasing prosperity
1 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau”
(edit. 1954), p. 97.
2 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p.
104.
278
and power of the sister nation were surely the most eloquent
tribute to the proud faith in “blood and soil” that now filled the hearts and
lives of her people. In England, one wanted peace, of course. Who did not, after
a world war such as that of 1914–1918? And it was — or should have been — quite
clear that an Anglo-German alliance would have meant lasting peace. Yet, one
dimly felt that such a peace could only help Germany to become stronger and
stronger, and National Socialism to win prestige within and beyond the
frontiers of the Reich. Now Britons had been taught for centuries that every
country which rose to prominence upon the European mainland was “a threat to
England.” This was not merely the opinion of the Foreign Office; it had grown
into a widespread British superstition, harder to uproot than any “opinion.”
Germany was, therefore, (and whether this were or not in the interest of
peace) not to be allowed to become “too strong.”
It was easy — again with the help of the almighty press, — to
bring the average Englishman to believe, on that point, the same as Mr. (later
Sir) Winston Churchill. All the more easy that new Germany was unconceivable
apart from her National Socialist creed, and that the average Englishman was
from several sides, at first, discretely, and then, quite boldly, being told
that the creed had a “dangerous” more-than-political bearing nay, a decidedly
anti-Christian one (which no doubt was true, although in a far deeper sense than
that stressed in the newspaper articles and propaganda pamphlets).1
The organisations which financed the latter were, in fact, keener on
harming Germany than on saving “Christian civilisation” — let alone the essence
of original Christianity (the other-wordly teaching “above Time”) which was by
no means threatened. But the pious arguments were clever — the more illogical,
the cleverer; — well-calculated to impress the non-thinking masses and the
false-thinking half-learned. They bore fruit. In addition to that, the more and
more “uncompromising attitude”2 which Adolf
Hitler himself was beginning to take with regard to the Christian Churches —
i.e., his very definite attempt to prevent any interference of the Churches
1 Among these one should remember the booklets
published by “The Friends of Europe” and quoting extracts of National Socialist
writers.
2 J. von Ribbentrop, loc. cit., p. 127.
279
in State affairs, — was bound to give grist to the anti-Nazi
propaganda mills. It led to the greatest tension between the National Socialist
State and the Vatican “and to the mobilisation of all the energies of the
Churches against us, in protestant lands also,” writes J. von Ribbentrop;
“a most significant and disadvantageous development from the standpoint of
foreign policy.”1
It thus became clearer and clearer that the “English
alliance” which Adolf Hitler had so earnestly striven for, was a psychological
impossibility. Not merely the most influential men in the British Foreign
Office, but “the atmosphere” in the whole country was against it. A few weeks
before his promotion from the position of Ambassador in London to that of
Foreign Minister of the German Reich, i.e., already at the close of 1937,2
J. von Ribbentrop sent Adolf Hitler a detailed report3
at the end of which the following sentences are, among others, to be found: “I
do not believe any longer in the possibility of an understanding with England.
England does not want any mighty Germany in her neighbourhood...”; “Here one
strongly believes in the efficiency of National Socialism” (i.e., one believes
it will give Germany more and more power); “Edward VIII was compelled to
abdicate because one was not sure whether he would lend a hand to a policy of
hostility towards Germany. Chamberlain has now appointed Vansittart, our most
important and toughest opponent, to such a position as enables him to take a
leading part in the diplomatic play against Germany. However much one might, in
the meantime, for tactical reasons, try to come to an understanding with us,
every single day in the future in which our political considerations should fail
to be fundamentally, determined by the thought of England as our most dangerous
opponent, would be a gain for our enemies.”4
There was indeed nothing else to do but to face the fact that
Adolf Hitler’s great dream of Aryan world-leadership on the basis of a solid,
peaceful collaboration of the two, main European nations of Germanic stock, was
not — and was, for a
1 J. von Ribbentrop, loc. cit., p. 127.
2 He was appointed Reichsaussenminister on the 4th February
1938.
3 Deutsche Botschaft, London, A. 5522.
4 Quoted in J. von Ribbentrop’s “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p.
122-123.
280
very long time at least, not likely to become, — England’s
dream It was, no doubt, a pity a greater pity even than the few
racially-conscious Englishmen probably realised at the time. But it was a fact.
England’s ruling classes were completely in the grip of international Jewry,
which cunningly used, in its own interest, both their business-like fear of a
powerful Germany, and their moral objection (or so-called such one) against the
National Socialist view of life, in particular, against National Socialist
anti-Semitism. And the British people, robbed, through the whole modern
conditioning apparatus, of their natural capacity of doubt, analyse, and free
choice, believed what they were told, and reacted to world events as their
unseen masters — the Jews — expected them to. One day, perhaps, they would wake
up — when it would be too late. (And Adolf Hitler, the Man “against Time,” first
a seer and then a politician, never left off feeling sure that such a day would
come). In the meantime, however, their masters saw to it that the sight of
Germany’s grand awakening did not raise them out of their comfortable apathy —
at least, not quickly enough for them to discover the tricks that were being
played upon them, and to refuse to follow their wicked shepherds on the path of
fratricidal war.
Unable to break Jewish influence in England, Adolf Hitler
strengthened his bonds with the two nations with which Germany was in
ideological agreement: Japan, and fascist Italy, who both had — the former in
November 1936, the latter a year later, — signed with him the Anti-Commintern
Pact, which England had steadily refused to sign.1
Yet, again because he was first a Seer and then a politician;
because he felt real, eternal England, in spite of all, behind the judaised
England of to-day, and the essence of hallowed Aryandom behind eternal England,
he never abandoned the old dream of friendship, and never gave up watching for a
“change of heart” on the British side.
* * *
The germs of the Second World War lay in the Versailles
Treaty. And, not merely in a complete revision of that shameful
1 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau”
(edit. 1954), p. 112.
281
piece of work, but in the definitive suppression of the
spirit which had produced it — i.e., in the abolition of that old, morbid fear
and gratuitous hatred of a strong Germany in the hearts of most Europeans, — lay
the only possibility of a lasting peace. In fact, the infamous Treaty was never
revised, and the political map of Europe never given back the outlines of sanity
on the basis of that “right of people to dispose of themselves” which the
victors of 1918 had so often and so loudly proclaimed. And instead of being
suppressed, or at least left to die out, fear and hatred were systematically and
most cunningly cultivated in England, in France, in the smaller European
countries that had fought on the Allied side, during the First World War in
those that had remained neutral; in the United States of America — of all lands,
the one which had the least reason to feel “menaced” by a Greater German Reich
beyond the Atlantic Ocean-and, strange as this may seem, in a number of non-European
countries such as India, whose people had nothing whatsoever to do with the
frontier problems of Central and Eastern Europe, and did not (apart from one or
two resplendent individual exceptions) possess the slightest idea of European
history;1 countries which, moreover, Germany
had never harmed, while England had... and how!
Under the influence of those agents of the Dark Forces who
had prepared the yet greatest crime in diplomatic history and who were now
supervising its consummation, the people of the whole world outside the “fascist
countries” were systematically made to forget or kept from learning the fact
that “Austrians” — representatives of the small German nucleus that had, for
ages, held together, and ruled the many and varied national groups comprised
within the “Kingdom of Austria and Hungary” — were and always had been Germans;
and that their Parliament had, immediately after the splitting up of the
Austro-Hungarian State at the end of the First World War (long before
Adolf Hitler had come to power; nay, before his Party had taken shape)
unanimously voted the fusion of Austria with Germany. They were made to
forget or kept from learning the fact that there had never existed and could
1 To be fair, one should point out that many of
the “Americans” — sons of European emigrants — and Western Europeans who
helped in the concoction of the Versailles Treaty, knew no more about the
history and geography of Central Europe than any Indian coolie is likely to
know.
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never exist any such creatures as “Czechoslovaks” and that
“Czechoslovakia” was an entirely artificial State, set up, at the Allies’
command, in 1919, out of Czechs, and out of Slovaks, Ruthenians, Carpatho-Ukrainians,
etc., all unwilling to come together under Czechic rule, and of over three
million most unwilling Germans, torn away from their fatherland thanks to
the Versailles Treaty, and more resentful of Czechic domination than all the
other components of the ridiculous State, rolled in one; and the fact that the
only reason for the concoction of such a State — against biology, against
history, against geography, against economics, against Nature — lay in its
appointed action as a permanent thorn in the flesh of the already mutilated
German Reich. They were purposely kept in ignorance of the daily provocations of
the Czechs in German Sudetenland and wherever Germans lived within the new
State; kept in ignorance, also, of the oppression the Czechs exerted upon the
other, non-Czechic elements of “Czechoslovakia”: Slovaks, Ruthenians, Carpatho-Ukrainians
etc. The people of the world were systematically kept in ignorance of the fact
that the “newt Poland” that the victors of 1918 had brought back into existence
after over hundred and fifty years, far from being homogeneously polish,
comprised important German and Russian minorities; of the fact that the
“corridor” linking the bulk of it to the Baltic Sea — and separating East
Prussia from the rest of Germany, — was German territory, the inhabitants of
which were submitted to continual vexations on the part of the Poles, and that
Danzig was a German town. They were made to forget — or kept from learning —
that Saarland, and the territory on the Memel were parts of Germany; that
Rhineland — occupied by the French since 1923 — was also a part of Germany. And
every effort which Adolf Hitler made to break without war the belt of
hostile States and hostile armed forces that the victors of 1918 had tightened
round the German Reich; every effort he made to win for Germany without war
a status of “equal treatment” — Gleichberechtigung — among the leading
nations of the West, — the re-annexion of the Saar, after a plebiscite in which
ninety-nine per cent of the inhabitants had voted for Germany, in 1935; the
peaceful reoccupation of Rhineland in 1936; the re-incorporation of
1 “A historical lie,” to quote Hans Krebs’ words.
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Austria (in March 1938) and, a few months later, of
Sudetenland into the Reich, not to speak of Germany’s earlier withdrawal from
the League of Nations and her decision in favour of conscription after all
Adolf Hitler’s honest proposals of a general disarmament had been turned
down; was presented to them everywhere — be it in the London newspapers,
an those of New York or in those of Calcutta, — as the outcome of a revival of
“German militarism” and as the evidence of a “menace to civilisation.”
As already stated, far from accepting the friendly hand that
Adolf Hitler stretched out to her, England became more and more unbending in her
resolution not to treat with Germany, happen what might, i.e., more and more
fatally launched in the direction Sir (later Lord) Robert Vansittart and Mr.
(later Sir) Winston Churchill etc., were striving to give her foreign policy.
Nay, there are serious grounds to believe that the vexations that the German
population in Sudetenland and in the Polish “corridor” suffered on the part of
Czechs and Poles, were, more often than not, encouraged, when not actually
provoked by secret agents of the British “Intelligence Service.” In other words,
England was not only doing all she could to create such conditions as were the
most likely to lead to war, but also, seeing to it, before hand, that she could,
one day, — again as in 1918 — throw the blame for it upon Germany, as a
matter of fact, this time upon Nazi Germany. Her most important European
satellite — France — and the world-power of which she was herself (quicker than
she expected) to become a satellite — U.S.A. — helped her efficiently in this
dirty game.
Still, war would — perhaps — not have become unavoidable, had
it not been for a well-organised set of German traitors in high position
— van Weizsäcker and Kordt, both holders of leading posts in the German Foreign
Office; General Beck and General Halder, both in turn Chiefs of the German
General Staff; Oberstleutnant H. Boehm-Tettelbach and other first rank
officers of the German Army; Wilhelm Canaris, head of the German Military
Intelligence, and a number of others, some of whose names were to become widely
known overnight, in connection with the attempt on Adolf Hitler’s life, on the
20th of July 1944; and also a few militant Christians, priests
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and lay men, all-too-conscious of the fact that a definitive
victory of National Socialism could mean nothing less than the end of
Christianity and of “Christian civilisation,” and determined to prevent such a
happening at any price, even at the cost of Germany’s destruction; men to whose
feelings Bonenhöfer was, during the war, to give expression, in a very clear
sentence: “Better a devastated Germany than a National Socialist one!”
Such elements were far more important than one is generally
inclined to believe. Post-war political literature — and, to begin with, in
various detailed “Memoirs,” the surviving traitors’ own description of their
past doings, — goes to prove that the whole machinery of the National Socialist
State was simply with them. And the fellows were active long before the
war; in fact, from the very day Adolf Hitler rose to power. And they were in
constant secret touch with Germany’s bitterest enemies in diplomatic circles
abroad.
They did all they possibly could to encourage the foreign and
specially the English politicians in their stubborn and short-sighted will to
hinder at all costs any further materialization of Adolf Hitler’s territorial
programme — in their determination to “stop Hitler,” as they used to say, as the
six million Germans of Austria had, after those of Saarland, greeted with
unprecedented enthusiasm, their integration into the common motherland. They
kept the men of the British Foreign Office regularly informed about Adolf
Hitler’s plans,1 and gave them, at the same
time, the false impression that the National Socialist regime expressed by no
means the German people’s actual choice, and that it would be most easily
overthrown at the outbreak of war. And whenever tension arose between Great
Britain and Germany, they sent secret envoys to London, with precise
instructions to prompt the British Government “not to give in.” Thus were, for
instance, Ewald von Kleist-Schmenzin, in August 1938, and Oberstleutnant
Hans Boehm-Tettelbach, a fortnight later, dispatched, the former on behalf of
General Beck, the latter on behalf of General Halder (General Beck’s successor
as Chief of the German General Staff) in order to come in touch “with the men
the most closely connected with the Foreign Office” and “to request the British
Government to
1 See von Weizsäcker’s “Erinnerungen,” published
in Munich in 1950.
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oppose a categorical ‘no’ to all Hitler’s further claims,”1
in particular, “to cause England to remain adamant in the Sudeten question.”2
It is now known that Elwin von Kleist-Schmenzin paid visits to several
notoriously anti-German leading British politicians, — in particular to Sir
Robert Vansittart and to Winston Churchill — between the 17th and the 24th of
August, and that he brought back a “private” letter of Winston Churchill to
Wilhelm Canaris, one of the most powerful German traitors, already mentioned.3
It is now known that the German Secretary of State, von Weizsäcker, — who
himself boasts of his “constant activity” consisting of “obstruction with regard
to foreign policy,” in the Memoirs he was to write twelve years later, — also
did his very best, in early September 1938, to impress upon the British
Government (through Carl Burckhardt, Commisionary of the League of Nations for
Danzig, who at once sent on the message to Sir G. Warner, British envoy in Bern,
who in his turn telegraphed to the British Foreign Office) the necessity of
sending to Germany not Chamberlain, but “some energetic military man, who can
shout and bang his walking-stick upon the table, when he must”4
— i.e., a man who, instead of signing with Adolf Hitler the well-known Munich
Agreement, would have broken off the negotiations and, apparently, caused war:
the common aim of all the enemies of the National Socialist New Order.
This much — which is just a sample out of the enormous (and
ever-increasing) amount of evidence to-day available — goes to show that, if, in
fact, such a supple person as Mr. Chamberlain was twice sent from London to meet
Adolf Hitler, and given power to sign the Munich Agreement, securing peace (at
least for another year), it was certainly not the fault of the German
Anti-Nazis. The reason why the British Cabinet sent Chamberlain — and not
the “energetic military man” whom Herr von Weizsäcker would have preferred — and
the reason why Chamberlain finally acknowledged the integration
1 Hans Boehm-Tettelbach declares so himself. See
the “Rheinische Post” of the 10th July, 1948.
2 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p.
141.
3 See Jar. Colvin’s “Master spy; the incredible story of Wilhelm
Canaris, who, while Hitler’s Chief of intelligence, was a secret agent of the
British” (New York, 1952).
4 See Holldack “Was wircklich geschah” (Munich 1949), p. 95.
286
of Sudetenland into the German Reich, is the very same one
which had, two months earlier, — i.e., before the last intrigues of the
German traitors with a view to provoke war — caused the despatch of Lord
Runciman to Prague, as a possible mediator between the Czechs and the German
Sudeten Party, to the satisfaction of both (and of the German Reich); namely:
the necessity for England to gain time; — “once more to do some thing for peace”
— because she was not yet ready for war,1 or,
more exactly, because the leaders of international Jewry behind the
British politicians had not yet completed their preparations for a world war.
Which did not mean that the British Government was not bent on war, sooner or
later; war to “stop Hitler” because he had made Germany — the dreaded commercial
rival, — free and powerful; and war to “stop Hitler” because he had put
Germany’s power to the service of such more-than-political truth as this
advanced Dark Age hates the most.
Adolf Hitler was happy to interpret the Munich Agreement as
the first decisive step towards that broader, lasting Anglo-German collaboration
which he so sincerely desired. Was it not emphatically stated in the “Common
Declaration” which both he and the English Premier had signed on the 30th of
September, as an additional document stressing the meaning and importance of the
Agreement: “We look upon the Agreement signed yesterday evening and the
(earlier) Anglo-German Fleet Agreement as symbols of the desire of both our
people never again to wage war upon each other. We are determined to
handle also other questions which interest our countries by way of negotiation
and to brush aside eventual causes of divergences in opinion, so that we might
contribute to secure peace in Europe”?2 The
German traitors were less pleased with the result of the Munich Conference.
Their hopes of “putting Hitler aside” had to be given up — for how long? They
did not know.3 But they continued their shadowy
intrigues, in Germany and in every foreign land the policy of which they could
directly or indirectly influence, relentlessly trying to provoke or strengthen
every manner of hatred against
1 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau”
(edit. 1954), p. 140.
2 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p.
310.
3 Erich Kordt, “Wahn und Wircklichkeit” (edit. 1948), p. 128 and
following.
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the Man to whom their lips had sworn allegiance, and against
the regime they outwardly professed to serve. As for England, her attitude
towards new Germany — the State against Time — grew, in spite of all Adolf
Hitler’s honest and earnest efforts, less and less friendly, not to say more and
more hostile. Only three days after the solemn Declaration just quoted,
Chamberlain announced in the House of Commons the decision of the Government of
Great Britain to arm at any cost. Then, “on the 7th December 1938, the Munich
Agreement was, through the veto of the British State Secretary for
Colonies — doubtless not without the approval of his Government — denied all
validity in connection with the question of Colonies and Mandate territories,
and the ‘way of negotiation’ between England and Germany closed with regard to
the same.” ... “At the same time,” writes J. von Ribbentrop in his Memoirs, “the
British Government started a policy of still closer collaboration with France,
and the United States of America were clearly invited to join in a coalition
against Germany. The aim of this new policy consisted quite openly in an
encirclement of Germany. War psychose was cultivated in England already
before the integration of the remnant of Czechoslovakia into the Reich. The
European political horizon was systematically swept in search of possibilities
of anti-German alliances. What Churchill had prophesied to me (von Ribbentrop)
in 1937 was now happening. Germany had, according to British opinion, become too
strong and was again to be beaten down.”1
The German traitors in high office have, I repeat, no small
responsibility in this tragic development. I am personally convinced that,
without the knowledge of their activity, England would not have declared war on
Germany in 1939 and that “the people would have remained satisfied with a
solution of the Corridor question imposed through violence.”2
In other words, war between Germany and Poland would not have extended into war
between England and Germany.
But I am also convinced that war between England (with
1 J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau”
(edit. 1954), p. 146-147.
2 Friedrich Lenz, “Der ekle Wurm der deutschen Zwietract” (edit.
1952), p. 100.
288
her European satellite: France) and Germany, could have (and
would have) been localised and ended in 1940, after the victorious campaign in
France, had it not been for an enemy immeasurably more powerful than all the
frustrated German officers (and intellectuals) and short-sighted, old-style
British politicians and businessmen rolled in one, namely: the leader of the
anti-Nazi forces (openly or secretly) all over the world; the
enemy: the Jew.
That one — and whoever, in any part of the world, allowed
himself to be, directly or indirectly, influenced by him — is responsible for
the fact that the war between England and Germany did not — could not — end in
1940 with the honourable peace which Adolf Hitler generously offered the
sister-nation, which he did not hate, but that it spread further and further,
becoming the Second World War.
* * *
There was, (originally) be it in Adolf Hitler’s own mind, be
it in that of any of his disciples who had a say in the interpretation and
application of his teaching, not the slightest intention of persecuting the
Jews. There may, of course, have been, on the part of rank and file National
Socialist fighters, individual cases of violence against specimens of
that particularly obnoxious and thoroughly unwanted variety of foreigners —
sporadic instances of long-repressed (and quite understandable) national hatred
or less laudible personal revenge, neither encouraged by the leaders of the
young Movement nor justified in the light of the National Socialist
Weltanschauung. There was no systematic molestation of Jews — not to speak
of planned extermination of them. Such drastic steps as mass “liquidations” — or
mass sterilisations — were not foreseen.
All what Adolf Hitler had done was to point out international
Jewry — international Jewish finance, surely; yet not international Jewish
finance alone, but the Jews (and half-Jews) themselves, and the
Jewish spirit, — as the sinister force at the back of Germany’s betrayal
during the first World War, of her defeat in 1918 and subsequent humiliation and
misery, and as the soul of the whole Versailles policy — which was indeed,
historically speaking, absolutely true. And all he wanted was to rid Germany
(and, if possible, Europe) of the
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Jewish pestilence — under all its forms and in all
domains: politically and economically, no doubt, but also biologically, and
spiritually. (He acknowledged, in fact, from the beginning — and that, because
he was infinitely more than “a politician” — that biological separation from the
Jews and freedom from their influence in the moral and spiritual domain, meant
automatically political and economical riddance of them also).
In Point Four of the famous Twenty-five Points — the
unshakable basis of the National Socialist Party Programme, — he did away with
that old and all-too-wide-spread lie which consists in calling a Jew, who speaks
the language of a foreign people in whose midst he was born and brought up, a
man of that people. And he boldly proclaimed that, on account of his blood,
no Jew, — whatever be his capabilities or achievements, and however long his
family be settled in Germany, — can be a German citizen. He thus laid — for the
first time in the West since the decline of the Greco-Roman world (i.e. since a
non-Aryan could, if he liked, become a Roman citizen), and since Theodoric the
Great’s healthy Gothic kingdom, — the foundations of a natural and rational
State; of a State according to the dictates of Life.
In that long, dull process of decay which is, (with a short,
very short halt under that exceptional Germanic king) the history of the West
from the day Roman citizenship lost its meaning and value, this was a
revolution — and what a one! But it was not an act of hostility towards
the Jews. It was a healthy and enlightened reaction against the folly of every
“naturalisation to the extent the latter is an insult to biology; a proclamation
of the eternal truth of blood against the long-accepted but nevertheless
shocking lie embodied in all such man-made regulations as defy it. In other
words, it was an act “against Time”; against the ever-increasing untruth of our
Age of Gloom. (The fact that Jews, and neither Negroes nor Hottentots nor
Papuans are mentioned in Point Four is simply due to the presence of the former
as the only non-Aryan community living in Germany and playing a part in
German life.)
Already in the days of the struggle for power, every National
Socialist fighter called upon the German people not to buy from Jewish shops,
not to believe the newspapers.
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financed by Jews, etc., in one word, to free themselves by
every possible means from the Jewish bondage, be it through individual
initiative, without the help of laws that did not exist. One must admit
that this was natural in a campaign led in the name of national freedom —
natural, and neither new nor unique. Yet the reaction to it was, all over the
world, (and not only in Communist circles) a louder and louder outcry against
National Socialist “anti-Semitism.”
Curiously enough, in far-away India, Mahatma Gandhi, the
prophet of “non-violence” — a man in many ways in glaring contrast to Adolf
Hitler, but still, like him, a man “against Time” — was also, from 1919 onwards,
urging his disciples to “boycott British goods” no less than “Western” — i.e.
Christian-capitalistic — education and customs; to spin their own cotton, to
weave their own clothes, and return to the simple life of older days; to free
themselves from both the economic dependence and the moral corruption resulting
from foreign yoke. Nobody blamed him for it. Many, in England itself — and some
among the most prominent Englishmen in India, whose job it was to hinder his
action, — could not help admiring him. The only criticism he attracted himself
(mostly frond Marxists or sympathisers of Marxism) was that of being an enemy of
“progress” and an utopist, whose passive resistance was not the proper answer to
“colonial oppression.” But nobody blamed him for seeking to rid his people of
foreign rule — nobody; not even the English themselves.
Jewish rule in Germany (and in Europe at large) was, however
— and is, once more, since 1945, — far worse than British rule in India or, by
the way, than any obvious and brutal foreign rule in any conquered land. It was
— and is — invisible and anonymous, not felt by the masses (who have
neither leisure nor inclination to seek out subtle evils and their hidden
causes) nor even by most of the so-called thinking people, and thereby all the
more dangerous; all the more soul-killing. (In fact, England’s real crime
against India was not so much her unheard-of exploitation of the land’s
resources as the introduction — or strengthening — of that silly exaltation of
“man” in opposition to Nature, which is, as I said before, the essence of the
Jewish spirit compared to the Aryan, and which was to pave the way for later
Marxist influence.) Still, Mahatma Gandhi’s struggle was looked
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