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An Introduction to the Palestinian Question
Count Bernadotte Assassination by Zionist Gangs: 17 September 1948
After Half-Century, Historians Debate Israel's Birth
Terrorism is the core of Zionism Dr. Moh'd N. Al-Khawaldeh
The struggle between the Arab Nations--on various levels--and Israel forms a struggle that involves historical and political situations, economic and religious factors, and even the civilized view of the Arab-Islamic region and its role in the procession of human civilization.
It would be enough to examine the stages of history that the Palestinian Problem went through to explain this fact. As the European colonialist competition arose at the end of the eighth century to succeed the Ottoman Empire in order to control the strategic Indian passageway and to form a major factor to outline the politics of the European countries, the Jewish activists, with European support in which Germany and England participated, tried to force the Ottoman Caliphate to make an agreement with Sultan Abd Al Hameed the Second that would give the Jews the right to settle in Palestine and the permission to emigrate to it. However, Sultan Abd Al Hameed refused to submit to either the European pressure or to the temptations offered by the Jews.
In the period between 1900 and 1901, Sultan Abd Al Hameed issued a statement forbidding the Jewish travelers from settling in Palestine for more than three months. Furthermore, he ordered that the Jews be prevented from buying any Palestinian land, for he feared that this would turn the land into a foundation that would enable them to separate Palestine from the Islamic world.
In 1902, the Jews proposed a tempting offer to Sultan Abd Al Hameed in which the rich Jews would promise to pay all the debts of the Ottoman State, to build a squadron to defend it, and to offer a loan of 35 million gold dinars for the Ottoman's run-down public treasury. However, Sultan Abd Al Hameed refused all offers. His reply to the offer, which came via a memorandum sent to Theodor Herzl, was "Advise Doctor Herzl not to take serious steps in this matter because I cannot give up one foot of the land for it is not my personal property; it is the property of my people. My people fought for the sake of this land and their blood was shed. Let the Jews save their millions. If my empire is torn apart one day, the Jews can separate Palestine without any cost. However, as long as I am alive, dissecting my body with a knife is easier for me than to see Palestine separated away from the Islamic State. And this will not be. I cannot agree with dissecting our bodies as long as we are living."
When the Jews became certain of the failure of all possible attempts, they began working on the declination of the Ottoman Empire. They were able to creep in through the Donma Jewish Sect, the people of which pretended to be Muslims and carried Turkish names and entered the "Union and Progress Society", thus they were able to seize the power in 1907. The Jews increased their activities in Palestine with the support of the followers of the "Union and Progress Society." The Jews of Donma seized the reigns of government in Asetana because the new Ottoman ruler had allowed them to immigrate to Palestine and to buy Palestinian land. This was what paved the way for the Zionist organizations to start practicing their activities on wide scale until the Caliphate was declined formally in 1924. Then, the British military forces occupied Palestine.
The advantages of colonization in taking Palestine away from the Arab world met with those of the Jews in establishing a national homeland. Actually, it was the European rulers who offered a national home on Palestinian land for the Jews long before the Jews themselves suggested it. In particular, the offer came from France and Britain in an attempt to get rid of the Jewish problem in Europe and to achieve colonial gains from the Jewish State.
The colonialist competition between France and Britain was obvious in the
Middle East even before the establishment of the Zionist Movement. The aims of
both were to defend their benefits in the area, to cause harm to it or to
compete with it regarding those benefits, and to find different ways to defend
these benefits. Britain thought that after the failure of Napoleon Bonaparte in
Egypt and Bilad Al-Sham, it would be useful to look for other alternatives in
the Middle East for the continuation of its superiority over France. She found
Palestine a suitable place to spread her authority because of its geographical
location-that being the centre of the Arab region and because it is considered
the gateway between Asia and Africa. Therefore, it is for the benefit of the
European and British colonialists, in particular, to separate the Asian part
from the African part of the Arab Region and to create situations that do not
allow the two to establish a union in the future.
The British stand became obvious after the expedition of Mohammed Basha, the
ruler of Egypt, to Syria when he sent his son, Abraham Basha, to the area. This
was what caused tension for Britain because she feared that Egypt and Bilad
Al-Sham would unite and become one country. Thus, Britain participated in making
sure the expedition to Bilad Al-Sham of Abraham Basha failed.
After the interference of Britain, Palmerstone, the Prime Minister of Britain, sent a letter to hide the ambassador in Istanbul in the year 1840. In that letter he explained the advantages that the Ottoman Sultan would achieve by encouraging the immigration of the Jews to Palestine. He said, "The return of the Jewish people to Palestine according to an invitation from him and under his defense forms a wall that will stand in the face of evil plans that are being planned by Mohammed Ali or any of his successors."
In March/April of 1840, the Jewish Baron, Rothschild, directed a speech to Palmerstone in which he said, "The defeat of Mohammed Ali and the limitation of his power in Egypt are not enough because there is an attraction between Arabs, and they do realize that the return of their old glory is associated with the possibilities of their connections and union. If we take a look at the map of this spot of earth, we will find out that Palestine is the bridge that connects Egypt with the Arabs in Asia. Palestine has been the gateway to the West. The only solution is to put different forces on that bridge in order for this force to be as a wall that prevents the Arab dangers. The Jewish immigration to Palestine is able to play that role. This would not only be a favour by which the Jewish people are returned back to the Promised Land, but it will also serve the British empire and its plans. To go through the experience of Mohammed Ali, whether in establishing a strong State or in building up communications between Egypt and the other Arabs, again will not be for the benefit of the empire."
The two documents that were issued, one by Britain and the other by one of the Jewish leaders, showed that they both have interests in fighting against establishing a united Arab State. This would only be accomplished by establishing an intruding State in the centre/heart of the Arab region. A report completed by the committee formed by the British Prime Minister, Henry Campbell-Banzman, in 1907 called for "working for the sake of keeping the Arab region divided and undeveloped and for fighting against the union of the Arab people and any kind of intellectual, spiritual and historical relationships among them. This would be done by working on separating the African part of this area from its Asian part by establishing a strong, strange-human barrier on the land bridge that connects Asia and Africa. This, in turn, will form, near the Swiss Canal, a friendly force for us and an enemy for the inhabitants of the area."
This was part of what was possible to achieve through the Syckes and Picot agreement (1916). By this agreement, France got part of Syria, the southern part of Al-Anadhol, and Al-Mousel from Iraq. All these parts were coloured blue. Britain got the land of southern Syria extending to Iraq, including Baghdad, Basra, other areas between the Arab Gulf and the land that was given to France, the two parts of Akka and Haifa. These parts were coloured red. As for the rest of Palestine, it was agreed to be an international area. Consequently, the British and the French colonialists made their plan a reality against the establishment of a union between the two parts of the Arab region.
After this agreement, the leaders in charge of the Zionist Movement, Lord Rothschild and Weisman, aimed at making some connections with Britain--the very thing that led to the establishment of the "Promise of Balfour". One of the main reasons that encouraged Britain to agree to this Promise was that the Jewish State would be the main line of defense for the Swiss Channel and the continuation of separating the Arab region. The decision was declared on 2 November 1917 by the Prime Minister of that time, Arthur Balfour. The Promise that was in letter form to Rothschild read, "The government of His Majesty intends with sympathy to establish a homeland for the Jewish People in Palestine. It will give its utmost effort to achieving this goal. However, it is to be understood clearly that there will be nothing done in order to reduce any of the civil or religious rights of the non-Jewish organizations that are now inhabiting Palestine, in addition to the rights or the political status of the Jews in other countries. I will be grateful if you would notify the Zionist Union of this declaration."
On 11 December 1917, the British armies entered Jerusalem under the leadership of General Allenby and started the actual implementation of the Balfour Promise; consequently, confrontations between the Arabs and the Jews took place. In addition, Arab committees were established against the Zionist Project, which was their desire to celebrate the first birthday of the Balfour Promise. This matter made the Arabs threaten to make a public demonstration, but the British High Commissioner, Herbert Somail, threatened to arrest every Arab that participated in the demonstrations.
As a consequence of this declaration, Palestinians and some other Arab
countries raised their objections to it. It became clear to them that Britain
was insisting on separating them from each other, especially after the League of
the United Nations imposed the British mandate over Palestine in 1919.
Britain tried to relieve the Arabs at the time in which she was working to
separate Palestine from Bilad Al-sham. However, Britain did not succeed, for the
Palestinians initiated their first national revolution in 1920.
During the session of the Versailles conference in January 1919, the Zionist Movement proposed to the conference a well-studied plan of clear characteristics in order to implement its project. This plan called for:
The establishment of a British mandate over Palestine to implement
Balfour's Promise.
The borders of Palestine to include the surroundings of Saydah, the springs of
the Litani River, the River Jordan, Horan, east of Jordan, Al-Aqaba and parts of
the Egyptian Sinai Desert.
In this conference, the mandate policy was imposed on the settlement that belonged to Germany and Turkey before the war. The conference also called for forming a League for the United Nations so that Britain and France could be deputies for the League.
In May 1920, the declaration of the mandate over Palestine was issued during the San Remo Conference. The British Zionist, Herbert Somail, was assigned as High Commissioner in Jerusalem. He used to be the Minister of the Interior of Britain so he is sympathetic with the Zionists.
Only three days after the declaration of the British mandate contract over Palestine, Britain revealed the contents of Balfour's Promise. The Palestinians protested against this and confrontations between the British guards and the Arabs took place for the first time. Furthermore, Britain forbade the session of the second Palestinian conference in Jericho in 1920. After Churchill became a minister for settlements, he held a conference in Cairo for military men and the British employees to review the status of the British in the region. The conference recommended the following:
Continuing the implementation of Balfour's Promise because Britain is
bound to establish a homeland for the Jews.
Establishing an Arab district in the east of Jordan under the leadership of
Prince Abdullah, who would be responsible for it before the British deputy
without it being included in the administrative system of Palestine and without
applying the mandate's conditions on it. East Jordan should be ready to welcome
those Palestinians who will have to leave Palestine.
The characteristics of the British-Zionist plan have become clear in Palestine since the beginning of the twentieth century. The Palestinians declared their rejection to it. They raised the issue of the danger to Arabs and Palestinians of the Jews moving to Palestine. They warned from the silence towards the continuation of this immigration to their country.
It was recognized that the Palestinians at that time insisted on considering
Palestine as part of Bilad Al-Sham. Moreover, they rejected the divisions as a
result of the fight and any regional special demands for them despite the
uniqueness of their matter. The danger that surrounded them differed from that
surrounding the rest of the people of Bilad Al-sham because Palestinians were
threatened by the Jewish immigration to their country with the encouragement of
the British mandate. However, other Arab countries were suffering from the
British or French colonialists without having the additional threat of Jewish
immigration against it. 
Therefore, the matter was developed in the twentieth century. Voices from
within Palestine began to ask for the independence of Palestine. This was after
each Arab country had raised its own problems and desires of its respective
national independence. And this was exactly what France and Britain were longing
for in the area; to have each country face its own special problems. Thus, the
concept of 'United Arab Countries', the promise that Britain kept for Al-Shareef
Hussein Bin Ali, began to disappear from the existence of European colonialism.
Each one of the Great Syrian people paid attention to itself; each was working
on its own against colonialism in its country. This influenced the Palestinian
Problem, which also went along in the same direction. Some Palestinians started
to ask for Palestine's independence without considering it part of southern
Syria. At the same time that the people of Palestine were fighting against
Balfour's Promise and the increasing immigration via the connivance of the
British Mandate, the other Arab people were busy working against the existence
of colonialism in their own land. Therefore, the Zionist Movement increased its
power in the 1930s and 1940s, with the help of Britain and during the absence of
the Arab and Islamic Nations that were going through a battle. When the Arab
countries achieved their independence at the beginning of the 1940s, it was too
late for those people to participate with the Palestinians in their battle
against the Zionist Movement and Britain. Zionism had been declared, and the
result was the loss of Palestine in the war of 1948. Since then, the Palestinian
Problem has entered the Arab policy. Still, the Zionists believed that their
existence that was declared over the occupied territory in 1948 did not contain
all the land that they considered Israeli land. So the Zionists made use of the
following years to declare their existence in order to support their military
force and to drive many of the Arab citizens away from their lands. In 1956 the
Jewish State participated with France and Britain in the attack on Egypt. David
Ben Gurion informed the Synagogue that "one of the aims of this
participation of the Zionist State in the attack on Egypt is the liberation of
that part of the homeland (the Sinai Dese) that is occupied by the
intruders."
The strategic dimension of occupying the Sinai was to move the Egyptian army
away from the borders of the Jewish State and to keep it from crossing the Swiss
channel, the point that enabled it to attack the Zionist State and to reach Al
Nakkab. The Zionists saw that Al Nakkab's desert was an active goal that must be
defended no matter what the cost because it divides the Arab region into two
parts and it creates a natural barrier to land communication between them.
The Zionists called upon the United Nations in 1948 to get them back Al-Nakkab. When the international mediator Count Bernadette suggested in 1948 returning Al Nakkab back to the Arab citizens, the Zionists assassinated him the day after he made his suggestion.
The colonial efforts did not succeed in achieving the Zionist goals through the attack of 1956; except that the Arab efforts were helpless and hesitant, the very thing that gave the Zionists a golden period to support its military forces and to plan an attack in 1967, the year in which the Zionist Power inundated the West Bank and the Gaza Strip--the area that was left under Arab control after the attack of 1948. Moreover, the Zionists were able to occupy the Egyptian Peninsula of Sinai, the Syrian Golan Heights. The Jewish occupying forces withdrew from Sinai by virtue of a conditional peace agreement with Egypt that virtually leaves the eastern gate of Egypt open to any Jewish attempt at occupation. Ever since, the Zionist State has been occupying the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and the Lebanese Heights to the border area of South Lebanon.
The Arab Resistance
The Palestinian fighters organized more forces. One of the most important forces was organized by Ezzul Deen Al Qassam in 1935, who came to Palestine from Syria after the end of the Syrian revolution against France. He started his activities as a teacher and joined the Muslim Chaps Committee in 1926. He was one of the founders of the Haifa Branch in 1928. He won the presidency of that Branch when its elections were made. Then he became a member of the administrative committee in 1930 and afterwards he became the president again in 1933.
Al Qassam wandered in the areas of Palestine as an employee of the court and
started forming forces of five people. His movement was based on Islamic
principles and adopted the concept of Al Jihad (Islamic concept of fighting
against enemies) as the only way of liberating Palestine. His secret movement is
considered the most important secret committee and the greatest Feddayyeen
movement known in the history of the Arab struggle in Palestine.
His main quarters were in Jericho where the poor live, and there he gained enormous popularity in 1935. He formed five more committees, namely Summoning and
Publicity, Military Training, Supplying, Electronics and Foreign Relations.
Between 200 and 800 followers joined his movement.
In 1935, Al Qassam declared the beginning of the revolution. This revolution
came after a series of political fruitless efforts for a peaceful solution.
After a number of confrontations between Al Qassam forces and the British army,
Al Qassam took refuge in Yahbud with 52 of his men. The British army surrounded
him and his men and asked him to surrender but he refused. Unfortunately, he was
shot along with two of his followers. The rest of the men were arrested after a
brutal fight between the two parties.
The announcement of his martyrdom greatly influenced the Palestinians all over the country. His funeral was an event of national mourning in Palestine. Al Qassam organization is considered the first of its kind in its objectives and motivations. It is a military organization against the Jews and the British. Loyalty to Islam and adherence to its commandments are the key to its membership. Al Qassam was a Syrian scholar and a man of religion who came to settle in Palestine and fight for its freedom. The revolution of Al Qassam and his martyrdom created a national Palestinian and Islamic awareness for the need to use power to fight the Zionist plans in Palestine.
The martyrdom of Al Qassam did not cause the revolution to fade. On the
contrary, it activated it. As a result, there was the Great Palestinian
Revolution in 1936. It was considered one of the longest revolutions in the
history of the Palestinian Problem. Demonstrations and strikes were made
throughout Palestine. It was the first comprehensive movement of its kind. They
used civilian means for this revolution along with the military processes.
The historians indicate that some of the indirect reasons for this revolution
were:
The increasing in unemployment.
The continuous Jewish immigration, in addition to the sympathy of Britain
regarding all the Jewish projects.
The land transfers to Jewish owners as a result of the pressure that was
imposed on its Arab owners by Britain.
The awful economic crisis in 1935.
The situation in Egypt and Syria when they went against the British and
French colonialists.
The Italian attack on Al Habbasheh, the situation that reactivated the
hope of having a new war in order to reform new policies in the area.
The increasing tension between the Arabs and the Jews.
The events began to unfold on 15 April when the Feddayyeen movement killed a
Jewish settler and injured another two in the area of Nablus and Tulkarm.
The next night, the Jews killed two Arab citizens north of the public highway of
the Ulaibi settlement. During the funeral of the Jewish invader, confrontations
between the Arabs and the Jews took place. The same thing happened on the
borders of Jaffa and Tel Aviv.
The British authorities announced a curfew in Jaffa and Tel Aviv. Moreover, it imposed a state of emergency on the rest of the country. An Arab Committee was formed in Nablus on 20 April and declared a public strike.
After the British forces increased to become almost 20,000 soldiers, brutal battles erupted between the revolutionaries on the one hand, and the British and the Jewish forces on the other in November of 1935. Palestinian delegations visited Amman, Al-Riyadh and Baghdad. As a result of British pressure, the Arab Kings and Presidents issued a joint announcement on 10 October 1935, in which they called for "the cessation of the revolution and dependence on the nice intentions of our friend, Great Britain, that declared that it would practice justice."
As a result, the Higher Arab Committee called for the ending of the strike, for the canceling of the Arab organizations, and for the returning of the Arab revolutionaries to their countries.
The results of this revolution were the murder of 16 policemen and 22 British
men, injuring 104 policemen and 148 military men, the murder of 80 Jewish
settlers, and the injuring of 308 Jewish settlers. As for the Arabs, the results
were the martyrdom of 145 men and the injury of another 804 men.
Britain sent the Royal Committee to Palestine to discuss the facts, but the
Palestinians refused to meet them. So the Arab Kings threatened the Palestinians
and asked them to agree on meeting the Committee.
The revolutions did not stop. They began again after the murder of Andrews, the British ruler of Al Jaleel. The British wanted to take revenge against the Arab leaders in Palestine. This is what started new revolutions in Palestine. Revolutions spread throughout Palestine and forced Britain to retreat from a number of political stands by virtue of which they intended to impose the divisions of Palestine between the Arabs and the Zionists.
The strongest stab that the Arab resistance (Jihad) got in Palestine was the defeat of the Arab armies in the war of 1948. It caused big changes in the building up of the resistance and Al-Jihad, taking with it the ability to initiate from the people. The Palestinians were referred to an official affair that was ruled by internal balanced policies and systems.
However, the existence of the Feddayyeen organization gave the public role of confronting the Zionist Project back its consideration. They brought the Palestinian population in as a basic side of the equation. It is the side that forced the official organization to adopt certain stands that contributed to keeping the Zionist State from expanding and, sometimes putting down its projects.
Because of the faults that were committed by the organizations of resistance, the role of the people was decreased. The Palestinian Liberation Organization became the authority over the people and their movements. This situation limited so much movement of the people. It seemed as if there were some special common benefits between this authority and its leaders, on the one hand, and the Arab systems and regional and internal forces on the other hand.
The nature of the Zionist Project and its dimensions stood as a motivation for the people of Palestine to participate against this Project and to come up with new suitable ways for resisting it. Therefore, public revolutions that were directed by the Palestinians through its glorious intifadah in 1987 and the existence of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) were established outside the Palestinian Authority. They both were the first targets of the Zionist project-the first line of defense that would not break down in confronting the Zionist Project. Organizations and systems may fade away, but the people will never die. No matter how serious its injuries, it will always be able to get up again and fight until victory is achieved.
Palestine map
A brief history
1895 - 1917
1895
The total population of Palestine was 500,000 of whom 47,000
were Jews who owned 0.5% of the land.
The Jewish populations were the descendants of the Jewish
refugees who fled from Spain 1609 AD
1896
Theodore Herzl, the founder of Zionism tried to find a political solution for the problem in his book, 'The Jewish State'. He advocated the creation of a Jewish state in Argentina or Palestine.
1897
The first Zionist Congress was held in Switzerland, which issued the Basle program on the colonization of Palestine and the establishment of the World Zionist Organization (WZO).
1904
Fourth Zionist Congress decided to establish a national home for Jews in Argentina.
1906
The Zionist congress decided the Jewish homeland should be Palestine.
1914
With the outbreak of World War I, Britain promised the independence of Arab lands under Ottoman rule, including Palestine, in opposing to Turkey which had entered the war on the side of Germany.
1916
Britain and France signed the Sykes-Picot Agreement, which divided the Arab region into zones of influence. Lebanon and Syria were assigned to France, Jordan and Iraq to Britain and Palestine was to be internationalized.
1917
Lord Balfour, the British Foreign Secretary sent a letter to the Zionist leader Lord Rothschild which later became known as "The Balfour declaration". He stated that Britain would use its best endeavors to facilitate the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people. At that time the population of Palestine was 700,000 of which 574,000 were Muslims, 74,000 were Christian, and 56,000 were Jews.
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1919 - 1967
1919
The Palestinians convened their first National Conference and expressed their opposition to the Balfour Declaration.
1920
The San Remo Conference granted Britain a mandate over Palestine and two years later Palestine was effectively under British administration, and Sir Herbert Samuel, a declared Zionist, was sent as Britain's first High Commissioner to Palestine.
1922
The Council of the League of Nations issued a Mandate for Palestine. The Mandate was in favor of the establishment for the Jewish people a homeland in Palestine.
1936
The Palestinians held a six-month General Strike to protest against the confiscation of land and Jewish immigration.
1939
The British government published a new White Paper restricting Jewish immigration and offering independence for Palestine within ten years. This was rejected by the Zionists, who then organized terrorist groups and launched a bloody campaign against the British and the Palestinians. The aim was to drive them both out of Palestine and to pave the way for the establishment of the Zionist state.
1947
The United Nations approved the partition under which the Palestinian Arabs, who accounted for 70% of the population and owned 92% of the land, were allocated 47% of the country. (UN resolution 181)
1948
British forces withdrew from Palestine in May and the Zionists proclaimed the state of Israel without defining its borders. Arab armies moved to defend the Palestinians.
1949
A cease fire was finally agreed. The Zionists controlled 77% of Palestinian land and over 1 million Palestinians were forced to leave their country. The West Bank was put under Jordanian control and the Gaza Strip under Egyptian control.
1964
The Palestine Liberation Organization was established.
1965
The Palestine 'Revolution' began on 1 January.
1967
Israel launched a new war against the Arabs and seized the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Syrian Golan Heights and the Egyptian Sinai peninsula.
1973 - 1988
1973
The October War between Israel and the Arab states broke out, And it was the first practical defeat for Israel.
1974
The Arab Summit in Rabat recognized the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. At the United Nations General Assembly, the UN reaffirmed its commitment to an independent sovereign state in Palestine and gave the PLO observer status at the United Nations. Yasser Arafat, chairman of the PLO, addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations.
1978
Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Agreement under the auspices of the United States.
1982
Israel invaded Lebanon with the aim of destroying the PLO. Tens of thousands were killed and made homeless in the wake of the invasion which culminated in the massacres of Sabra and Shatilla.
1983
The United Nations called for the convening of a Peace Conference with the participation of the PLO on an equal footing with the other delegates as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
1987
The 18th Session of the Palestine National Council (PNC) supported the convening of a UN- sponsored conference. In December the Intifada-the Palestine Uprising - in the Occupied Territories began.
1988
Abu Jihad, Palestinian leader, was gunned down in his home in
Tunis on 14April by the Israeli Mossad.
(Ehud Barak the current Israeli P.M (1999) was the Assassin who
did it.
July 31
Jordanian disengagement - King Hussein of Jordan said he no longer considered the West Bank as part of his kingdom.
November 15
The PNC meeting in Algiers declared the State of Palestine as outlined in the UN Partition Plan 181.
December 9
British Junior Foreign Minister William Waldegrave met with Bassam Abu Sharif President Arafat's adviser, thus upgrading Britain's relations with the PLO.
Following the US government refusing President Arafat a visa to enter the US, the UN General Assembly held a special session on the question of Palestine in Geneva.
US/PLO dialogue began
1989 - 1996
1989
June 28: EEC Madrid Conference issued a new declaration calling for the PLO to be involved in any peace negotiations.
August 3: Fateh, the mainstream PLO organization, at their 5th Conference endorsed the PLO strategy adopted at the PNC in Algiers in November 1988.
1990
May 20: Seven Palestinian workers from Gaza were massacred by an Israeli gunman near Tel Aviv.
Yasser Arafat addressed the UN Security Council In Geneva after the massacre in which he called for the deployment of a UN emergency force to provide international protection for the Palestinian people to safeguard their lives, properties and holy places.
The US vetoed a motion which called for the Security Council to send a fact finding mission to the area. At the end of their hunger strike, Palestinian leaders in the Occupied Territories decided to boycott the US.
The Arab Summit in Baghdad pledged support fort he Palestinian Intifada and strongly denounced the settlement of Soviet Jews with in the Occupied Territories.
June 20: The US suspended its dialogue with the PLO after the PLO refused to denounce a military operation in the sea by the PLF.
June 26: The EEC in Dublin issued a new declaration on the Middle East which condemned Israeli human rights violations and the settlement of Soviet Jews in the Occupied Territories. It also doubled its economic aid program to the Occupied Territories.
August 2: The Gulf Crisis erupted.
December 20: UN Security Council adopted Resolution 681.
1991
January 16: War in the Gulf started.
February 17: Cease fire agreed in War in the Gulf. - 23 September: The PNC met in Algiers and paved the way for the Palestinian delegation to participate in the Middle East Peace Conference.
October 30: The Middle East Peace Conference convened in Madrid.
December 3: The bi-lateral talks between Israel and the
Palestinians, Syrians, Jordanians and Lebanese started in Washington.
1992
June 23: Israeli Labor Party won the election in Israel and formed a Labor coalition government.
August 24: The sixth round of the bi-lateral talks ,W.
1993
September 9-10: PLO Israeli recognition
September 13: Palestinian-Israeli Declaration of Principle
1994
May 4: Gaza strip and Jericho Agreement in Cairo
August 29: Transfer of the power Agreement.
1995
September 28: Palestinian Israeli Interim Agreement signed in Washington.
1996
January: Election in Palestine
1997
January: Agreement of the redeployment from Hebron
March: The construction of the new Israeli settlement of Jabal Abu Ghneim (Har Homa) started.
March: Cease of the peace talks because of the continuous of the settlements policy of the Netanyahu Government.
Not only did the Zionists devote extraordinary efforts to defeat the Palestinians and destroy their society, but also they denied their existence.
Israel Zangwill, a founder of Zionism, claimed that Palestine was “a land without people, waiting for people without a land.”(Israel Zangwill, ‘The Return to Palestine’, New Liberal Review,II, Dec. 1901, p.627) But later on he came to admit that, “There is, however, a difficulty from which the Zionist dares not avert his eyes, though he does not like to face...Palestine proper has already its own inhabitants.” (‘The Voice of Jerusalem’, London, 1920, p.88) [mentioned in F&F, p.4]
The earliest Zionist colonialists in Palestine knew that the land they are settling on was inhabited. Christopher Sykes, pro-Zionist historian, said in his ‘Crossroads to Israel 1917-1948’ that “This is the problem with Palestine, it was inhabited.” But some chose to ignore this minor problem while others tried to overcome it.
Herzl, the father of Zionism, believed that the native Palestinians would resist the takeover of their country and therefore recommended that they be dealt with through “assured supremacy”, est. brutal force and military superiority. (Herzl, “The Jewish State: a modern Solution to the Jewish Question”, Rita Searl, 1946, p.29) [quoted in Facts and Fables, by Clifford A. Wright, p.2] He preached that the Zionists should acquire the land of their choice by armed conquest.
The denial of the Palestinian existence is well and alive until today, where the Palestinians who are Israeli citizens and living in Israel, are officially known as “the Arabs of Israel”. This denial of the Palestinian existence is a wholesale dehumanization of a people. “Who are the Palestinians?", exclaimed Golda Meir, Prime Minister of Israel, “There was no such thing as a Palestinian people in Palestine It was as though there was a Palestinian people and we came and threw them out and took their country from them. They did not exist.” (The London Sunday Times 15 June, 1969) [ quoted in Palestinians/ The Making of A People, by Baruch Kimmer & Joel S. Migdal]
In 1982 during the invasion of Lebanon, Prime Minister Menachem Begin, described them as, “two-legged beasts” in a speech in the Knesset. (Begin and the “Beasts”, by Israeli journalist Amnon Kapeliout) [quoted in F&F, p.3]
One of the basic facts of the Palestinian Arabs is that they exist, and have always existed and will continue to exist in spite of all the conspiracies that aim at liquidating them. The point from which their existence has been challenged arose in the war of 1948, which led to the physical dispossession of more than 800,000 of this indigenous population of Palestine. Palestine disappeared from the map and its people also disappeared from the mind and conscience of much of the world.
But the fact remains that the major portion of the territory, now called Israel, is still legitimately belongs to the indigenous Palestinian people.
WHO ARE THE PALESTINIANS?
The Palestinian Arabs of today, Muslims and Christians, are not, as
popularly believed, the descendants of the Arabian desert conquerors of 1300
years ago. In fact, they are mainly the descendants of the original native
population--Canaanites, Edomites, and Philistines. They were there when the
Hebrews (of whom the Jews claim descent) invaded the land in about 1550 B.C.,
and lived for a short period as the Biblical myths claims in fact there are no
mention to the Hebrews domination except in the Old Testament.
But if we accepted the Jewish legendary for argument we will find that
The native inhibitors of the lands survived the Israelites occupation, retained
possession of a large part of the country. They remained there when the last
Hebrew left the country nearly 2000 years ago. Then, they intermingled first
with the Arabs in the seventh century, then with the Crusaders in the 11th
century. They continued the occupation in their Arabaized character until the
Zionism invasion in 1948.
According to Ottoman sources, more than half a million people lived in Palestine in 1850. Of those 80% were Muslims, 10% were Christians, and 7% were Jews. (F&F, p.4, source Janet Abu-Lughod, ed. “The Transformation of Palestine”, p.140) By 1914 the British estimated Palestine’s population at 689,272 of whom no more than 60,000 or 9% were Jews. (The Great Census of Palestine’s population 1922, p.142)
The most accurate census at the time was the 1922 conducted by the British. Of the total 757,182 population, 78% were Muslims, 10% were Christians, 11% were Jews. 75% of the Jews were Europeans and their offspring. About 1% classified as others. The census did not include nearly 50,000 Bedouin in the Negev Desert.
Now the Palestinian number is estimated at six million. But this could either be accurate nor simply unreliable. The fact that an accurate census of the Palestinians has been impossible is a major symptom of their plight. It is not only their displacement in 1948, but also their continual and systematic displacement by Israel. In 1982 when Israel invaded southern Lebanon, it had forced the Palestinian even further from their homes, now occupied by Israel.
Though some Zionist have acknowledged that Palestinians existed as persons, they have never acknowledged them as a nation.
WHAT IT MEANS TO BE A NATION:
To be a nation means to feel an intimate attachment to a homeland, perceiving their past, present and future to be inextricably linked with the land they hold dear. Also it means a group of people speaking a common language, dwelling in unbroken territorial continuity and possessing a common consciousness of their own unique historical development. And the only real title which any people has to its country comes from birth and continual possession of the land. This is the criterion that the common acceptance of humanity has set up as a universal principle. It is recognized as the basis of integrity and security of all nations and no just international order can be established in the world today on any other foundation.
The Palestinians opposed from the beginning in 1880, the immigration of European Zionists to Palestine for the purpose of colonization. As early as 1891 Palestinian leaders demanded that Sultan Abdul Hamid II, ruler of Palestine, forbid the acquisition of land titles by European Zionists in Palestine. (Neville J. Mandel, ‘The Arabs and Zionism Before WWI’)
The Palestinian opposition to Zionism and the British Mandate and other rules before the Mandate, confirm that the Palestinians existed and developed into a people distinguishable from, but not without close ties to their neighbors.
Of all the violent struggles in Palestine, three revolts have defined the modern history of the country’s Arab. The first was against the Egyptian empire builders who ruled the country for most of the 1830s. The second revolt, from 1936-39, was against the British Imperial rule and was the first real effort to demonstrate decisively this fledgling nation’s political will. The third was the Intifada which began in 1987. Its goal, like the rebellion in 1936, was to lay the foundation for political independence, against Israel. This sustained opposition to Zionism and sustained demand for independence cannot be dismissed as isolated acts of individuals unrepresentative of their community as a whole. The Palestinian actions and arguments were essentially nationalist. (Palestine and the Palestinians, by Nor Maslaha)
The Intifada finally extracted a response from the world public opinion as it brought to light the enormity of the normal suffering inflicted on the Palestinian people under Israeli occupation. Since then the Palestinian people began to acquire the irrevocable status of a people dispossessed and under a brutal military occupation in international consciousness.
PALESTINE RECOGNIZED:
The Israeli scholar Y. Porath has shown that “at the end of the Ottoman period the concept of Filastin was widespread among the educated Arab public, denoting either the whole Palestine or the Jerusalem Sanjak alone.” (Porath, ‘The Emergence of the Palestinian National Movement’, 1929, Frank Cass, 1974, pp.8-9)
When the Western Powers established the boundaries of “mandated Palestine” they implicitly recognized the reality of Palestine and enhanced it as an area of special significance whose people were a people distinguishable from their neighbors. Palestine also was recognized by tourists. Baedeker’s famous guidebook, published in 1876, was entitled Palestine-Syria. Herzl, himself, in his letter to the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid, referred to ‘Palestine’ and neither seemed to be confused by the term. Palestinians regarded it as their homeland and others recognized it to be so.
The king-Crane Commission appointed by US President Woodrow Wilson submitted a report after the 1919 Versaille Peace Conference which said: “If... the wishes of Palestinian population are to be decisive as to what to be done with Palestine, then it is to be remembered that the non-Jewish population of Palestine--nearly nine-tenths of the whole population--are emphatically against the Zionism program.” (Walter Laqueur and Barry Rubin, eds. ‘The Israeli-Arab Reader: a Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict, Penguin 1984, p. 29) [quoted in F&F. p.8].
FILASTIN, THE ARABIC NAME:
The Arab name for Palestine, Filastin, was derived from the Latin Palaestina, In turn, the Latin term was derived from Philistina, the name given to the area by the ancient Philistines. When the Arabs arrived they named the territory Djund Filastin.
Palestine’s geographic location, being at a crossroads between three continents, and its religious background made its history distinguishable from its surrounding region.
Palestine has always been a country of farmers. Beginning with the settled agriculturists--the fellaheen or peasants--and their ties to the powerful land owning families that dominated rural economic and social life. It was peasants and landowners who put their stamp on day-to-day life in Palestine and who were the center of the bloody battles throughout the centuries.
But for the Israelis to acknowledge the existence of the Palestinians is to be reminded that the fact of Israel’s existence is the dispossession of the Palestinian people.
New Evidence The following article (3160 words!) was published in the Hebrew daily Ha'ir on 6 May 1992. It contains new revelations about war crimes committed by the Zionist forces in 1948 against Palestinian Arabs.
There are a number of reasons why the publication of this information is important:
#It shows once more and through the pen of Israeli historians what motivated the Palestinian Arabs to flee in 1948.
#It shows how the Zionist establishment has attempted and still attempts to hide the truth about the massacres of Palestinians in the 1948 War.
#It exposes the fallacy according to which it was mainly right-wing Zionists (the terrorist groups IZL and LEHI led by Menahem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir) who committed atrocities against Palestinian Arabs in 1948. In fact, most atrocities and massacres were committed by 'nice Jewish boys and girls', from the Labour movement, may of whom grew up in kibbutzim in a humanist environment.
#It exposes the myth, entertained in the West, according to which Israel's practices towards Palestinians worsened when the right-wing Likud came to power.
#It documents the development of a growing awareness among Israeli intellectuals of the need to face the past with honesty. This is a rather recent and salutary phenomenon.
An appendix to the article includes summary descriptions of some other massacres (published along [with] the article in Ha'ir).
Elias Davidsson translated from Hebrew and added some explanatory notes.
NOT ONLY DEIR YASSIN
By Guy Erlich, Ha'ir, 6 May 1992
After Lydda (1) gave up the fight, a group of stubborn Arab fighters barricated themselves in the small mosque. The commander of the Palmach's(2) 3d Battalion, Moshe Kalman, gave an order to fire a number of blasts towards the mosque. The soldiers who forced their way into the mosque were surprised to find no resistance. On the walls of the mosque they found the remains of the Arab fighters. A group of between twenty to fifty Arab inhabitants was brought to clean up the mosque and bury the remains. After they finished their work, they were also shot into the graves they dug.
The Jewish American journalist Dan Kurtzman, heard this testimony from Moshe Kalman, who has meanwhile died, while he was writing his book 'In the Beginning 1948 (Bereshit 1948)' about the War of Independence. As Kurtzman did not want to hurt the State of Israel, he did not include this testimony, but told this story to Israeli historian Aryeh Yitzhaki, when they met in the IDF archives, when Kurtzman was there working on his book. Kurtzman, who is now visiting Israel in connection with his new book (incidentally, these days a new edition of his older book is coming out), confirmed - after some hesitation - that he heard this testimony from Moshe Kalman.
Since its establishment, the State of Israel keeps a conspiracy of silence concerning massacres committed in the War of Independence (4). The only massacre acknowledged in official publications is that of Deir Yassin, perhaps because it was perpetrated by the IZL (Irgun). Books and press reports have referred to dozens of cases, but only partially and incompletely. Yitzhaki corroborates this impression: 'I read all the documents in the IDF archives written about the War of Independence. In the course of years I became especially alert to anything concerning the massacres.' Yitzhaki is a lecturer in the Bar Ilan University [Tel Aviv] in the Faculty of Eretz Yisrael Studies (5) and is also senior lecturer in the field of military history in IDF courses for officers. In the sixties he served as director of the IDF archives within the framework of his IDF service in his capacity as historian.
Yitzhaki assembled all the testimonies and documents concerning the subject matter and waited for the right time to publish. 'The time has come' he says, 'for a generation has passed, and it is now possible to face the ocean of lies (6) in which we were brought up. In almost every conquered village in the War of Independence, acts were committed, which are defined as war crimes, such as indiscriminate killings, massacres and rapes. I believe that such things end by surfacing. The only question is how to face such evidence.'
According to Yitzhaki, about ten major massacres were committed in the course of the War of Independence (i.e. more than fifty victims in each massacre) and about hundred smaller massacres (of individuals or small groups). According to him, these massacres had an enormous impact on the Arab population, by inducing their [flight] from the country.
Yitzhaki: 'For many Israelis it was easier to find consolation in the lie, that the Arabs left the country under orders from their leaders. This is an absolute fabrication. The fundamental cause of their flight was their fear from Israeli retribution and this fear was not at all imaginary. From almost each report in the IDF archives concerning the conquest of Arab villages between May and July 1948 - when clashes with Arab villagers were the fiercest - a smell of massacre emanates. Sometimes the report tells about blatant massacres which were committed after the battle, sometimes the massacres are committed in the heat of battle and while the villages are "cleansed". Some of my colleagues, such as Me'ir Pa'il, don't consider such acts as massacres. In my opinion there is no other term for such acts than massacres. This was at the time the rule of the game. It was a dirty war on both sides. This phenomenon spread out in the field; there were no explicite orders to exterminate. In the first phase a village was usually subjected to heavy artillery from distance. Then soldiers would assault the village. After giving up resistance, the Arab fighters would withdraw while attempting to snipe at the advancing forces. Some would not flee and would remain in the village, mainly women and old people. In the course of cleansing we used to hit them. One was 'tailing the fugitives', as it used to be called ('mezanvim baborchim'). There was no established battle procedure as today, namely that when blowing up a house, one has first to check whether civilians are still inside. In a typical battle report about the conquest of a village we find: 'We cleansed a village, shot in any direction where resistance was noticed. After the resistance ended, we also had to shoot people so that they would leave or who looked dangerous'.
The historian Uri Milstein, a myth-shatterer, corroborates Yitzhaki's assessment regarding the massacres' extent and goes even further. 'If Yitzhaki claims that almost in every village there were murders, then I maintain that even before the establishment of the State, each battle ended with a massacre. In all Israel's wars massacres were committed but I have no doubt that the War of Independence was the dirtiest of them all. All over the world, massacres constitute an integral part of the norm of war and it is in fact the fundamental basis of human conduct in a situation of battle. The idea behind a massacre is to inflict a shock on the enemy, to paralyze the enemy. In the War of Independence everybody massacred everybody, but most of the action happened between Jews and Palestinians.'
Milstein adds: 'In my opinion, the regular armies of Arab states were less barbaric than the Jews and the. Until the entry into the battle of the Arab armies, the concept of taking prisoners was unknown. The regular armies, especially that of Jordan and Egypt, were the first in the region who did not kill prisoners, as a matter of principle. Not that they were exceptional, but they killed the least of all, relatively speaking. The Jordanian Legion even succeeded to stop Palestinians of massacring Jews in Gush Etzion, at least in a part of this area. The education in the Yishuv (7) at that time had it that the Arabs would do anything to kill us and therefore we had to massacre them. A substantial part of the Jewish public was convinced that the most cherished wish of say, a nine-year old Arab child, was to exterminate us. This belief bordered on paranoia.'
A careful study reveals that until today over twenty massacres were publicly reported. The testimonies were not published in one collection, a fact which adds to this phenomenon another dimension. At least eight massacres were described by Benny Morris in his book 'The Birth of the Palestine Refugee Problem'. Two cases were reported in Milstein's books. Two cases are reported in the book of Palestinian historian Arif al-Arif. The rest were reported in novels, memories and the press. But it appears that at least eight more massacres were committed which are reported here for the first time. Two of them were discovered by Yitzhaki, three by Milstein, one case was revealed by Kurtzman and was presented in the introduction to this reportage. One case was brought to our knowledge by a kibbutz member who wishes to remain anonymous and one more case was revealed by Dov Yirmiya.
The testimonies concerning the massacres, revealed here for the first time by Yitzhaki, are kept in the IDF archives. Those who wish to study the documents in question confront a blank refusal. The director, Miki Kaufman: 'If you are looking for what I believe you are looking for, then you canforget it. In any case, just keep in mind that we are reading over any documents before you are allowed to see them and we cull out material that you should not see'.
A person who already had to face this barrage is Benny Morris. He addressed himself to the State Archivist to get a report by the government-nominated Shapira Committee, on killings in the War of Independence, but his request was denied.
'The Archivist refused to let me see the report and I went then to the Supreme Court. According to the [State] Archives Law (1953), access is open to documents concerning [government] policies and political matters after 30 years and documents related to security matters after 50 years. As the report by the Shapira committee is a political document issued by the Ministry of Justice, it was to be accessible by the public. But after I entered my request to the State Archivist and to the courts, the State Prosecutor and the Archivist made me a trick. It appeared that by convening a special meeting of at least two Cabinet members - in this case Arens and Sharir - it was possible to extend indefinitely the classified status of any archived document by arguing that disclosure might endanger state security. The meeting was duly convened and the document was reclassified (...)'
But Yitzhaki kept the testimonies. The first case he presents happened in Tel Gezer. A soldier of the the Kiryati Brigade (...) testifies that his colleagues got hold of ten Arab men and two Arab women, a young one and and an old one. All the men were murdered. The young woman was raped and her destiny was unknown. The old woman was murdered. Yitzhaki tells that he discovered the testimony in a specific folder containing testimonies from Guard Units (Kheil Mishmar) in the IDF archives. Later he also obtained an oral testimony about this event from a person who wished to remain anonymous.
Another case happened in Ashdod. Towards the end of August 1948, the Giv'ati Brigade executed the 'Cleansing Campaign' (Mivtza Nikayon) in Ashdod's dunes. This happened after the forced landing of an Israeli plane in the area and the killing of his eight passengers by locals. A company of mounted cavalry, jeeps and Giv'ati fighters went to comb the area. In the course of this action, and according to a conservative estimate, ten farmers ('fellahin') were murdered. Yitzahki says that evidence about that can be found in the campaign chronicle of Giv'ati in the IDF archives and in the second chapter of the book on the Giv'ati Brigade.
'Apart from these cases', says Yitzhaki, 'there are more cases described in IDF's archives, but I don't want to disclose them at this stage. I will yet write a book.'
The historian Uri Milstein presented in his book series 'The History of the War of Independence' a number of massacres. Three more cases came to his knowledge after he finished writing. One case happened in Ayn Zaytoon. According to Milstein two massacres happened there in addition to the case described by Netiva Ben Yehuda in her book 'Within the Bounds' (mibe'ad la'avutot). Milstein possesses a testimony from a soldier named Aharon Yo'eli: 'Three men from Safad came to Ayn Zaytoon, they took 23 Arabs, told them they were murderers and gangsters, took from them their watches and put them in their pockets, led them over the hills and killed them. This was the revenge of the Jews of Safad. I understood that our commanders were looking for additional killers to execute such jobs. Not everybody in Safad was a hassid [strictly observing Jew]. In my opinion this was not the execution of prisoners but the killing of Arab murderers. The rest were expelled in the direction of the Germak that same evening and to make them go fast, we shot at them.' The second case was reported to Milstein by a soldier named Yitzhak Golan, as he referred to thirty prisoners who were brought to interrogation in Har Kna'an: 'The men of the Intelligence Unit interrogated them and after the interrogation the question came up what to do with them. We were told to take them down to the Rosh Pina police station. On the way they attempted to escape so we shot at them. There was no alternative. The danger was that they might reach Safad and would tell there how few weapons and manpower we had. It is possible that they were killed chained. Next morning a platoon was sent to bury them'.
Another case happened in Caesarea. In February 1948 the Fourth Batallion of the Palmach forces, under the command of Josef Tabenkin (8), conquered Caesarea. According to Milstein, all those who did not escape from the village were killed. Milstein gleaned testimonies about this fact from fighters who participated in the conquest.
A member of Kibbutz Be'eri, who was assigned to the the Guard Milices for a short time, reveals another unpublished case about the murder of an Arab soldier: 'We were in the strong point in the Wadi Ara area, near Giv'at Ada. Not far away was a post of Palestinians who fired from time to time at us. One night we raided their post and brought back a prisoner for interrogation. One of the soldiers of the Guard Milices took the prisoner after interrogation, beheaded him and with a knife scalped the head. No one present tried to stop him. He then tied the skin to a high pole facing the Palestinian post to inspire a deadly fear among the Palestinians. This soldier was later brought to the batallion commander for trial.'
On 20 May 1948 the Karmeli Brigade conquered the village Kabri. Dov Yirmiya, who was a company commander in the 21th batallion, tells: 'Kabri was conquered without a fight. Almost all inhabitants fled. One of the soldiers, Yehuda Reshef, who was together with his brother among the few rescapees from the Yehi'am convoy, got hold of a few youngsters who did not escape, probably seven, ordered them to fill up some ditches digged as an obstacle and then lined them up and fired at them with a machine gun. A few died but some of the wounded succeeded to escape. The batallion commander did not react. Reshef was a brave fighter and as a rescapee from the Yehi'am convoy, enjoyed special status in the batallion. He advanced later to the grade of Brigadier General. He justified his action as an act of revenge.'
'When the action ended, we left, namely the batallion commander Dov Tschitchiss, Education Officer Tzadok Eshel, the driver and myself. We drove over fields to Nahariya. While driving we saw refugees escaping to the North. The batallion commander ordered the driver to stop and went with the driver and the Education Officer to chase an Arab who was escaping with a girl eight or nine years old. I heard shots and had scarcely the time to understand what happened. When they returned, the batallion commander declared: We killed them. I asked: The girl too? And he answered to me: No, no, we did not kill the girl'.
The Education Officer, Tzadok Eshel, has already forgotten about the episode. 'In our Carmeli Brigade', he said, 'we did not commit massacres. I can tell you about the massacre that the IZL people did in Haifa. It was typical for the IZL and the LEHI, not to us. It was totally outside our way of thinking. There was the case of an officer who wanted to loot a village but they did not allow him.' After hearing the testimony of Yermiya, Eshel changed his version: 'Did I tell you about this case, no?...Probably I forgot...Yes, there was in fact one case where we drove in a jeep and an officer, I don't remember who, but I don't think it was the batallion commander, wanted to shoot down an Arab with a girl. I told him that if he will fire at them, I will shoot at him. When we returned to the jeep I felt good that I succeeded to stop such a thing.' - Yirmiya, in his testomony mentions [however] shots', -'I don't at all remember that I was in the jeep. I was in the area. I tell you, you better leave these things. There were no such things.'
Notes by Elias Davidsson
#Lydda: An Arabic town between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. Most of its inhabitants were expelled in 1948 under written orders by Yitzhak Rabin.
#Palmach: Shock troups of the Labour-controlled Hagana forces.
#IDF: Israel Defense Forces.
#The War of Independence is the name given by Zionists. The Palestinian Arab call this war the Naqba (The Tragedy). Less loaded names might be The First Zionist-Palestinian War, or the War of 1947-1948.
#Eretz Yisrael: The Hebrew name for the area of Mandatory Palestine (from the Jordan to the Mediterranean sea).
#One of the most potent lies, disseminated in the whole world, was that the Palestinian Arabs left their homes under explicit orders by Arab leaders outside Palestine. There is no evidence for this claim, but it has served Israel very well for at least 15 years after its establishment, especially in the West.
#Yishuv: Jewish society in Mandatory Palestine.
One of the leadesr of the leftist Zionist Ahdut Avoda movement.
Count Bernadotte Assassination by Zionist Gangs:
17 September 1948
By Ghada Sharqawy (Al-Ahram, 17 September 1998)
It was realized by those who established Israel that this State would never come to be without using force. They justified this necessity in their books and speeches, most notably those by Herzl, the founder of the Zionist State, who urged the use of arms against the difficulties that may deter the establishment of Israel, and Jabutensky, the professor of Israeli terrorism, who taught major Israeli terrorists such as Menachem Begin and Issac Shamir how to prepare the young Zionists to be absolute belligerent terrorists.
When Israel was founded, Wiseman, the first Israeli head of State, called for the use of terrorism. Then David Ben Gurion drew up the plans of this terrorism, outlining how Israel would never continue to exist without the use of force. Based on this premise, some Fascist military trends were formed within the Israeli community, becoming the core of the Zionist ideology. Due to this trend toward violence, several Zionist terrorist gangs were organized in the 1940s in order to liberate the Zionist State and establish an independent one. The most notable gangs were the Argon organization led by Begin, the former Israeli premier; and the Stern organization led by Issac Shamir, also a former Israeli premier. These organizations carried out numerous terrorist operations against the Arabs and the British forces before the Zionist gangs were unified when Israel was declared an independent State in May of 1948 and the British forces left Palestine. The most important terrorist operations which Begin boasted of in his book entitled, The Rebellion—Argon Story, was the Deir Yaseen massacre or genocide, and the bombing of the King David hotel, which resulted in the deaths of about 200 civilian, in addition to other bloody operations, which Begin considered the only means to realize the Zionist goals.
Consequently, the assassination on 17 September 1948 of Swedish Count Folk Bernadotte, the United Nations delegate sent to settle the Arab-Israeli conflict, was a natural link in the Zionist series of terrorist operations against peace. Count Bernadotte was a member of the royal family in Sweden and the Chairman of the Swedish Red Cross who became a target of extermination as a result of some historical events which began on 29 November 1947, the date on which the UN approved the Division Resolution by majority. This decision divided Palestine into two independent States—an Arab one and a Jewish one—while Jerusalem was put under international protection. This was accepted by most of the Jews, however, it was rejected by Palestinians and Arabs who prepared themselves to fight against it. The British announced that the decision would be a failure, and so they would not apply it.
When the war broke out between the Arabs and Israel on 15 May 1948, after the British forces had withdrawn, the UN sent Count Bernadotte as a mediator to Palestine to solve this problem. He began his mission on 21 March 1948 because there was a cease-fire between the Arabs and Israel. He suggested several proposals. In particular, he felt the issue of Jewish immigration to Palestine, which he considered an issue against peace because the Arabs feared it, was one that needed to be organized at the international level because it was essential for the Jews to be on good terms with their neighbours. Moreover, he also suggested some changes in the borders between the Arab and the Jewish States as shown in the UN decision, in particular annexing Al-Naqab to the Arab State, the Galilee to the Jewish State, and Jerusalem to be ruled by the Arabs provided the Jews were given autonomy in its municipal affairs; however, it emphasized that the city was to be under the protection of the Arabs.
As soon as the Jews heard this, they became irate and furious and considered the Count to be against their goals, especially with respect to Jerusalem and the Jewish immigration to Palestine. The most resistant organization was known as the Shtern led by Shamir. This gang, which had independent units in Jerusalem, began carrying out demonstrations against Sweden. Some of its leaders, such as Israel Aldad—the godfather of the gang—Joshua Zetler and Mashaloum Macover, persuaded Nathan More and Issac Shamir, the gang leaders, to arrange to assassinate the Count, which was planned by Shamir himself. This was documented by Charles Anderline in his book, War or Peace—the Secrets of the Arab-Israeli Negotiations in 1917-1997.
When the Count and his French assistant, Colonel Pierre Andrea Seiro, came back to Jerusalem from Syria on Friday, 17 September 1948, they were sitting in the back seat of their car after having finished some tasks when a Jeep full of armed men stopped them and three of the armed men opened fire on the Count and killed him. The criminals ran away, having successfully completed their task as well as killing the possibility of peace in the process. The details of this crime remained a secret until they were released by the Jews on the 40th anniversary of the assassination.
This act clearly indicated that the Jews never intended to work toward a peaceful coexistence with the Arabs and also showed that peace would never be an Israeli target because peace is always a barrier against its goals. The assassination is also evidence that terrorism is the core of Zionist ideology adopted by the Zionist leaders who led this State. This crime was not forgotten by the passing of time; however, the international community did not want to know about it. Even after the details of the assassination had been released, the criminals were not punished. This is not surprising since most Israeli crimes in the Middle East are perpetrated without condemnation or reprimand by the international community.
After Half-Century, Historians Debate Israel's Birth
By DAN PERRY Associated Press Writer
TEL AVIV, Israel (AP) -- For the Jewish refugees and pioneers who built Israel on the ashes of the Holocaust, theirs was a straightforward tale of justice, heroism and redemption.
But a half-century later, a maturing nation is reassessing its violent birth, with historians angrily debating a long-suppressed question with broad implications: Was Israel born in sin?
For Ilan Pappe, among the most outspoken of Israel's "new historians,'' the answer is a resounding yes.
"Jews came and took, by means of uprooting and expulsion, a land that was Arab,'' the Haifa University scholar said in an interview with The Associated Press. " We wanted to be a colonialist occupier, and yet to come across as moral at the same time!''
The "new historians'' claim that in many cases their predecessors dishonestly perpetuated national myths, especially surrounding the 1948-49 war that established Israel and created the Palestinian refugee problem.
Among the claims made by the revisionists:
--The Jews' victory over several invading Arab armies in the 1948-49 war was not the miracle they like to believe. The stronger side won.
--The Arabs who fled Israel (estimates range up to 700,000) were not just responding to Arab leaders' calls to clear out of the way so Arab armies could massacre the Jews. Many, if not most, were driven out.
--After the war, the Arabs were not the rejectionist side. Israel's leaders hid from their people a series of peace overtures because they were unwilling to compromise.
In Israel, history and the present day mix constantly. Some fear the revisionists' dismantling of Israel'seroic self-image could weaken its resolve as it prepares to negotiate final borders with the Palestinians ,and it has sparked an angry backlash.
For instance, Ephraim Karsh, who teaches war studies at London's Kings College, denounced the revisionism as distortion peddled by cynics.
"The motives of Israel's founders were pure,'' he insisted. "They wanted a Jewish state for the Jewish people.''
The expulsions issue was long muddled by confusion surrounding the war, a vague assumption that Arab versions of events were false , as indeed, they often were over the years , and regulations sealing documents relating to state security for 30 years.
The first salvo from the ``new historians'' came in the late 1980s, when Benny Morris, now a professor at Ben-Gurion University in Beersheba, detailed the expulsions of the Arabs in a series of articles and a book, "The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem.''
"They (the Arabs) left for a variety of reasons, the most prominent of which was Israeli attacks and fearof Israeli attacks imminent, not imagined attacks,'' Morris said in an interview.
Morris could not say exactly how many were directly driven out. In Lod and Ramle, about 60,000 were actually forced out by Israeli troops, while in Haifa, Jaffa and Safed, Arabs fled on or near the dates of Jewish attacks, he said.
And while Zionist leaders may not have planned the expulsions, Morris said, they toyed with the idea while struggling with a basic quandary: "They had to establish a Jewish state in a country where there was a majority of Arabs. Any way you divided the country there would be a large ... potential fifth column.''
After a British commission recommended a partition of Palestine and population exchanges in 1937, David Ben-Gurion and others who led Israel before statehood made numerous statements in support of transferring the Arab population out of Israel, Morris said. "There is never one quote that they oppose transfer.''
Pappe has tried to prove that Israel's War of Independence was not what it seemed for Israelis reared on the idea that a small, ragtag army of Jewish refugees miraculously prevailed over powerful Arab invaders.
The Arab armies - primarily from Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Transjordan, now Jordan - totaled just over 20,000* men, he said. The core of the Arab nations' fighting forces remained behind, in part to ensure the internal stability of their own fledgling regimes.
The nascent Israel Defense Force - mostly based on the pre-state Hagana militia - soon outnumbered the Arabs and the Jewish soldiers were far more motivated. The Arabs also were crippled by dependence on British military supplies, which were withheld, Pappe said.
Crucially, Israel had a quiet agreement with Transjordan that its Arab Legion, the strongest of the invading armies, would take over only the West Bank, hich the U.N. partition plan had intended as the center of a Palestinian Arab state, Pappe said.
Even so, the Arab Legion handily won a few battles, including the capture of East Jerusalem and the Etzion bloc of Jewish settlements near Bethlehem.
There are also new claims that in the months after the war, Arab leaders sent peace feelers that Ben-Gurion rejected and kept from the Israeli public because he would not part with his gains in the war compared to the skimpier U.N. partition plan. The Arabs never publicized the offers, fearing their own public opinion, Pappe said.
Morris said these events were glossed over by Zionist historians, who "propagated a wholly rosy view of Israeli thinking and actions and a wholly negative view of Arab thinking and actions.''
The conclusion is that "Israelis are normal,'' Morris said. "They look after their own interests, they're not very generous and like most people they distort the truth and after revolutions tend to write official histories.''
While some of the facts are in dispute, the essence of the historians' debate appears to be mostly about emphasis and interpretation.
"Old historian'' Anita Shapira of Tel Aviv University, for example, said it was unfair to focus solely on the number of soldiers in the field and ignore the Arab armies "`potential to overwhelm Israel numerically.''
Asked about expulsions of Arabs, she said, "There was no plan to expel, because it seemed cruel, and they really felt that they couldn't do it for moral reasons.''
"But no one was sorry when the flight began,'' she conceded.
The debate has degenerated into name-calling in recent months in a feud between Morris and Karsh, who wrote a book called ``Fabricating Israeli History: The New Historians.''
Karsh told the AP that Morris "would be in jail'' if he applied his academic standards to his tax returns.
"Karsh is a liar,'' snapped Morris.
The anger that accompanies the debate appears to be fueled by an evident political split.
Karsh, Shapira and most other ``old historians'' are Zionists. Pappe and many of his colleagues declare themselves ``post-Zionists'' who believe Israel should drop the ``Jewish state'' mantle.
The post-Zionists would cancel the Law of Return, which allows anyone with a Jewish grandparent to immigrate and receive automatic citizenship. They also want to change "Hatikva,'' the anthem that speaks of Jews' longing for their land and ignores the Arab minority that accounts for almost a fifth of the population.
At the heart of the debate is a challenge to the fundamental idea justifying the Jews' return to Israel over the past 100 years - that they deserve a state because they are a "people.''
"Jews are nothing more than a religion. To have a `Jewish state' is like having a Catholic state' in France,'' said Pappe.
Terrorism is the core of Zionism
Dr. Moh'd N. Al-Khawaldeh
The use of terrorism by the Zionists, is not a reactionary policy, nor is it used casually, rather it is an integral element of the Zionist State. Furthermore the State sees it as being essential to develop and preserve this element of terrorism. The strong relationship between Zionism and terrorism could be linked to the imperialist nature of both the ideological and political parties, which supported the Zionist movement.
The Permanent Characteristics
In order for a Jewish State to be established, it was essential to carry out a policy of constant persecution and terrorism against the natives of land, the Palestinians. It was impossible for the Zionists to achieve their goals without carrying out a policy of racial discrimination against the Arabs. Thus, with regards to this policy at least, it became irrelevant who the political allies of the State were, as this policy was deemed essential to the existence of the State and was not a negotiable aspect of any alliance. The racist nature of Zionism, is an innate characteristic of this political movement, whose basis is the belief that the Jews are "God's chosen people".
The nature of Zionism, together with the ideological persuasions of its political allies, has ensured that the State of Israel has become a military fort, to defend the interests of the imperial powers, in the developing countries of the Near and Middle East.
It is noticeable that Zionism prospered in the mid 1880s when imperialism began advocating the use of racist terms, such as the 'white' man, as well as imposing the so-called 'Western wisdom' on the illiterate people of the East. The Zionist invasion of Palestine was the product of imperialist Europe's invasion of three continents, and it was justified to the world with the theological argument that Palestine was the "Promised Land" of the Jews. Thus, Zionism is a manifestation of colonial imperialism and is based on both race and religion; to be more exact, it is based on a theological claim which states that the land of Palestine is the land which God has promised to the 'Chosen People'. The concept of a 'Chosen People' emphasizes the superiority of the Jews, who should not socialize with other peoples or share the land with any others. Naturally, this has resulted in a racial closure for the Jews, discrimination against all other races, especially the Arabs, who were the original inhabitants of Palestine, as well as an innate sense of superiority amongst the Jewish race. The policy of racial closure is seen as a necessity in order to gather the Jewish people in the diaspora under a central authority, thus the world is divided into Jewish and non-Jewish. Without such a policy of racial closure for the Jews, the Jewish people would be scattered throughout the world, thus making it difficult to establish a State, which represents the Jewish 'nation'. Thus the Zionist State of Israel is the only home for all the Jews.
The Comprehensive Closure
All the Zionist leaders have emphasized the idea of a comprehensive closure. One of the main threats to the Jewish people is perceived as being a dilution of Judaism, through interaction with other societies and cultures. In other words, the Jews may leave their own people and socialize with the other societies, as a result of which they will lose their own identity. Moreover, the idea of a comprehensive closure was conducive to the establishment of the Zionist State. Thus, we can see two reasons why the idea of a Jewish closure was ardently adopted by the Zionists. First, to preserve the existence of the Jewish 'nation' and to make this a worldwide issue. Secondly, to make the Jews into a distinguished and chosen people, with their own peculiar traditions and customs. To this end, it is even forbidden for a Jewish woman to marry a non-Jewish man-to do so is considered a national and religious betrayal that must be punished.
The objective behind the racial closure in the Zionist ideology is to achieve a pure and superior race. As a result, introversion is considered a virtue and isolation is a ritual. Thus, for the Jews, the idea of the 'Ghetto' is a positive one, in that it does not only show that the Jews are being rejected by the society, which they see as good, but it is a sign of achievement for the Jews. To explain this, we must understand that for a Jew to be a Jew, in the eyes of Zionism, he must refuse to deal with the rest of the human race and work to achieve a comprehensive racial closure by convincing all Jews to move from the diaspora to the Promised Land. This in turn necessitates the forced exile of the indigenous population-the Palestinians-from the land, and the forced return of all Jews to the Jewish homeland. Consequently, the racial closure is a means to preserve the superiority and racial purity of the Jews through the means of a State.
There are obvious differences between Zionism and the other forms of colonial imperialism or classical imperialism. The latter, while emphasizing the superiority of the Europeans, especially the 'whites' who alone are fit to be master, they still require the preservation of the native population, albeit in a subservient role. Zionism, however, requires that all the native population must be exiled, thus leaving the land entirely for the Jews. Such a belief makes the use of terrorism and persecution against the Palestinians, especially those who resist, a necessity. This belief has taken on other dimensions, which have never before been witnessed, even under the Apartheid governments of South Africa and Rhodesia. Zionism rejects the use of internal suppression, but rather it depends on the use of deportation. Zionism is colonial imperialism on the one hand and racial colonial imperialism on the other; as a result, it exploits the resources of the land it occupies and it also deports the natives.
The racist nature of Zionism existed prior to the invasion of Palestine; as a result, the isolation of the Jews from the Arabs was well planned. This is evidenced by the relatively immediate establishment of the Zionist unions and the application of the Hebraic labour laws, as well as the boycotting of Arabic goods and manpower, via various establishments, such as the Zionist Agency, the National Jewish Fund, the Corporation of Palestine Fund and the Jewish Labour Union. During the preparation for the establishment of the Zionist State, the Zionists moved from boycott to deportation, and from co-existence to the idea of a pure Jewish State. In 1895, Hertzl said, "We should force the natives to leave their homeland…by depriving them of labour"(1); this was further emphasized by Wiseman in 1919, when he was dreaming of a real Jewish State, "as Jewish as England is English" (2). This statement by Wiseman, carries all the characteristics of Fascism, as the Jewish State does not only consider the deportation of the natives to be an absolute necessity, but it is also deemed vital that all memory of the Palestinians be eradicated as well. To this end, all the historical and architectural achievements of the Palestinians, throughout their long history, have to be concealed or destroyed.
Throughout its history Zionism has depended on the means of terrorism, deportation and predation to achieve its objectives; in this respect, Zionism can be equated with Naziism. Fascist theories have been brought to life with the Zionist practices against the Palestinians; for example, the Zionists have put into practice the idea propagated by Hitler of the "Ultimate Solution", which was the execution of the rivals of the Nazi ideology without trial. Hitler also believed in the superiority of the Arian race, and he committed many atrocities in order to make Germany into a pure country, inhabited only by the pure Arian race. Similarly, the Zionists are trying make Palestine into a country without Arabs, so that it will become the Promised Land for God's Chosen People-the Jews.
Over the years, the Palestinians have consistently frustrated the Zionist dreams and plans through their long fight against the occupation. They have been able to achieve this because many of them have remained on their native land, despite the objections of the Jews. The Zionists have responded with the policy of "the security regions", which have been applied to 90% of the Palestinian community within the new State. This term is a polite expression for the martial law which is applied upon the Palestinians, and justified by the so-called 'security threat' of the Palestinians to the State of Israel. As a result, the occupied territories are ruled by a division of military officers, who apply the laws of war and defence, at the military courts. This situation makes it very difficult for the Palestinians to move freely; in addition, it suppresses cultural activities, deprives the Palestinians of the right to a university education and prevents equal pay for the workers who have low-standard jobs. It also confiscates the land under the pretext of public benefit and prevents the Palestinians from taking up any government positions. This situation is similar to the so-called "Bantus" in South Africa, before the time of Mandella. Accordingly, the Israeli society has been divided into two groups; the first group, the Jews, are ruled by the laws of democracy, while the other group, the Arabs, are ruled by force and persecution, which is clear evidence of the rampant racial discrimination practised by the Zionists(3).
From the time the theory of Zionism was invented, the Zionists' use of terrorism has been organized and consistent. The adaptability of the policy of terrorism by the Zionists to the changing conditions within the State, as well as its prolonged use, makes it impossible for Zionism to establish the pure Jewish State without practicing terrorism. The policies of terrorism and deportation, as used by the Zionists and which have indeed become an innate aspect of this political movement, can only provoke the Palestinians to continue their fight as long as the Zionist State exists. Naturally, then, the Palestinian resistance has grown parallel to the Zionists use of terrorism, especially regarding internal matters. This situation can only be stopped by stronger forces, as otherwise it will grow endlessly, at the same time becoming more dangerous and more extreme, although there will come a time when it will be destroyed altogether. Thus, terrorism is an organic constituent of Zionism; it reveals the illusions of this system and works against the final solution to the Palestine question.
The Elements of Terrorism in the Zionist Ideology
1. Ignoring the Palestinians Zionism does not recognize the existence of the Palestinians; indeed, their existence goes against the Zionist objectives. Thus, it is doing its best to destroy and cancel the Palestinian identity in order to prove that it does not exist; to this end, the Palestinians are uprooted, deported or banished from wherever they live. Zionism only recognizes the Palestinian when he lives outside his homeland and has no Palestinian identity; this idea was emphasized by Hertzl in his dairy when he wrote, "We try to deport the natives to the neighbouring countries and give them jobs so that they will not come back to our land (4)." Hence, the Zionist ideology, which does not generally recognize the existence of the Palestinian people, will do so when it is convenient. In this respect, they will help them get jobs outside the State, as this will eradicate them from the State of Israel. This policy of selective recognition was emphasized by Hertzl when he said, "If I find wild animals in the land we move into, I will use the natives to get rid of the animals before I find them jobs in other countries (5)." So, although, as a rule, the Palestinian should generally be destroyed, one way or another, because the Zionist philosophy teaches that he is not a 'normal' human being, he can, however, be seen to exist when it is necessary to use him for some purpose, which would be degrading for the superior race of the Jews. In this case, he is seen as a primitive animal, which in itself has the same effect of depriving the Palestinian of any real recognition as a human being. This policy of seeing the Palestinians as a non-entity was summed up by Balfour when he said, "We do not have to consult the natives of Palestine or even know their desires (6)."
Hertzl's belief was that the primitive Palestinian should be destroyed; this ideology was adopted by Hertzl because of the scientifically debated differences between the existing human species and the supposed struggle between the primitive and the civilized. This led to the belief that in order to protect and serve civilization, primitivism must be destroyed. Under such a philosophy, Zionism found the pretext to kill in the name of God civilization and self-interests. The most serious point here is that under this belief, murder is considered a marginal crime, a necessity in order to get rid of the Palestinians. This was emphasized by Golda Me'eir when she said, "There is no such term as 'Palestinians'; they do not exist (7)." Such disregard automatically nullifies the concepts of murder, conviction and punishment in relation to actions taken against the Palestinians. Zionism banishes the Palestinians from the realm of humanity in order to justify its deeds, and considers murder as a preventive measure to be taken against strange and harmful creatures. As Begin once said, "Palestinians are just cockroaches which should be crushed (8)." Moreover, Zionism considers the evacuation of the Palestinian cities and villages as a sanitation process, to clear these places of odious 'insects'. It exterminates by force whatever is considered harmful to the civilized human being, and thus the conflict between the two forces begins. As Begin says, "We should recognize that there is not room for two peoples on this land; the only solution is to have a Palestine without Arabs, who must be deported to the neighbouring countries and their tribes should be dispersed." The words used by Begin reflect various Zionist concepts. For example, the use of the word deportation shows the belief that it is impossible to have any co-existence between the Jews and the Arabs, rather that those who are to be deported should be punished severely, because they are undesirables and deserve punishment and persecution. The phrase "there is no room for two peoples on this land" is evidence of the belief that there will be a constant struggle for survival between the two sides until one side overcomes and banishes the other. This need to banish justifies all the necessary means, such as psychological pressure, terrorism and cold-blooded murder, all of which are characteristic of the Arab-Zionist conflict.
The theory that there is a constant struggle that controls the Arab-Zionist conflict is also adopted by Yousuf Wateez, who wrote in his dairies on 19 December 1940, "There is no place for two peoples on this land; the Arabs must be moved to the neighbouring countries (9)." In reality, this means that the Arabs will be given no regard and will be humiliated because although in general the word "move" means to move naturally and freely, here it means to deport the Palestinians from their homeland by force and place them in the neighbouring countries, which are given little choice but to host them. This process firmly divides the Jews and Arabs, the dominant race being the Jews, who consciously plan and order, and the subservient race being the Arabs, who obey.
One of the present purposes of the Zionist ideology is to play the game of "the face and the mask", which conceals terrorism under the pretext of civilization, murder under the Old Testament, and deportation as movement. This game has always been practiced in theory, but it has become a practical reality after the establishment of the Zionist State, whose ideology is very similar to the ruthless regimes of the apartheid governments of South Africa, Chile and El-Salvador.
We can thus see the flawed nature of this game; the Zionist State does not represent civilization, rather it stands for all the shortcomings of Fascism, Naziism and Imperialism. This is emphasized by Yousuf Wateez when he says, "There is no salvation for us unless we evacuate the land by deporting the natives and housing them in the neighbouring countries (10)." The author uses the humane term "salvation", which indicates that there is an act of saving someone or of being saved, yet the author clearly shows that this act of salvation for the Jews can only be achieved at the expense of the Arabs, that the rights of one can only be achieved by a denial of the rights of another. This inverted concept, which is propagated with such obstinacy, reveals the false concept of salvation under the Zionist ideology. This racial, narrow-minded, egoistic ideology, does not know the real way of salvation, rather this form of salvation will only lead to the destruction of other peoples. The real concepts of salvation, happiness, freedom and independence are irretrievably bound up with the idea of justice. Nevertheless, the Zionist ideology has denied the Palestinian his rights of land, humanity and history throughout the ages. Indeed, the Israeli ex-Minister of Education, Haroun Yadlin said in 1974, "It is quite important for the young to know that we did not find any nation when we came back to this country (11)." Thus, the young have been deliberately misinformed, so as to ensure the continuation of the State. The minister used the term "nation" because he could not deny the existence of the people; it was clearly his intention to try and deal with this issue theoretically, by comparing it to the foreign hegemony as practised among others-the Ottomans and the British. However, the idea of the 'nation' has been confused with the idea of the 'State'. The fact that there was no independent State does not mean that there was no nation; in this respect, the issue of the Palestinian question does not only concern the Palestinians, but all the third world countries.
The modern nations of the world have been formed after undergoing a severe struggle with the imperialist nations. They became nations because they possessed the necessary qualities of any nation, such as land, history, language and traditions. The use of the word 'nation' by Yadlin is interesting, because under the internationally recognized definition of a nation, there is no such thing as a Jewish 'nation', as prior to 1948 they did not have land, nor was there a universal language or universal traditions. On the other hand, there was a Palestinian 'nation' under this definition, thus Yadlin has used the term to suit his own objective, which is to ignore the existence of the Palestinian nation. The use of the argument that there was not a Palestinian nation, while there was a legitimate Jewish nation, is a mere false justification for the hostile attitude taken by the Jews against the Arabs; after all, if there was no nation, they have no right to be there. The continual repetition of this argument has turned it into a reality for many people (12). The first Minister of Education, the founder of Israel, and the university professor, Benzion Denola, said in the introduction to his book, The History of Hagana, that "There is no place for the Arabs in our land, and we will tell them to leave; if they resist, we will deport them by force." Moreover, Joseph Me'eir, the director of the settlements in the Zionist Agency, wrote in June 1967, "It has become obvious that there is no room for two peoples in this land, and the only solution is to establish Israel west of Jordan, without the Arabs, who must be moved to the neighbouring countries." The terms "move" and "neighbouring countries", in reality, suggest that there will be a continual fight against the Palestinians in order to force them to accept the Zionist laws and hence make the Zionists the dominant race.
2. The Promotion of Hostility through Education Aggression in the Zionist ideology is not restricted to physical attacks against the Palestinians; it also encompasses a non-physical or mental aspect. This is achieved through a comprehensive and systematic education of the students, the soldiers and the rabbis, using similar methods to those of Fascism and Naziism. Indeed, education is considered as one of the best ways to promote hostility against the Palestinians at all levels. For instance, Jabutensky says, "I have spoiled your sons, and taught them how to destroy the system (the glass of the windows), and I tried to teach them that real education is not about how to read, but about how to fire, and I did not harm them. I hope to be honoured and to be able to continue this (work) as a writer and a guide, as long as I am alive (13)." Apparently, then, the role of a writer is to murder and to teach about murder; the writer is the bullet, and the reader is the gunman. Their job is to find the innocent and naïve in the schools and turn them into rebels, who are prepared not only to break the glass of the windows, but also to use the gun. Thus, rebellion becomes terrorism, which seeks the utter destruction of the enemy, and indeed makes it a necessity, because the return to Palestine means, in reality, using force through the free use of the gun. Begin says, "I have been taught by my father that we, the Jews, should return to the land of Israel, and we should not use the terms travel, go or come, but we should use the term 'return', which is a completely different and comprehensive idea (14)." The education system is not designed by a guide, who is calling for a redefining of the law of murder, but rather by the father, who has become obsessed by the Zionist bigotry and is able to recognize that Zionism has been imposed upon him. Accordingly, education is establishing the metaphysical maxims that abolish speech and considers these maxims the prime principle of reason. Consequently, the trained, and hence closed, brain does not accept to 'travel' or to 'go' but to 'return', which means to go back to a familiar place, in this case the Promised Land, from which the brain and the soul should not be away (15).
This Fascist-style education disregards the historical realities and has re-written the history of the region, so as to justify its claims. This new version of history has been imposed upon the world at large. Thus, it looks for the justifications to commit murder before the intended victims have even been found. Moshe' Menohen says, "They taught us to hate and disdain the Arabs even in the gym, and they have taught the necessity to banish them, because Palestine is our homeland, as mentioned in the Old Testament." The mania for violence, which is cherished by the Zionist ideology, leads it to sanctify and glorify whatever encourages the use of the sword.
Education also sanctifies the Zionist ideology itself, which is used as a role model for the education system. Thus by citing the sacred verses of the Old Testament to suit the Zionist objectives, they have been able to make it an educational principle to urge and justify all the massacres which have taken place in the past and all of those which will occur in the future. It is mentioned in the book of Yusha' that, "The people called and used the trumpets so the wall fell in its place, they entered the city and murdered all its people, males, females, children, and the old people, even the cows, goats, and donkeys, using swords" (Yusha' 6/20). It is also mentioned that, "Yusha' had captured Muqeideh that day and murdered all the people, he did the same in Jericho and then moved to Labneh, and did the same as in Jericho" (Yusha' 10/28). This typical text, which cherishes the use of terrorism and murder, does not lurk in the pages of some little-used book, but it is the essence of the Zionist education programme.
Therefore, the murder of the Arabs is not only seen as a justified act, but it is considered that it should be an ambition for the young people, and indeed it is seen as a way for them to be loyal to their inherited education and culture. To make sure that these texts, and indeed the education system in general, has been effective, the students are tested on this subject at school, with the following two questions: First, 'Do you consider what Yusha' Ben did was right or wrong, and why?'; secondly, 'Suppose the Israeli forces have occupied an Arab village and they have done the same as Yusha' Ben Noon did in Jericho, would you agree, and why?' The Zionist Professor, George Tamarine justified this type of questioning by saying, "What Yusha' did was not the only pattern in the Old Testament, however, it was chosen because Yusha's Book is significant to the Israeli education system". He added, "The goal of the war has been the occupation of the land, and so the Israelis were quite right in killing all the population of the city when they occupied it, because we do not want strangers in Israel."
The Zionist ideology is very efficient, and consequently it makes sure that all forms of education have been received and comprehended by the students. Consequently, while the topic of 'terrorism' is an optional subject, it should be taken if the students are loyal to the Zionist ideology. The young students are taught to accept the massacres that have occurred in the past and to promise to repeat them in the future. Thus the Zionist professor points out that Yusha's Book is one of the most significant in the Zionist education system. This reveals the intimate relationship between the Zionist ideology and the Biblical heritage, and shows that the modern Israeli education system does not ascribe to the new colonial philosophies, but rather it is a continuation of the summary of the Old Testament.
The Zionist education system has made Yusha' into a national hero, who is shown as a symbol of the heroism of the past and as an example for each Jew to follow. On the other hand, the Zionists ignore the works of Spenosa, the rational Jewish philosopher, and the teachings of the contemporary Jewish scientist, Einstein, who refused to become the President of Israel. The Zionists have chosen to emphasize Yusha', a bloody and aggressive character, as the ideal which should be followed by all Israelis. Thus, under the Zionist education system, the ugly and generally repulsive aspects of human history, starting from Yusha' on up to the American persecution of the Red Indians, are celebrated. The example of Yusha' has been used by the Zionists to create millions of new Yushas, armed with the latest military technology in order to destroy the villages and murder the inhabitants. Such a use of the dead to create heroes is similar to the methods used in the Fascist education programmes. The Fascists also use ancestors to create an example for the people to follow. For example, under Hitler it was the "pure Arian", under Mussolini it was "the Perfect Roman"; this is also the case with the slogans of the contemporary French Fascist, Jean Marie Lu'pen, who promotes the idea of "the pure French civilization". All the many facets of Fascism, including Zionism, do not recognize reality because it is generally not conducive to the attainment of their objectives. On the contrary, they see it as an absolute necessity to create false threats, foes and excuses, and then to 'educate' the people about these matters. Finally, the Zionist education system teaches that the illusions that they have promoted as truth, can only be realized through bloodshed, policies of house destruction and land confiscation.
3. The Philosophies of Terrorism and Force Since Zionism relies upon a form of apartheid, it should be led to destroy its foes based upon the principle of apartheid that teaches "survival is for the best". In other words, in order to protect themselves, the superior race has authority to control, by whatever means, the lower, inferior race. This is considered to be a natural law of survival. However, the Zionists also rely on the false claim that the Jews have been persecuted throughout ages, which gives them the justification to behave as they do.
According to the Zionist perspective, the Jew has lived under continual persecution throughout time and therefore he has to raise his sword against all his foes and seek retribution. Begin believed that the Jews would not be able to live peacefully unless they proved that they were the strongest, that they have to be merciless, because being merciful is a sign of weakness and would threaten the existence of the Jews. In addition to natural philosophy and false history, Zionism has tried to achieve the establishment of a so-called "vital domain", which entails the erection of walls and easily defendable borders, or the creation of a natural extension to the State, so as to facilitate its political, economic and ideological movement. Thus, the existence of the State of Israel naturally requires the use of force, because this State is surrounded by the Arabs, who should be sent a clear message that they will be exterminated if they do not accept the Zionist ideology.
The philosophy and practices of the Zionists rely on both modern ideas as well as the ancient religion of the Jews. This is because the Jewish religion, as created by the rabbis, remains as a source of inspiration for all those who adopt terrorism and glorify force. The Prophet Ezekeil says, "Do not be merciful, murder everybody, including the young, the old, the virgins, the children and the women, all of whom should be destroyed." It is also mentioned in the Talmud that, "The Jew should murder an infidel because this will make him closer to God." It also says, "Jesus Christ and his disciples are infidels". Yahuthkia says that, "This statement includes all the pagans". On the other hand, Memanoud interprets the words of God, which say "Do not kill" as meaning "God prohibits the killing of the Jews", and in addition, the Jews should "Forgive the non-Jew even he is an atheist, kills an Israeli, or if he has slept with a Jewish woman, as long as he becomes a Jew".
Hence, we have two representations of murder: the first urges the committing of murder, regardless of any ethical or moral reference, and it considers murder a permitted action, without any limitations or restrictions, being applicable for all, men, women, children and the elderly. The second representation supplements the first, because it permits the killing of non-Jews in retribution; this applies to all peoples who are not of the Jews, including Jesus, and all his followers, who are considered to be infidels. Consequently, the world is divided into two parts; the first is the realm of the Jew who stands with a raised sword, and the second is the realm which belongs to all non-Jews, who must be exterminated. This philosophy is a result of the belief that the Jew is the mirror of God on earth, and that therefore in his role as God's reflection on earth, he is capable of distinguishing between faith and unfaith. Again, this is similar to the image of the Arian, as used in the Hitlerite philosophy of Rosenberg, which divides the world into black and white, or man and beasts, with the role of man being to clear the earth of all fierce and primitive life forms.
The Jewish theology teaches, that the universe will not be beautiful unless it is cleansed by the Jewish sword of all the foes of the Jews; hence murder has become the sole means of achieving this beauty. In searching for this beauty, the Zionists have simplified the first teachings of Zionism, so that they are close to the teachings of the church and political reality, which rely on terrorism. Under these teachings, since most of people are barbarians, the best way to rule them is through violence and terrorism, rather than through democracy or social debates. The wise men can impose absolute racial discrimination, because the world is divided into savages and the chosen few, who have the right to govern the entire world. Thus the Zionists do not simply talk about the kingdom of Jerusalem, the Promised Land, or Utopia, they believe that they have the right to rule the whole world.
As we have already discussed, the Zionists believe that this can only be achieved through murder and war. Indeed, it is argued that war is the beginning and the end, and that it is the way of the strong, while politics is for the weak. The wise men of Zion found their beliefs on history and human experience-they believe that people were originally ruled by brutal, blind force and later by law, which they see as being one and the same thing. Zionism expresses three facts: first, that brutality is an innate part of human nature; secondly, Zionism accepts the brutal side of human history and does not recognize the enlightenment, which emphasizes the right of all peoples to live peacefully. It does not even approach the humanitarian ideas of Russell, Albert Einstein, and Karl Marx, instead it refers to the pre-human phase or the "human cattle" society, where man was ruled solely by instinct, far away from the rational development phases of humanity. Thus Zionism adopts the use of blind instinct and refers to the man of the primitive era, where he was ruled by instinct, while it disregards the development of human societies, rationally, ethically and culturally; and thirdly, because Zionism disregards the development of the human society, it equates modern law with the natural laws of brutal force, thus completing its circle of darkness.
Zionism epitomizes the use of war instead of politics, persecution instead of debate, instinct instead of reason, the old instead of the new, and the Jews instead of all others. As they have said, "We are the source of terrorism everywhere, and all people belonging to various origins and faiths are keen on serving our goals." They state that their policy is one of force and double-dealing because they can see that success can be achieved by force, especially force which is necessary for the politician who must depend upon his genius, violence and cunning. Zionism does not only adopt the use of terrorism, war and force, it also disdains all that is considered to be humane and ethical, thus it glorifies double-dealing and cunning, and considers them innate qualities for the genius. Such a philosophy binds humanity with evil, sheds blood and denies the human standards, which confirms the unity of human society, the development of reason and the promotion of the human culture. This is because racialism denies humanity, sheds blood, monopolizes the human qualities, and generally does not recognize humanity, except as an inferior standard. Ben Gurion rationalized and justified terrorism when he said that the rifle was invented to kill others and that the soldier is the means to carry this out, and that this is the case just as water is for drinking and air is for breathing. Furthermore, that "Armed and powerful people are to be considered as a danger against themselves as well as others, especially when they are more powerful than the others, consequently we should exterminate them. This is the mission of the Hagana members who must always be merciless, bearing in mind that man has never been an angel, but consists merely of flesh and blood, that he may misuse his powers unless he is always under control."
Ben Gurion has revived the teachings of Zion's wise men, and he has rationalized these teachings, proposing that the armed man is a natural phenomenon that develops just as all other natural phenomena do. He teaches that arms are a natural part of the universe, and that the fighter grows as naturally as the plants; this is an idea that is similar in many ways to the belief in the law of the jungle. On another level, he discusses the political economy of force, which, he argues, will turn upon its creator as well as society unless it is channelled through carefully chosen methods, such as terrorism. He proposes that such a policy will achieve balance in the society which otherwise risks being destroyed. This is similar to the power of sexual energy, which can cause negative and destructive psychiatric symptoms, unless it is released. Consequently, in order to preserve both the body and soul, the use of violence is deemed to be a necessity. Respectively, the means to control this energy is through a 'superpower', which does not suppress violence but rather systematically unleashes it. Thus, according to Ben Gurion, the State is the instrument to control and channel violence to the right path, that, although violence should be regulated, it is essential to the existence of the State.
This philosophy considers violence to be a natural instinct and murder a natural necessity, that man cannot achieve a healthy balance unless he releases his destructive potential through the act of killing. It is interesting to note here that Ben Gurion has ignored the possibility of releasing this latent energy through other means, such as sports, arts and community work. The reasoning here is flawed because it does not give any investigation into other possibilities, rather it ignores them because they do not suit the desired objective, the supremacy of the Jews and the annihilation of all other races. Despite this flawed philosophy, the Zionist ideology is able to permeate daily life with continual violence, soldiers and the importance of the State. Hagana itself is a terrorist organization based on its own political and economic principles.
A predicament for Zionism has been its inability to truly justify its brutal philosophy, which is therefore couched in acceptable 'civilized' terms. Ben Gurion, for example, masks the policy of terrorism with abstract, philosophical terms. On the other hand, both Egal Aloan and Arthur Coaster are more open in their expressions. Aloan states, for example, that "The process has been based on a plan, by which the Deir Yasseen massacre took place, which had been used to terrify the Arabs in Hebron, five days before the official declaration of the Jewish State." While Arthur Coaster states, "The bloodshed at Deir Yasseen was a decisive psychological factor used to deport the Arabs." The Zionist writer Michael agrees with this view when he states, "The massacre at Deir Yasseen was planned with the intention of frightening the Arabs, so as to make it easier to deport them." Terrorism, then, has been used as part of a comprehensive policy to solve the problem of the Palestinians as quickly as possible. In addition, the need to destroy the enemy at all costs, regardless of their innocence or rights, makes the use of terrorism an obvious choice. The Zionists' use of terrorism, which they argue is a natural part of society, is in reality simply a prelude for a policy of imperial racialism. As Begin says, "When we look northwards, we can see the fertile plains of Syria and Lebanon, when we look eastwards, we can see the Euphrates, the Tigris and the oil of Iraq, and when we look westwards, we can see Egypt, so we will not grow unless we settle the problem of land by force and make the Arabs subservient." Violence is an instinctive part of Zionism, which needs room to grow, and the Arab countries are seen as the suitable field for this growth, however the existence of the Arabs on this land means that they have to be subdued into obeying the Jews with both body and soul.
The Zionist ideology incorporates two basic factors: the first is the quality of direct imperialism, and the second is the concealed nature of the ideology and its regulation of aggression. The State does not expand due to its hostile nature, but rather because it needs to grow, thus terrorism is used as a mechanism to force the Arabs to leave their homeland. This has always been concealed by philosophical ideas and teachings, which, when removed, reveal the true nature of Zionism, which can only exist through terrorism.
Absolute Egoism
There has never been any confusion with regards to the concept of egoism as taught by the Zionist ideology. On the contrary, it is very clear from the teachings relating to the belief in "God's Chosen People". The modern philosophy states, "The capital (Jerusalem), which is home to the grandsons of Hertzl, Kafka and Shagal, is the most glorious capital in the world." The belief in the greatness of the State of Israel and its people necessitates the denial of historical facts, of human development and of the right of peoples to live peacefully on their land, as well as its dependence on a policy of apartheid. Such absolute egoism in Zionism requires that only the history of the Jews is recognized, thus the Jew is portrayed as the absolute victim of Fascism, Arab terrorism and of the socialist community; thus the plight of the Jew is the beginning and the end of all history.
This egoism also measures the progression or regression of humanity, thereby dictating that whoever disagrees with the Jews is mistaken, and whoever agrees with them is right and full of truth. As Jabutensky states, "Everybody except you is wrong, and you are always right, but do not try to find reasons for this, because it is not necessary or correct; never admit that your foe is right; if you are unsure, stay in your home, otherwise do not look backwards." Thus, without the Jews there can be no truth. This is the highest form of terrorism, and it is perfect because it is connected with the idea of "the best species"; thus it has become the source of all power and law-whatever it does is correct even when it includes murder and genocide. Such a belief in the one truth-the Zionist truth-is the ideological base for all potential acts of terrorism, every criticism or preference for other than the Jews justifies acts of terror.
Truth in the Zionist ideology is that which justifies its policy, consequently, what is truth is inextricably bound up with the declared benefits of Zionism. Zionism is thus the criterion for truth, all paths leading to Zionism are right, and all beliefs and principles will not be true unless they serve Zionism. According to this philosophy, the murder of children, the spreading of vice and immorality, and the support of tyrants and racialists, are all forms of defending the truth. As Begin says, "The most necessary thing is the inner feeling, which makes the illegal legal and vice versa, so we have masked our illegal actions with a (veneer) of legality". The concept of truth in this terroristic philosophy is absolute relativity, which serves the direct interests of the Jews; thus all standards and norms of humanity are reversed. All things that go against the interests of the Jews are considered illegal, while all that goes with them are legal. Consequently, all Palestinians, Christians and all democratic forces are seen as illegal because they are against the Zionist ambitions, even the United Nations becomes an illegal entity when it denounces Zionist aggression. This is because the Zionists teach that the Jew is a special race that has absolute legitimacy in all actions, whether in the form of raids, chemical warfare, poisoning water resources, destroying houses and supporting dictatorships. Begin states, "A new type of human has been created from tears, fire, blood and ashes, and who has not been known for more than 1,800 years. This is 'the militant Jew', whom the world thought had been buried forever, but he has been resurrected and he has learned the simple truth of life and death; he will not die or vanish again." The use of the phrase "a new type of human being" is evidence of all the illusions and arrogance of the Jews, as well as the terrorist philosophy which is adopted by the Zionist ideology. Clearly the Jew is seen as a super human, subject to different laws, and who has been created from blood, ashes, fire and tears. Such beliefs are significant elements of all the racial, chauvinistic and Fascist philosophies of the world.
Begin's new concept of the "militant Jew", states that the real Jew is the fighter, whose existence is bound up with the gun, as well as with the glorification of power, bloodshed, terrorism, murder and the wanton desire to destroy life. Begin derives all these forms of aggression from extremists such as Hitler, Neeron and Hulaku. The use of words and phrases such as ashes, blood, 1,800 years, and so on, all work to show the high, even holy, status that terrorism is seen to hold by the Zionists. The human ideology, ascribed to by the majority, deals with the dynamics of life, but the Zionist ideology glorifies death and the past. Furthermore, as we have seen previously, the egoism of the Zionists insists that anyone who objects to the opinions and decisions of the Israeli State must be suppressed.
A student in a school from the coastal region of Israel wrote, "The purpose of the war was the capturing of the land by Israelis; they did well when they deported the people and occupied the cities, because we do not want strangers in Israel." Clearly then, all people, other than the Jews, are strangers, who should be suppressed and disposed of. This young student talks simply about occupation, strangers and killing people as if they are normal occurrences that are essential for life. The student's choice of words automatically reflects his Fascist education, which emphasizes the killing of others, because the existence of a Jew automatically nullifies the rights of the opposition.
On the other end of the scale, from the egoism of the Jewish race, is the inferiority, baseness and filthiness of all other races. The writer Moshe' Menahem admits that, "They impressed the evil into our hearts, saying repeatedly that our native land should be cleared of all strangers, especially the Arab Palestinians." This statement shows how the Zionist ideology depends upon repetition and various forms of brainwashing, until the Jew becomes an embodiment of malice and hatred, with a closed brain, ready to carry into action all the teachings, orations and broadcasts of the leaders. He is taught to equate 'strangers' with filthiness, and to believe that the land will not be cleansed until all others are destroyed.
The concept of absolute egoism is inter-related with the ideas of hegemony and domination, because it teaches that the Semites are super-human, and that all others are inferior to him. It is therefore essential that they have control over everything, as otherwise they will lose their super-human qualities. Ben Gurion said in his address to a group of students that, "The map of Israel is not the (true) map of our land, because we have another map which should be understood by you, the young; the Jewish nation must extend the boundaries of its State from the Nile to the Euphrates." The phrase "another map" is a strategic slogan to show that the land of Palestine is just the starting point, that the Israeli State one day aims to capture all the Arab lands and beyond. This 'other map' is not limited, either chronologically or spatially. When we understand the true Zionist objectives, as expressed by the very existence of this 'other' map, it becomes clear that the occupation of the Sinai and the Golan Heights was a partial fulfilment of the Zionist objectives, as was the destruction of the Iraqi nuclear reactor, the PLO headquarters in Tunis, and the invasion of Southern Lebanon. This map is not merely representative of geographical considerations, it also incites and directs the policy of terrorism and persecution, with the aim to destroy all that goes against Judaism.
The Old Testament orders, "Now, kill whatever is in front of you, men, women, children, infants, cows, camels, and donkeys, do not leave anything." From this, the Zionists teach that all people, other than the Jews, should be killed and deprived of everything. This suggests, then, that the Zionists believe that the whole world should be free for the Jews, as it is stated in the Bible that, "These cities are given to you by the force of God." Consequently, the Zionists believe they have a God-given right to capture the cities of others. Furthermore, that to do otherwise means that they are disobeying God, that to live in peaceful co-existence is against God's teachings.
The Blind Spirit
A primary quality of the Zionist ideology is the absolute belief in the divine message of the Jewish religion. This leads to the belief that the Jews-God's Chosen People-must control everything, because the whole world has been created by the power of God. The Jew must be entirely dedicated to this ideology, and he must work to recreate the reality as seen by Zionism. A Zionist says, "I was a member of a gang who was raised in the paradise of the settlements in Jerusalem; by the time I was 15 years old, I had learned well all the aspects of Jewish life, and I was taught the 'Political Jewish Nationalism' until I became 20 years old. The students were taught Hertzl's teachings at school. One student was the son of Safy Moshe' Sharite (Shertouk, before he changed his name after the establishment of Israel), who became the Prime Minister after Ben Gurion withdrew from the government." The words and phrases that he uses shows the pride that he feels in being so educated and his reverence of the Zionist ideology. The real Zionist, then, is one who has been born and brought up according to these principles, and who hence becomes a legitimate son of this racial State. The use of the term "gang" shows the disregard that Zionism has for all familiar human terms, whereas the term "gang" generally represents a distasteful idea the world over, under Zionism, it is a symbol of pride and dignity. Such pride in themselves as Jews is emphasized in the statement, "We are the first graduates of the Zionist temple of Jewish political nationalism; we swear to rescue our land 'Palestine' and to deport all the Arabs by any means necessary."
Such blind belief in this ideology has turned the schools into sacred temples for the cause, while the graduate is seen to be a fully trained 'holy' warrior, whose task is the liberation of Palestine from the infidel Arabs. The Zionist ideology has thus used religion, and what the Jews consider to be holy, as a means to justify all their political illusions and to thus enable them to achieve their goals. Clearly then the purpose of the Zionist education system is to teach the necessity of force. The Zionist mechanism uses all the Western terms of education and psychology to create a blind, bigoted and closed nation, which will serve its goals. Thus, education has become the rituals, schools have become the temples, and reason has become a means of destruction and terrorism.
The terrorist rabbi Kahana epitomized this blind spirit when he stated that he was "a nuclear bomb", which would destroy all the Arabs. He clearly considers terrorism to be a part of religion when he states, "The faster we wage the holy war to destroy the Arabs, the sooner the salvation of the world will be completed with the appearance of the Messiah, and the Jews will then live a thousand years in peace." Kahana believes that the Messiah will not come unless all the Arabs are exterminated according to the Messiah's desires. Both Kahana and Perez agree on this point, but they diverge in the methods taken to achieve this goal. The former depends on theological terrorism and expresses himself frankly, while the latter depends on the principles of power and persecution. While they differ in their choice of words, their objective is the same-to get rid of the Arabs. This is because all Zionists come from the same mould and believe that Jewish goals can only be achieved through terrorism.
Throughout the world, reason is based on the logical relationship between cause and effect, but under Zionism all standards are reversed, to unify what cannot be unified and to give positive qualities to negative things and vice versa. For example, Jabutensky states, "My son's job as an official of the illegitimate immigration programme, which helps the Jews come to Palestine, is a great honour." Consequently, honour is viewed under Zionism as working for an illegal immigration programme, to reverse all the existing, normal relations, and to either deport all the Palestinians or to kill them.
Honour is Synonymous with the Generation of Immigration and Death
The irrational nature of Zionism does not only appear in the inversion of all logical criteria, but it also includes all aspects of life, such as the usurpation of land and murder, which is committed, not as a result of hostility but due to the mystery of the Jews.
"We should not forget that Israel, for which we have been fighting, is not the UN's concept of the division of land, but it is the whole State of Israel, based on our strategies and fate, to capture our native land from the Nile to the Euphrates." The objective to forcefully occupy land is a clear intention of aggression, but it is concealed by the ideas of fate, hope and the realization of old dreams. Thus, the Zionists hide the policy of land occupation behind elaborate smoke screens, which portrays that the Jews have been given a mission by God, and they are simply obeying God's teachings, for which they should not be blamed. Indeed, the God of the Zionists is a violent being, full of hatred and arrogance. "God comes from far away, indignant, with a full mouth, talking to his Chosen People, saying, 'I am the only God who makes his swords drunk by blood; My sword eats the flesh of the dead enemy', because God has revenge on his foes, for the blood of his servants and the land of his people", and as we have already seen, the Zionists, by their own admission, are simply the reflection of their God on earth.
The irrationality of this ideology leads to murder and manic destruction, and it denies all humane ideas and traditions.
Furthermore, it reverses what is legal to what is illegal, and goes against common sense through its violation of human norms. As the rabbi Shar says, "The rabbi can grace the people if the dead is not a Jew, because killing others is not considered a crime but an action which pleases God." Thus, for the Zionists murder is a ritual which is blessed by the rabbis; furthermore that the faith of the Jew won't be perfected unless he kills others, especially the Palestinians. The Talmud states, "Murder is best, and the Jews are not allowed to rescue anybody, whoever he is, or take him out of a hole in which he has fallen, especially the pagans", and it adds, "If any of the pagans fall in a hole, close it with a big stone." Memanoud says, "It is not allowed to pity the pagans, even if they fall in a river, or are endangered, because all the seven peoples who were in the Canaanite land should have been killed by the Jews, but some of those escaped and mixed with other nations, and so they must all be killed, and whoever does not kill is an infidel." Murder has several justifications in Judaism, including religion, self-defence, history, superiority and racialism. In addition, the racialism, imperialism and militarism of Zionism all depend upon murder and the overall destruction of man.
The Extremist Zionist Movements
These movements are the best example of the Zionist policy of terrorism, which ignores diplomatic language, political cunning, and has little regard for its image locally or internationally. These groups meet the needs of all Zionists, who use them to camouflage their own political goals, because they are semi-official organizations. Furthermore, these groups direct the movement of all the settlers and are even represented by some of the Zionist politicians.
1. Gosh Emunim
This is the most extreme Zionist movement. It believes in the entire Judaization of land, State and traditions; it disregards everything except what is Jewish. It was founded by the Ashkenazi theologist, Raf Cook, who established the first Merkaz Hraf movement in 1924. His beliefs were based on religious teachings. For example, he states, "The return of Judaism to Palestine, the re-housing of the Jews and the use of land is the beginning of Salvation." He died in 1935. His teachings continued after his death, even though his ideas emphasized the spiritual rather than the political. This movement appeared after the October war (the Ramadan war) in 1973, when defeat was justified due to the argued deviation from Judaism and the religious texts, in that the existence of the Arabs in Palestine goes against the Jewish religion. The movement is presently directed by Tsevy Yahuda Cook, Raf Cook's son, who interprets all the necessary religious texts to justify all forms of terrorism, while others carry out these directions.
Moshe' Lavenger is the rabbi and prominent Zionist who is conspicuous in propagating these ideas, with pronouncements such as, "Arabs go to Hell". He wanders from one place to another, to encourage terrorists all over the country to take action; he even attacks the Government, which he believes has become unable to defend the Jewish ideals, spirit and State. Lavenger was born in Jerusalem in 1935 to a German family. He was educated at religious schools, and he then joined the "Nahal" or the military settlements. Later he studied at the religious schools in order to become a rabbi. In 1968, he moved to Hebron where he established a nuclear colony called Qiryat Arba. He paid a lot of attention to the young, teaching them to frighten the Arabs, and of the necessity of deporting them, using various methods of terrorism. He ignores all the classical, diplomatic norms and values, and instead adopts the brutal ideas common to Fascism, which go against reason.
This movement aims at the establishment of "The Great Israel", which is in common with other extremist movements such as Herout and the National Religious Party. It believes in the power of the young and the scholars, and it attempts to correlate between these and the extremists, to achieve the perfect system. It rejects all forms of compromise and instead gives emphasis to groups of agitators, who lead the riots and rebellions. The organization of this movement does not begin with the relationship between the base and the headquarters, rather it pays greater attention to the young, choosing those who it sees as having potential, and then educates them at special religious schools. These schools are divided into two types; the intermediate schools, which prepare the students ideologically; they are then sent to the army, where they are trained for six months, after which they return to school. Secondly, the religious schools belong to the Raf Centre in Jerusalem and are supported by the Ministry of Defence. These schools prepare the commando troops, "Cook", under the supervision of Tesvy Yahuda, a tyrannical agitator, who is on good terms with the army, and who is a living manifestation of Begin's idea of "the Jewish warrior."
Despite the intimate relationships between this movement and the army, its activities are extremely secret, especially with regard to the higher positions and the leadership. As a result, all its activities are rapid and carried out without warning, and include targets such as demonstrations and the Arabs. Other activities, such as the settlements, involve all members and are generally carried out with great rapidity in order to frighten the enemy as much as possible. For example, under the great demonstration named "The Land of Israel", which took place after the 1967 war, 250,000 Jews moved to establish a multitude of colonies. The movement believes that Zionism is not just a State, but a way of life, which includes the use of religion, arms and land in daily life. Its political system emphasizes the gathering of all the Jews in Palestine so as to establish a religious Jewish community, which should settle in the land of Israel, from the Nile to the Euphrates, and which will be independent in all its decisions, politically and economically.
2. Kakh Movement
This is a perfect example of a terrorist organization in Israel. It depends on both a Mafia-like organization as well as religion, which it uses to conceal its true objectives through reference to the Old Testament. It was established by Me'eir Kahana, an internationally renowned terrorist and the founder of the Jewish Defence Organization, which is on good terms with several Mafia bosses. He came to Palestine in 1969 after he had become a professional terrorist, and he established the principle of "Roof", which teaches that all traitors (those who accept the existence of Arabs on the land of Israel) should be killed. His next step was to establish the Kakh movement.
Me'eir Kahana belonged to a family of rabbis, who migrated to the USA in the early 1900s. He was born in New York in 1932 and was named Me'eir Marten. He was educated by his father, the rabbi Charles Kahana. He later worked for the "Betar" organization, but he did not join their programme because he did not consider it to be the perfect terrorist organization. He went on to join the "Bani Akeevsa" organization. He began a career in law, but this soon ended and he then came to Israel. In addition to Kahana, another prominent personality of the Kakh movement was Za'eif, who was killed in Hebron in 1980. He was Christian and a Vietnam veteran known for his sadism. He was injured and sent back to the USA. He later became a Jew, at which time he moved to Palestine to continue his career in terrorism. One of the most extreme members of this organization is Yuval Larner, who moved to Palestine from the USA. He was a founder of the Jewish Defence Organization, and he vehemently propagated the destruction of the Arabs, an idea which he facilitated with the establishment of the 'Violence Groups', which worked to deport the Arabs through all means. Other members include Jad Srougan, Kahana's assistant, Yahuda Renheiter and Yussy Dayan.
These movements are both very similar, with similar methods of terrorism and similar beliefs, as we can see from the Kakh programme, which includes the following ideas: (a) the deportation of the Arabs; (b) the Jews are God's Chosen People; and (c) the Jewish kingdom, granted by God, includes all the land from the Nile to the Euphrates. The terrorist actions of this movement include the strict control of Al Aqsa Mosque, the bombing of the Dome of the Rock, the burning of Al Aqsa, the attack on an Arab vehicle near Jerusalem and the planting of numerous bombs in the Arab quarter of Jerusalem. The Kakh organization carries out the plans of the Zionist organization and, as such, is a silent member of the Zionist movement.
The Government believes it is necessary to reduce the number of Arabs, while Kahana believes that Arabs should be deported by force, unless they accept to stay, not as citizens, but as servants or taxpayers. The difference between the Government and Kahana's movement is in the language; the former uses the term 'demographical imbalance', while the latter uses the phrase 'deportation by force', both of which have the same connotation.
Both the organizations of Gush Emunim and Kakh are very similar, because both depend on the concept of "the agitator Jew". They both inspire teamwork by playing on the emotions, and they depend upon the principle of chauvinism to awaken the hostile instincts in the young and the religious. Membership to either organization is attained through the signing of a statement, or through an application. Kahana says, "This organization is financed by donations from the USA"; this is not completely true because it is also supported by official departments in Israel. Kahana died before he realized his dream of the complete deportation of the Arabs.
The Non-Existent Competition
In addition to the above-mentioned movements, there are two further terrorist organizations, but they are not any different in their teachings or their objectives from Gush Emunim or Kakh. This is not surprising because Zionism is the theory and practice of terrorism, and the competition within the various terrorist groups is not due to political or ideological attitudes, but rather to geographical and historical realities. Consequently, the existence of numerous terrorist movements does not necessarily mean there are different attitudes, but it is due to the different types of people who make up the State of Israel. In other words, the different backgrounds of the Jews, which is dependent upon their origins, gives them different attitudes to various issues. For example, the Jews who came from the West are different from those who came from the East. Another reason for the existence of various groups is the gap between the theory which says that the land of Israel is from the Nile to the Euphrates, and the difficulties of the practical realization of this dream.
This problem has resulted in hostile activities over the years, especially after the October war in 1973, the siege of Beirut in 1982, and the daily persecution, which occurred during the Intifadah. This was a result of the belief that the Zionist plan had not yet been realized because the leaders had not used terrorism to its full potential, the Jews must be more active and determined, and the Government must at all times be true to the ideology of Zionism and never show weakness.
The democratic ideology corrects its path in a democratic way, but the terrorist ideology depends ultimately on terrorism to achieve its goals and this, ironically, is the beginning of the end of any terrorist ideology. These considerations make all research into the differences between the programmes of the various terrorist organizations meaningless, because in reality there are no differences. In fact, the variety of these organizations is the core of the Zionist State.
Notes and References
1. Hertzl's Diaries, ch. 1, p. 88; The International Affairs Magazine, New York, vol. 1, 1965, p. 93. 2. Wiseman, Trial and Error, New York, 1949, p. 44. 3. Fayez Al-Sayegh, The Zionist Imperialism in Palestine, The Research Centre, Beirut, 1965, p. 37. 4. Hertzl's Diaries, ch. 1, p. 98. 5. Hertzl Diaries, ch. 1, p. 88. 6. Documents of the British Policy 1919-1939, London, 1952, p. 345. 7. Teshreen Newspaper, 12/8/1982, Syria. 8. Teshreen Newspaper, Ibid. 9. Yousuf Waneetz, My Diaries and My Letters, Tel Aviv, 1965, p. 116. 10. Yousuf Waneetz, Ibid., Al-Hureya Magazine, 22 December 1991. 11. Al-Neda'a, Lebanese newspaper, 25 September 1982. 12. George Rounet, Invasion through Immigration, California, 1968, p. 126. 13. Al-Naqd Al-Jadeed Magazine, Paris, 1973, the tenth issue. 14. Dr. Georgy Kana'an, Jewish Racialism, p. 194. 15. Dr. Georgy Kana'an, Ibid., p. 200. 16. Dr. Moh'd Nasser, Zionism and the Zionist Propaganda, Watani Magazine,Belgrade, issue 90, 1989. 17. Dr. Moh'd Nasser, Between Settlement and Immigration, Watani Magazine, Belgrade, issue 102, 1990. 18. Steven Goranouv, The Reality of Zionism, Sofia, 1981, p. 29. 19. B. Ranyouf, The Paths of Zionism, Sofia, 1969, p. 48. 20. B. Ranyouf, Ibid., p. 49. 21. Belzakh, The New Criticism Magazine, issue 17. 22. Al-Rayeh, Jordan, 24 June 1986. 23. Ibid. 24. Dr. Moh'd Nasser Al-Kawaldeh, The Ideology, Constituents, and Pillars of the Zionist Programme, Al-Dustour, The Political File, 6 April 1997. 25. Al-Thawreh, Daily Syrian newspaper, 18 January 1986. 26. Ibid. 27. Al-Dustour, from Davar, the Israeli newspaper, 17 April 1984. 28. Youry Ivanouv, Be Careful of Zionism, Moscow, 1969, p. 87. 29. Hertsburg, The Zionist Idea, New York, 1966, p. 87. 30. F.A. Semouneek, National Bigotry Mania, p. 77. 31. Palestinian Affairs, issue 2566, 1973. 32. Dr. Georgy Kana'an, Ibid., p. 69. 33. Dr. Moh'd Nasser Al-Khawaldeh, Al-Dustour, The Political File, 6 April 1997. 34. Youry Ivanouv, Ibid., p. 119. 35. Qadaya Magazine, Fall, 1961, p. 3. 36. Dr. Moh'd Nasser Al-Khawaldeh, Ibid. 37. Dr. Moh'd Nasser, Between Settlement and Immigration, Watani Magazine, Belgrade, issue 102, 1990. 38. Ibid. 39. Dr. Moh'd Nasser, Between Settlement and Immigration, Ibid. 40. Moshe' Menohen, The Degradation of Judaism Nowadays, New York, 1965, p. 95. 41. Monia Mardour, A Really Illegal Book, New York, 1964, p. 122. 42. Dr. Georgy Kana'an, Ibid., p. 67. 43. The Labour Leftism, Paris, March 1972. 44. Palestinian Affairs Magazine, issue 25.
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The mundi
club has just posted terra firm no.24: The
Zionists Rise to World Domination™ which can be found
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This contains the following
1. A Short History of Zionist Occupied Palestine
http://www.geocities.com/carbonomics/MCtfirm/10tf24b_f.html#Short
2. Zionist Propaganda
http://www.geocities.com/carbonomics/MCtfirm/10tf24c_f.html#00
3. The Zionists April 2002 Invasion of Palestine
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5. The Increasing Evidence of Zionists World
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6. Addenda.
http://www.geocities.com/carbonomics/MCtfirm/10tf24i_f.html#00
It was mcbush's capitulation to ariel bin sharon over
ariel bin sharon's invasion of the foreign country
called palestine that confirmed suspicions about
zionist dominance of the american government. When
mcbush applauded the zionists invasion of palestine
as being the second phase of the wart, he was
basically confessing that the zionists had co-opted
themselves onto the war against terrorism. It is now
transparent that the zionists invasion of washington
has been just as successful as their invasion of
palestine.
The normal reaction to sharon's humiliation of mcbush
was voiced by a female rabbi friend of a guardian
journalist, jonathan steele, The Israeli prime
minister's humiliating refusal to heed the White
House's call last month for an immediate halt to
Israel's West Bank incursions should have prompted a
debate on whether Bush or Sharon makes US foreign
policy, she argued.
john lynch
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Carbonomics is a global Carbon audit of the Earth's Carbon spiral which can
be used to determine countries' Carbon status. It can also be used to
formulate a global Carbon budget to stabilize the Earth's climate. The
Earth's Carbon spiral is used to develop a geocentric philosophy and politics
- thus putting the Earth First!
www.geocities.com/carbonomics/index.html