![]() Madeleine McCann ---Missing---
From Brussels ...
The Pedophocracy From Brussels ...
The Pedophocracy, Part II: ... to Washington The Pedophocracy, Part III: Uncle Sam Wants Your Children
The Pedophocracy, Part IV: McMolestation The Pedophocracy, Part V: It Couldn't Happen Here The Pedophocracy, Part VI: Finders Keepers A Dialogue with the Devil David McGowan Mind Control Victim Awarded $1 Million Japan Hosts World Congress to Battle Child Sex Trade Jewish Gangsters Raped, Killed Children As Young As 2 On Film Holohoax-victim rapes children and claims victory!
From Brussels ...
By David McGowan "Paedophiles can boldly and courageously affirm what they choose ... I am also a theologian and as a theologian, I believe it is God's will that there be closeness and intimacy, unity of flesh, between people ... paedophiles can make the assertion that the pursuit of intimacy and love is what they choose. With boldness, they can say, 'I believe this is in fact part of God's will.'"
To the vast majority of
Americans, the name Marc Dutroux doesn't mean much. Drop that name in Belgium
though and you're likely to elicit some very visceral reactions. Dutroux -
convicted along with his wife in 1989 for the rape and violent abuse of five
young girls, the youngest of whom was just eleven - now stands accused of being
a key player in an international child prostitution and pornography ring whose
practices included kidnapping, rape, sadistic torture, and murder. Russ Kick: "There are a
lot of people -- mainly feminists and Christian conservatives (those odd
bedfellows) -- who still believe that there is a multi-billion dollar
child pornography 'industry' that spans the globe. Please explain how we know
that this is a myth and why it refuses to die."
REFERENCES: Source: Robert
Sterling From: The Center for an Informed America
The
Pedophocracy, Robert Sterling Editor, The Konformist http://www.konformist.com The Pedophocracy, Part II: ... to Washington By David McGowan www.davesweb.cnchost.com July 2001 "Paul and Shirley Eberle wrote The Politics of Child Abuse, a book that accuses mothers, mental health professionals, and prosecutors of feeding children stories about sexual abuse. Since the book was published by Lyle Stuart in l986, the Eberles have been cited as experts in sexual abuse trials … What is startling about the Eberles' reputation as ground-breaking experts in the field is that their dubious credentials have not been widely challenged … Their publication, Finger, depicted scenes of bondage, S & M, and sexual activities involving urination and defecation. A young girl portrayed with a wide smile on her face sits on top of a man whose penis is inside of her; a woman has oral sex with a young boy in a drawing entitled `Memories of My Boyhood.'" Ms. Magazine, December 1988 While the size and scope of these operations have grown rapidly in recent years, America has - as it turns out - always been a nation whose laws were friendly to purveyors of child pornography. It was just over twenty years ago - in 1978 - that the very first federal statute on child pornography was passed into law. While forbidding production and sale, the statute placed no restrictions at all on the possession or trade of such materials. New laws enacted in 1984 forbid the trade of child pornography regardless of whether any money changed hands, though possession still remained legal. In fact, as recently as 1990, private possession of child pornography was legal in 44 of the 50 states, despite the inescapable fact that all such materials were, by necessity, illegally produced and/or illegally acquired. Technology has for some time now played a key role in greatly expanding the availability of child pornography. The Polaroid camera, for example, eliminated the need for child pornographers to have access to complicit photo labs. Home video cameras did likewise for moving images. Personal computers, digital cameras, web cams, scanners, and - especially - the Internet, have vastly expanded the reach of child pornography networks. In the age of the Internet, child pornography is a booming business. The Los Angeles Times noted in December of 1999 that: "the number of investigations for Internet-related child pornography is soaring. The FBI launched 1,125 such inquiries this year, more than twice as many as last year." In the wake of this rising tide, the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals issued a ruling on December 17, 1999 which struck a serious blow to the prosecution of child pornography cases. As the Times reported, the decision stipulated that "the government cannot prohibit computer-generated sexual images that only appear to be pictures of children." A later report noted that appeals court judge Donald Molloy stated that the First Amendment bars the government from criminalizing the generation of "images of fictitious children engaged in imaginary but explicit sexual conduct." On January 22, 2001, the United States Supreme Court agreed to hear an appeal of the case. Should the presidential appointers on the high court choose to affirm the decision of the lower court, prosecution of child pornography cases will become all but impossible in all fifty states. Until that time, prosecutors are "barred from bringing virtual-child pornography cases in California and the eight other Western states within the jurisdiction of the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals." As critics have noted, graphics technology now available to the general public is so sophisticated that it is virtually impossible to determine if an image has been digitally altered, and if therefore any actual children were involved in the generation of the image. Justice Department lawyers argued that very point, noting that the "government may find it impossible in many cases to prove that a pornographic image is of a real child." Any good defense attorney could, in other words, raise reasonable doubt as to the authenticity of an image. It could in fact be argued that all such computer images "only appear to be pictures of children." Computer images are not in fact photos, but are digital computer files that display as a facsimile of the original photo. A sound legal argument could be made that all digitally transferred and displayed child pornography is therefore legal, as it doesn't represent 'real children.' That should come as great news to the international child pornography networks, given that the United States is their number- one market. According to investigative author Gordon Thomas, the majority of child pornography produced worldwide is targeted at the U.S., where by the early 1990s it was already a $3 billion a year business, and growing. Thomas claims that - according to law enforcement figures - over 22 million copies of child pornography videos were sold or rented in the U.S. in 1991. He also writes that much of that pornographic material is produced here, where it is "part of the largest segment of movie making in the United States." Jan Hollingsworth concurs with that figure, describing child pornography as: "A three-billion-dollar - per year - U.S. industry that grossed twice that worldwide. It [is] bigger than Disney. Much bigger." Speaking of Disney, Thomas notes that child porn videos are frequently trafficked internationally by deceptively packaging them as Disney videos. Strangely enough, the first man to benefit from the circuit court decision was Patrick J. Naughton. You may remember him as the executive with the Walt Disney Co. who ran one of the company's kid-friendly web sites. Naughton was arrested and later tried on child pornography charges. He was convicted on December 16, just one day before the decision was handed down in the case before the circuit court. Within hours of the appeals court ruling, Naughton was released by federal prosecutors on $100,000 bail. Despite the fact that he was, as the Times acknowledged, convicted of "possessing pictures of actual children," the decision was made to release him "until the impact of the court's ruling can be sorted out," illustrating the significant undermining of existing law that the court ruling portends. Closely associated with child pornography is, of course, child abuse. It should go without saying that all kids used in child pornography are abused children, their abuse recorded on film and tape for the depraved enjoyment of other child abusers. Also closely associated with child pornography is the always controversial issue of 'missing children.' There is considerable debate as to whether there is a problem in this country with missing children. Some claim that 200,000 or more children disappear without a trace every year. Others steadfastly maintain that numbers such as those are grossly inflated, and that abduction of children by strangers with bad intent is actually quite rare. The problem is that nobody really knows for sure, since the FBI - America's compiler of crime statistics - doesn't bother to keep track. As Ted Gunderson, former FBI station chief for Los Angeles, has stated: "The FBI has an accurate count on the number of automobiles stolen every year. It knows the number of homicides, rapes and robberies, but the FBI has no idea of the number of children that disappear every year. They simply do not ask for the statistics." Many believe that the numbers aren't compiled because the FBI doesn't want to know – or more accurately, the FBI doesn't want the American people to know. What is known though is that reports of child abuse have skyrocketed. Between 1963 and 1988, reported cases of child abuse rose from 150,000 to 2,000,000 per year, a 1300% increase in just a quarter-century. Child abuse may in fact be the most prevalent - and possibly the most significant - crime in American society, given that it provides the breeding ground for so much of the more visible crime plaguing Western culture. As Thomas reports: "over 90 percent of the teenage prison population are now victims of child abuse," and that population is growing rapidly. In the wake of this rising tide, the Los Angeles Times reported in March 2001 that: "President [a clearly inappropriate use of the word] Bush's budget will trim a program aimed at preventing child abuse and cut some child care spending … A child abuse prevention program will see an 18% cut." That money will apparently be much better spent on handing out tax breaks for the wealthy and building missile defense shields … but here I digress. Author and e-zine editor Robert Sterling has written of what he refers to as "a pattern of trivialization of child molestation evidence" that seems to characterize high-profile media stories. He points out, for instance, that in the highly publicized Woody Allen and Mia Farrow divorce case, all the attention was focused on Allen's illicit romance with Soon-yi Previn. Almost entirely ignored in the media coverage was the fact that Allen was also charged with molesting his own seven-year-old adopted daughter, Dylan. While the press dismissed those allegations as unfounded and unworthy of reporting, Sterling notes that "Connecticut state authorities, based on the testimony of Dylan and others, have stated that they do believe Woody did molest her, but decided not to prosecute anyway," allegedly to spare the child any further trauma. Sterling also takes note of the "case of the Menendez brothers, who, after admitting to murdering their parents, painfully revealed that they were ruthlessly abused and molested by them over the years." Their claims were never investigated and the boys were "viciously demonized for trying to escape the murder charges and accused of making up their abuse," though there was in fact clear evidence of that abuse, according to a private investigator who worked on the case. Also noted is the kid-gloves treatment afforded Michael Jackson when he was charged with molestation: "even though the accusations against him are widely believed to be true, [they] are merely passed off with a laugh among other smirking monologue jokes on Jay Leno." And of course, though unmentioned by Sterling, sister LaToya was ridiculed by the media when she came forward with stories about the sexual abuse suffered by the Jackson kids at the hands of their father. Sterling references other cases as well, including the over- hyped au-pair trial in which evidence of prior abuse of the child by his parents was consistently ignored, and the Susan Smith case, in which the media refused to consider whether her own severe childhood abuse could have been a factor in the murder of her children, despite the fact that her father admitted to the chronic abuse. Coupled with the fact that the press have consistently downplayed the occurrence of child molestation is the equally disturbing fact that that very same media have actively promoted the sexualization of children – a trend that has been greatly accelerated in recent years, and which serves to legitimize pedophilia. Taking note of the proliferation of young teen - and even pre- teen - sex symbols, Tom Junod wrote in Esquire that: "the entire culture is besotted with the erotic promise of teenage girls … The lure of jailbait now supplies the erotic energy to a popular culture desperate for what's new, what's young, what's alive." The Junod article is, by the way, a profile of Greg Dark, one half of the former `Dark Brothers' – notorious purveyors of dark- themed, occult-tinged porno films. Dark is rather noteworthy for openly peddling child pornography, in that many of his films featured a very young Traci Lords, who began working with the Dark Brothers at the age of thirteen. But Dark has put those days long behind him. He is now working comfortably in the mainstream. And he is no longer marketing teen sexuality. No, now he is creating music videos … for Britney Spears, Mandy Moore and the pre-pubescent Leslie Carter (sister of Aaron Carter and Back Street Boy Nick Carter). That is, according to Dark, a completely different line of work. Some interesting facts about Dark emerge in the Esquire profile. It is revealed, for instance, that he was raised by a satanist father. Dark's father "used to read to Gregory from the works of Aleister Crowley, the noted satanist, when Gregory was very young." His father's collection of `black magick' books is one of Dark's most cherished possessions. Also revealed is that Dark is a master manipulator, as he candidly admits to his interviewer: "And the thing is, I like manipulating people. I'm comfortable manipulating people. I'm good at it." Junod adds that, during Dark's porno days, he "asked people to do things … curious things … and they did them." Such is the nature of the man crafting the images of America's teen sex symbols and marketing them to millions of pre-teen fans ... but here again I digress. Also closely associated with child pornography is the issue of child prostitution, which - make no mistake about it - is a booming business. A&E's "Investigative Reports" has noted that law enforcement figures indicate that there are currently some 600,000 child prostitutes working in the United States and Canada and that $5 billion a year is generated worldwide by pimp organizations specializing in the exploitation of children. A&E also reported that, throughout North America, there is a "growing use of children in the sex trade," and that young boys make up 51% of that trade. The FBI has, of course, turned a blind eye; for the last quarter-century, "federal prosecutions of major pimp operations have been virtually nonexistent." As Dr. Lois Lee has noted: "It's not a high priority with the FBI to go after kids that are being transported across state lines. It's really a disgrace." Dr. Lee is the founder of "Children of the Night," an organization devoted to helping repair the shattered lives of child sex trade victims. Her facility, said to be the only one of its kind in the world, has seen 10,000 kids pass through its doors. Fully ninety percent of them have suffered a lifetime of abuse – first at home, and later on the streets and alleys of America's big cities. Most of them suffered their first abuse before the age of three. Many of these victims are runaways recruited from small towns across the country, then brought to prime child prostitution markets such as Los Angeles and Las Vegas. Once there, they have an average life span of just seven years; many of them never reach adulthood. For as long as they survive though, they reap enormous financial rewards for their pimps. The younger the child, the more popular they are with the `Johns,' and therefore the more profitable for their exploiters. All of this would tend to indicate that America is in something of a state of denial about the proliferation of child molestation, child prostitution, and child pornography rings, which constitute a vast underground in this country. But does this pedophilic underground extend into the halls of power? Is America's political, corporate and military elite hiding a particularly dirty little secret from the American people? A secret that, if exposed, could shatter America's cherished political and economic institutions and bring the house of cards crashing down? Consider the case of Craig Spence, a behind-the-scenes Republican powerbroker in Washington. In June of 1989, the Washington Times published a story that sent shock waves across Capitol Hill. It seems that Spence had been operating a call-boy ring that supplied young boys, some of them very young boys, to the Washington elite of both political parties. It was rumored that a list of influential clients ran to some 200 names, and some of them were publicly identified. It was also alleged that the ring was part of a CIA sexual blackmail operation, gathering compromising evidence on Washington politicos and foreign dignitaries. Also connected to the case were prominent figures in the media; on the guest lists for Spence's `parties' were names such as Ted Koppel and Eric Severeid. Spence's mansion was found to be overflowing with surveillance equipment, including hidden cameras and microphones and an abundance of two-way mirrors. Spence was also known to take his show on the road, giving some of his boys late-night tours of the White House, according to the Times. These tours were reportedly arranged by Donald Gregg, the national security adviser to then-Vice President George Bush. Though Gregg adamantly denied the accusation, there were undeniable connections between the two men, including the fact that Spence had once sponsored a dinner for Gregg. The story quickly dropped off the media radar screen, and Washington and the press proceeded to pretend as though it had never been aired at all. By the time Spence turned up dead in a Boston hotel room just five months later, the story was all but forgotten. Elsewhere in the country, a Republican operative named Larry King was embroiled in another high-level pedophile ring. King, whose operation was based in Omaha, Nebraska, had connections to Craig Spence as well as to Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Oliver North, and various other major players in Washington. The story first began to emerge with the collapse of the Franklin Community Credit Union run by King, one of many such entities that went belly-up in the 1980s Savings and Loan scandals. A special senate 'Franklin Committee' was formed to look into allegations of financial improprieties, but soon found itself instead investigating claims of child prostitution, child pornography and ritual homicide. The investigation soon led to some of the most powerful men in the state of Nebraska, including newspaper publisher Harold Andersen (a lunch partner of George Bush), a judge, the mayor of Omaha, the city's Games and Parks Commissioner, a prominent attorney, the former police chief of Omaha, and multi-billionaire Warren Buffet (for whose son King sponsored a political fund-raiser). Also identified as a patron of the child prostitution ring was George Bush himself. Though ignored by the U.S. media, the case attracted some attention from the European press. Pronto, the largest circulation weekly in Spain, reported that the scandal "appears to directly implicate politicos of the state of Nebraska and Washington, D.C. who are very close to the White House and George Bush." The report also noted that "there is reason to believe that the CIA is directly implicated," and that the "FBI refuses to help in the investigation and has sabotaged any efforts" by others to do so. The operation appears to have been in business for several years, with the knowledge of, and for the perverse pleasure of, a variety of city, state and federal authorities. Jerry Lowe, the first investigator assigned to the case by the Franklin Committee, reported back that: "The allegations regarding the exploitation of children are indeed disturbing. What appears to be documented cases of child abuse and sexual abuse dating back several years with no enforcement action being taken by the appropriate agencies is on its face, mind-boggling." Republican State Senator John DeCamp, in his book The Franklin Cover-Up, presents a compelling body of evidence to document the charges made by the child victims and various others associated with the operation. Equally disturbing is the evidence of the massive cover-up that was perpetrated by the FBI, local police, the grand jury assigned to the case, and of course the ever-compliant media. (One report almost made it through the media blackout. A documentary on the case entitled "Conspiracy of Silence" was scheduled to air on the Discovery Channel on May 3, 1994. Shortly before airtime, it was pulled without explanation and has been shelved ever since. The conspiracy of silence continues.) The cover-up involved, according to DeCamp, the untimely deaths of at least fifteen key players in the scandal, including Franklin Committee investigator Gary Caradori, whose private plane was blown out of the sky on July 11, 1990 with Caradori and his eight- year-old son on board. Equally appalling is the fact that the child victims, rather than the perpetrators, were thrown in prison. One of them, a young female victim, achieved the rather dubious honor of spending more time in solitary confinement than any woman in the history of the Nebraska penal system. It would be a full decade before any of the victims received even a semblance of justice, and that would ultimately come not from a criminal court, but from a civil court. In February of 1998, a judgment was entered against defendant Larry King in favor of plaintiff Paul Bonacci, one of the most seriously abused of the child victims, whose abuse at the hands of King began when he was just six years old – and which included his forced collaboration in the production of child snuff films. The memorandum of the district court's decision, issued on February 22, 1999, reads as follows: "Between December 1980 and 1988, the complaint alleges, the defendant King continually subjected the plaintiff to repeated sexual assaults, false imprisonments, infliction of extreme emotional distress, organized and directed satanic rituals, forced the plaintiff to 'scavenge' for children to be a part of the defendant King's sexual abuse and pornography ring, forced the plaintiff to engage in numerous sexual contacts with the defendant King and others and participate in deviate sexual games and masochistic orgies with other minor children. The defendant King's default has made those allegations true as to him ... "The now uncontradicted evidence is that the plaintiff has suffered much. He has suffered burns, broken fingers, beatings of the head and face and other indignities by the wrongful actions of the defendant King. In addition to the misery of going through the experiences just related over a period of eight years, the plaintiff has suffered the lingering results to the present time. He is a victim of multiple personality disorder, involving as many as fourteen distinct personalities aside from his primary personality. He has given up a desired military career and received threats on his life. He suffers from sleeplessness, has bad dreams, has difficulty in holding a job, is fearful that others are following him, fears getting killed, has depressing flashbacks, and is verbally violent on occasion, all in connection with the multiple personality disorder and caused by the wrongful activities of the defendant King." For his years of unspeakable abuse, physical and emotional suffering, and the complete shattering of his life, Bonacci was awarded one million dollars. While a bittersweet victory at best, it was considerably more than most other victims of such abuse have gotten. The trial was significant for another reason as well; it revealed a glimpse of the connections between the King case and various other multi-victim abuse cases around the country. REFERENCES: 1. Asseo, Laurie "Justices Will Review Ban on Virtual Kiddie Porn," Associated Press, January 22, 2001 2. DeCamp, John W. The Franklin Cover-Up, AWT, Inc., 1992 3. Hollingsworth, Jan Unspeakable Acts, Congdon & Weed, 1986 4. Junod, Tom "The Devil in Greg Dark," Esquire, February 2001 5. Laurina, Maria "Paul and Shirley Eberle: A Strange Pair of Experts," Ms. Magazine, December 1988 6. Li, David K. "Naughton Free in Time for Christmas," New York Post, December 23, 1999 7. Li, David K. "Turn Him Loose! Judge Voids Naughton's Porno Conviction," New York Post, January 22, 2000 8. Savage, David "Justices to Tackle `Virtual' Child Porn," Los Angeles Times, January 23, 2001 9. Sterling, Robert "Daddy's Little Princess," The Konformist, www.konformist.com 10. Tarpley, Webster G. and Anton Chaitkin George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography, www.tarpley.net/bushb.htm 11. Thomas, Gordon Enslaved, Pharos Books, 1991 12. Weinstein, Henry and Greg Miller "'Virtual' Child Porn Is Legal, Court Says," Los Angeles Times, December 18, 1999 13. "Bush Budget Seeks Child Program Cuts," Los Angeles Times, March 24, 2001 14. Paul A. Bonacci v. Lawrence E. King (4:CV91-3037), United States District Court for the District of Nebraska, Memorandum of Decision, February 22, 1999 15. "The Child Sex Trade," A&E Investigative Reports If you are interested in a free subscription to The Konformist Newswire, please visit: http://www.eGroups.com/list/konformist
Uncle Sam Wants Your Children By David McGowan (McGowan is the author of Derailing Democracy and Understanding the F-Word,and is also the administrator of the website The Center for an Informed America)
Toward Freedom, May 1998
One of the names raised at the Bonacci trial was that of Michael Aquino. Aquino is the ‘High Priest’ and chief executive of the Temple of Set, an overtly satanic cult that split off from the Church of Satan in 1975. Besides tending to those duties, Aquino also has occupied his time serving as (according to an official biography once circulated by the Temple) a “Lieutenant Colonel, Military Intelligence, U.S. Army.” Aquino was accused in court by the mother of a victim as being a key player in a nationwide pedophile ring. Paul Bonacci himself has also positively identified Aquino as an associate of King, known to the children only as 'the Colonel.' King's personal photographer has identified Aquino as the man to whom he saw King hand over a suitcase full of cash and bonds. The photographer, Rusty Nelson, also has said that King told him that Aquino was part of the Contra guns and cocaine trafficking operation run by George Bush and another notorious Lt. Col., Oliver North. Aquino has also been linked to Offutt Air Force Base, a Strategic Air Command post near Omaha that was implicated in the investigation by the Franklin Committee. He was also claimed to have ordered the abduction of a Des Moines, Iowa paperboy. This was certainly not the first time that Aquino had been implicated as a key figure in large scale pedophile/child pornography rings. In July of 1988, not long before the King and Spence cases broke, the San Jose Mercury News ran a lengthy exposé on the Presidio Child Development Center run by the U.S. Army in San Francisco. Allegations of abuse being perpetrated at the center first emerged in November of 1986. Alarmed by accusations made by her child, a parent had sought a medical examination which confirmed that the three-year-old boy had in fact been anally raped. The boy identified his rapist as 'Mr. Gary,' a teacher at the center named Gary Hambright. Even with the conclusive medical evidence, “it took the Army almost a month to notify the parents of other children who had been in 'Mr. Gary's' class that the incident had taken place.” Within a year, at least sixty victims had been identified, all between the ages of three and seven, and further “allegations would be made by parents that several more children were molested even after the investigation had begun.” Amazingly enough, the center remained open for more than a year after the first case of abuse was reported, though the Mercury News noted that “day care centers under state jurisdiction are routinely closed when an abuse incident is confirmed.” And this was considerably more than a simple abuse incident that was confirmed. The stories told by the children implicated many other perpetrators besides Hambright. They also told of being taken away from the center to be abused in private homes; at least three such houses were positively identified. They also told of being forced to play “poopoo baseball” and the “googoo” game – 'games' that involved the children being urinated and defecated upon, and being forced to ingest urine and feces. Many of them also spoke of having guns pointed at them and of having been told that they and/or their parents and siblings would be killed if they told anyone what had been done to them. Despite the mounting number of victim/witnesses, and the numerous crimes alleged by these children, it was only Gary Hambright who was arrested - on January 5, 1987 - and he was charged with abusing just a single child. And even then the charges were dismissed just three months later, in March of 1987. There is little doubt that literally dozens of children were in fact severely abused at the center. There was irrefutable medical evidence to document that fact. Five of the children had contracted chlamydia, a sexually transmitted disease; many others showed clear signs of anal and genital trauma consistent with violent penetration, which authorities chose to ignore. One mother complained to the San Francisco Chronicle that the FBI never interviewed her or her son, even after doctors had confirmed the boy’s abuse. There were unmistakable psychological signs as well. As The American Journal of Orthopsychiatry noted in April of 1992: “The severity of the trauma for children at the Presidio was immediately manifest in clear cut symptoms. Before the abuse was exposed, parents had already noticed the following changes in their children: vaginal discharge, genital soreness, rashes, fear of the dark, sleep disturbances, nightmares, sexually provocative language, and sexually inappropriate behavior. In addition, the children were exhibiting other radical changes in behavior, including temper outbursts, sudden mood shifts, and poor impulse control. All these behavioral symptoms are to be expected in preschool children who have been molested.” The journal article, written by Diane Ehrensaft, Ph.D., also noted that: “The Presidio case has confronted both the public at large and the mental health community with an extraordinary and abhorrent situation of grave psychological proportions: the willful molestation of young boys and girls by representatives of the most patriarchal and supposedly protective arm of the American government – the U.S. Army.” The article further noted the nearly homicidal rage provoked in the fathers of the children abused in this way, as they saw the investigations of the crimes perpetrated against their children stonewalled and covered up. One father is quoted as saying: “When something about the Presidio comes on TV, I want to blow someone away.” Another father echoed this sentiment: “I was ready to blow the army base away.” One of those who the fathers would have liked to blow away was Michael Aquino, along with his wife Lilith. One child positively identified the pair, known to the kids as 'Mikey' and 'Shamby,' and was also able to positively identify the Aquino's home and to describe with uncanny accuracy the distinctively satanic interior of the house. The young witness also claimed to have been photographed at the Aquinos' home. On August 14 of 1987, a search warrant was served on the house. Confiscated in the raid were numerous videotapes, photographs, photo albums, photographic negatives, cassette tapes, and name and address books. Also observed was what appeared to be a soundproof room. Neither Aquino nor his wife were charged with any crimes, nor have they been to this day – a fact that Aquino claims proves his innocence. The next month, a fire - which the Army deemed to be accidental - destroyed the Army Community Services Building adjacent to the Presidio's day care center. Strangely enough, “the fire occurred on the autumnal equinox, a major event on the satanic calendar,” as the Mercury News noted. The fire also destroyed some of the center's records. “Three weeks later, fire struck again, this time at the day care center itself.” A building that housed four classrooms, including that of Gary Hambright, was completely destroyed. Investigators from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms determined that “both fires, contrary to the Army's finding, had been arson.” In between the first and second fires (with evidence indicating that a third arson attempt had been made as well), Hambright was again indicted, this time charged with molesting ten children. In February of 1988, all but one of the charges were dropped. Shortly thereafter, the remaining count was dropped as well, and Hambright was a free man once again. No further charges were brought against him. In January of 1988, Aquino filed suit against the Army to have it cleared from his record that he had been investigated as a suspected pedophile. According to court records, he also had the gall to charge “Captain Adams-Thompson [the father of a victim] with conduct unbecoming an officer because the Captain reported the allegations of child abuse to the San Francisco police.” In denying Aquino's motion, the court concluded that “there was probable cause to title Aquino with offenses of indecent acts with a child, sodomy, conspiracy, kidnapping, and false swearing,” despite the fact that “the San Francisco police department (SFPD) closed its investigation and filed no charges against the plaintiff or anyone else.” Aquino and various of his defenders have consistently claimed that no one was ever prosecuted in the case due to a lack of evidence – proof that the entire affair was no more than a ‘witch hunt.’ Of course, the failure to prosecute the federal charges could also be due to the fact that, at the time, the U.S. Attorney in San Francisco handling the case was Joseph Russoniello. Russoniello would later be identified by reporter Gary Webb of the San Jose Mercury News as a player in the Contra cocaine smuggling operation led by Lt. Col. Oliver North and company, just as witnesses would later identify Lt. Col. Michael Aquino as an operative in the very same sordid affair. It always helps when your legal ‘adversaries’ are actually on your side. In May of 1989, Aquino was again questioned in connection with child abuse investigations; this time at least five children in three cities were making the accusations. The children had seen Aquino in newspaper and television coverage of the Presidio case and immediately recognized him as one of their abusers. Three of the children lived in Ukiah - former home of the People’s Temple - where Police Chief Fred Keplinger was overseeing the investigation of the allegations. The Mercury News quoted the chief as saying that “the children are believable. I have no doubt in my mind that something has occurred.” Aquino was also identified by children in Santa Rosa and Fort Bragg. In the Fort Bragg case, “allegations of ritual abuse erupted ... in 1985 when several children at the Jubilation Day Care Center said they were sexually abused by a number of people at the day care center and at several locations away from the center, including at least two churches.” Aquino was identified as having been at one of those churches. The Mercury News also reported that there was clear evidence of satanic cult activity on the grounds of the Presidio base, including an abundance of satanic graffiti, a satanic altar, and numerous artifacts of satanic rituals. A former MP at the base is quoted as saying: “We were sitting there, we've got a cult on the Presidio of San Francisco and nobody cares about it ... We were told by the provost marshal to just forget about it.” On April 19, 1988 - the eve of Adolf Hitler’s birthday, and seven years to the day before the Oklahoma City Federal Building would explode, allegedly due to an act of ‘domestic terrorism’- an open-house was held on the grounds of the Presidio heralding the opening of the new day care facility built to replace the fire-damaged Child Development Center. As a final note on the Presidio case, a report in the Marin Independent Journal revealed that Aquino owned a building in Marin County - inherited from his mother, Betty Ford-Aquino - that had been jointly leased to the Marin County Child Abuse Council and Project Care for Children. The stated purpose of Project Care was, interestingly enough, to assist parents in locating day care for their children. As disturbing as the Presidio case was, it was just one of many ritual abuse cases directly tied to one or more branches of the United States armed forces. As the Mercury News reported: “By November, 1987 the Army had received allegations of child abuse at 15 of its day care centers and several elementary schools. There were also at least two cases in Air Force day care centers,” and another in a center run by the U.S. Navy. In addition, “a special team of experts was sent to Panama [in June of 1988] to help determine if as many as 10 children at a Department of Defense elementary school had been molested and possibly infected with AIDS.” Yet another case emerged in a U.S.-run facility in West Germany. These cases erupted at some of the most esteemed military bases in the country, including Fort Dix, Fort Leavenworth, Fort Jackson, and West Point. Many of those making the accusations were career military officers who had devoted their lives to unquestioned allegiance to the U.S. armed forces. Many would resign their posts in outraged protest. It would be redundant to review all these cases, as most of them followed a remarkably similar pattern. Given though that West Point is America's premier military academy, and given also that the case - like many others - was linked by witnesses to the Presidio, a brief review is warranted here. As The Times Herald Record reported in June of 1991: “The incidents [at the West Point Child Development Center] unfolded against a backdrop of satanic acts, animal sacrifices and cult-like behavior among the abusers, whose activities extended beyond the U.S. Military Academy borders to Orange County and a military base in San Francisco, parents charged.” The case first broke in July of 1984, when a three-year-old girl found herself in the emergency room of the West Point Hospital with a lacerated vagina. She told the examining physician that a teacher at the day care center had hurt her. The next month, the parents of another child leveled accusations of abuse at the center. As the Mercury News reported: “By the end of the year, 50 children had been interviewed by investigators. Children at West Point told stories that would become horrifyingly familiar. They said they had been ritually abused. They said they had had excrement smeared on their bodies and been forced to eat feces and drink urine. They said they were taken away from the day care center and photographed.” Despite abundant medical and psychological evidence, and literally dozens of child witnesses, and despite “950 interviews by 60 FBI agents assigned to the investigation, an investigation led by former U.S. Attorney Rudolph Giuliani produced no federal grand jury indictments,” according to the Herald Record. The Herald also noted that: “In 1987, Giuliani said his detailed investigation showed only one or two children were abused.” This was, it should be noted, a bare-faced lie from the fascistic future-mayor and would-be Senator, as the Herald report divulged: “a still-secret, independent report - produced by one of the nation's top experts on child sexual abuse - confirms the children's accusations of abuse.” This was not the first time that the prestigious academy had shown an appalling willingness to overlook extreme levels of abuse directed at children by army personnel. A year before the abuse case broke, a 22-month-old child was murdered by an Army staff sergeant. The Mercury News reported that: “After a court martial hearing, the sergeant was given an 18 month suspended sentence and dishonorable discharge.” In other words, he served no time and was essentially given a free ride for murdering a child. With help from Giuliani, the FBI, the U.S. Army, and the grand jury, the abusers of countless children at the day care center (which was, appropriately enough, building number 666 on the academy grounds) were likewise given a free ride. As with the Franklin case, the children and their parents were to find justice only through the civil courts. The Herald Record reported that: “lawyers for both the government and the 11 child plaintiffs agreed that some children were sexually abused at the center two years ago” (again contradicting Giuliani's bogus conclusions). The government, however, claimed that it could not be held responsible, due to the “assault exemption in the Federal Tort Claim Act.” As the New York Times explained: “under federal law the government cannot be held liable for assaults committed by its employees and thus cannot be sued for assault.” In other words, the Army did not dispute the allegations, it just rather cavalierly maintained that it was exempt from being sued. The court saw otherwise and awarded $2.7 million to nine of the child victims – paltry compensation for their suffering, but a victory of sorts nonetheless. The Times opined that the settlement amount “was large for a child-abuse case in which no criminal charges were filed.” The article claimed that the failure to prosecute the case was due to the fact that “the Federal Bureau of Investigation found ‘insufficient evidence to prosecute,’” when in fact the Bureau appears to have deliberately ignored and/or covered-up that evidence. And so ended the West Point case, except that - as one mother noted - it was hardly over: “These people stole our children. She's nothing like she used to be. She's a very angry little girl. She doesn't trust anyone. She's nothing like she was before this happened. It's never going to be over for them, or for us.” The mother of a Presidio victim had this to say: “People keep telling us we've got to let it go -- just forget about it and go on ... Three weeks ago, our youngest daughter was having nightmares and our other daughter was closing out the whole world, going to her room and siting there, with no radio, no TV, no nothing. Tell me it's over.” “I cannot accept promotion in a system that at first refused to acknowledge and now refuses to deal with the victims of extensive child abuse that occurred at the West Point Child Development Center.” Army Captain Walter R. Grote, refusing a promotion to Major in June 1985. Grote referred to his protest as a “fight for the human rights of all children.”
REFERENCES: 1. Al-Kurdi, Husayn “Messing With Our Minds,” Toward Freedom, May 1998 2. Arce, Rose Marie “Liability in Point Abuse Case Debated,” The Times Herald Record (Middletown, New York), December 23, 1986 3. Blood, Linda The New Satanists, Warner Books, 1994 4. Cunningham, Douglas and Alan Snel “A Legacy of Pain: Settlement Doesn't Ease Abused Children's Fears,” The Times Herald Record (Middletown, New York), June 11, 1991 5. DeCamp, John W. The Franklin Cover-Up, AWT, Inc., 1992 6. Ehrensaft, Diane “Preschool Child Sex Abuse: The Aftermath of the Presidio Case,” The American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, April 1992 7. Goldston, Linda “Army of the Night,” San Jose Mercury News, July 24, 1988 8. Goldston, Linda “Satanic Priest Questioned in New Sex Case,” San Jose Mercury News, May 13, 1989 9. Hays, Constance L. “$2.7 Million Settles Army Child-Abuse Case,” New York Times, May 23, 1991 10. Sawyer, Kathy “Army Doctor Turns Down Promotion; Lax Response to Case of Child Abuse Cited,” Washington Post, June 25, 1985 11. Steinberg, Jeffrey “Satanic Subversion of the U.S. Military,” EIR, July 2, 1999 12. “Army Doctor Refuses Promotion in Protest,” San Diego Union Tribune, June 25, 1985 13. “The Keys to Hell and Death – Part II,” SFLR News (the newsletter of San Francisco Liberation Radio), May 21, 2001 14. Michael Aquino v. The Honorable Michael Stone, Secretary of the Army (Civ. A. No. 90-1547-A), United States District Court, Alexandria Division, July 1, 1991
McMolestation By David McGowan (McGowan is the author of Derailing Democracy and Understanding the F-Word, and is also the administrator of the website The Center for an Informed America)
Columbia Journalism Review, July/August 1997
If there's anyone who can relate to the sentiments expressed by the Presidio and West Point parents, it is the mothers and fathers of the children from the McMartin Preschool – and there are literally hundreds of them. The McMartin case was, of course, the largest and most well-publicized of the multi-victim, multi-perpetrator ritual abuse cases that sprang forth in the 1980s. It was also a case that was grotesquely misrepresented by the media, both mainstream and 'alternative' – perhaps nowhere more so than in the appalling writings of Alexander Cockburn, the allegedly ‘progressive’ Warren Committee apologist. Cockburn went so far as to write an op-ed piece entitled “The McMartin Case: Indict the Children, Jail the Parents,” which ran in The Wall Street Journal on February 8, 1990. Virtually everyone agrees that the children of McMartin were victimized, the only debate being whether that victimization was by abusive caretakers or by overzealous therapists and prosecutors. Either way, Cockburn’s stance on the case was unconscionable, and should have sent a clear signal to the progressive community that there was considerably more to the McMartin allegations than met the eye. The harsh reality is that the McMartin Preschool, in conjunction with at least two other Manhattan Beach preschools and one babysitting service, was the center of a massive child prostitution and child pornography ring whose operations were protected and covered up by any number of local, state and federal officials – or so it would appear. A glimpse of the true nature and scale of the McMartin case is given by an official correspondence from Sergeant Beth Dickerson of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department to Agent Ken Lanning at the FBI Academy Behavioral Sciences Unit in Quantico, Virginia, dated February 10, 1985, and reproduced in Larry Kahaner's Cults That Kill: “In August 1983, the Manhattan Beach Police Department began an investigation regarding allegations of sexual abuse occurring at the McMartin Preschool ... Altogether, approximately 400 children were evaluated by therapists at Children's Institute International. All interviews were videotaped and 350 children disclosed sexual behavior ... “In all, the victims named seven teachers (six women and one male) at the preschool as having molested them. These individuals are currently charged with 209 counts of child molestation. Also named are about 30 other individuals still uncharged, as well as numerous unidentified 'strangers.' “McMartin victims allege sexual abuse occurred on school grounds as well as at a local market, churches, a mortuary, various homes, a farm, a doctor's office, other preschools and other unknown locations ... “Most children state they were photographed in the nude ... They mention drinking a red or pink liquid that made them sleepy ... Children disclose animal sacrificing (bunnies, ponies, turtles, etc.) and some of this occurred in churches. Victims describe sticks put in their vaginas and rectums and also being 'pooped' and 'peed' on. Children say that the adults sometimes dressed in black robes, formed a circle around them and chanted. “In May 1984, another preschool investigation began in the same policing jurisdiction stemming from a McMartin victim who identified the Manhattan Ranch Preschool as a place where he was taken and molested ... additional children have begun disclosing sexual abuse (approximately 60) and they have named six or more additional suspects ... These children talk of strangers coming to the school and molesting them, being taken off campus and molested, being photographed nude and some talk of animals being abused. The children talk of being hit with sticks and of being 'peed' and 'pooped' on ... “[T]he resources of the police department and the District Attorney's office were not sufficient in order to follow up on the multitude of uncharged suspects in both preschools ... The Task Force became operational on November 5, 1984. It should be noted that the Task Force has two other preschools under investigation for alleged sexual abuse in addition to McMartin and Manhattan Ranch. One, the Learning Game Preschool, is clearly linked to McMartin.”
An astounding total of 460 children reported being sexually abused at the three closely-linked Manhattan Beach schools. Even more astounding, investigative author Michael Newton (among others) has noted that Children’s Institute International determined that: “a full eighty percent displayed physical symptoms, including vaginal or rectal scarring, anal bleeding, painful bowel movements, and the 'anal wick reflex' associated with violent penetration.” The stories told by the victim/witnesses were remarkably similar as to the nature of the abuse, the locations where the abuse took place, and the perpetrators of the abuse. And these were not, as is commonly believed, all preschool children telling these stories; some of the witnesses were former students in their teens and twenties, and their stories corroborated those of the children. The older witnesses were not allowed to testify at the McMartin trials, however, as the statute of limitations for the crimes committed against them had expired. Many of the younger witnesses were unable to offer testimony as well, for various reasons – most notably because they were too severely traumatized. Even so, as author Jan Hollingsworth has pointed out, prosecutors had at their disposal “more than a hundred child witnesses as old as eleven and a truckload of medical reports bearing documentation of scarred genitals and anuses.” The stories told by these children, it should be noted, were not fed to them by some diabolical team of therapists and headline-seeking journalists. Many of them were offered spontaneously to hundreds of parents and scores of childcare specialists. And the victims of the McMartin Preschool, all adults now, still tell the same stories today. While anyone suggesting that the allegations in the McMartin case were true - and that a massive cover-up concealed the true nature and scope of the case - is likely to be labeled a 'conspiracy theorist,' the most preposterous conspiracy theory surrounding McMartin has always been the notion that some cabal of overzealous therapists was able to implant 'false memories' of heinous abuse in the minds of nearly 500 individuals, and have them persist to this day. Despite the vast number of eyewitnesses - most of them bearing physical evidence of abuse - and despite the fact that the judge who presided over more than a year of pre-trial testimony ruled that the state had more than enough evidence to proceed to trial, District Attorney Ira Reiner inexplicably dropped all charges against five of the seven defendants in the case on January 17 of 1986. Six days before that, he had summarily dismissed two prosecutors on the case. At least three dozen other suspects who had been independently identified by numerous witnesses were never indicted at all. One of these was a man named Robert Winkler, arrested in neighboring Torrance, California for running a baby-sitting service out of the Coco Palms Motel that authorities described as a front for a sexual abuse ring. Children in the McMartin case recognized Winkler in news footage as the man they had known as the 'Wolfman.' The kids described Winkler as being a frequent visitor to the school, delivering drugs for use in abusive rituals, which were sometimes conducted in churches, a cemetery, or a crematorium. The Wolfman, conveniently enough, turned up dead on the eve of his trial, allegedly of a drug overdose. Winkler wasn't the only one to miss his day in court in conjunction with the McMartin case. Judy Johnson, the first McMartin parent to lodge a complaint, turned up dead before her scheduled testimony as well. When her body was found sprawled naked on the floor of her home, her death was said to be due to complications from her chronic alcoholism. She was also derided by defense attorneys and their media allies as a mentally unfit crank. In truth, Johnson was not known to have any mental problems - or a drinking problem - prior to learning of the unthinkable abuse her child had suffered. Considered a key prosecution witness, Johnson received frequent threats prior to her death and was followed when she ventured out in public. Many of the other McMartin parents were openly skeptical of Johnson’s stated cause of death. A former Hermosa Beach police officer named Paul Bynum, who had been hired by the parents of victims as a private investigator, turned up dead on the eve of his scheduled testimony as well. His death by gunshot was ruled a suicide, though those close to Bynum dispute that finding to this day. Among other things, Bynum may have testified about his examination of the tunnel excavation project conducted at the school site. This was, of course, the object of much derision by the media. The fact that the children repeatedly told stories of tunnels under the property by which they could be secretly transported to and from the school, and in which they were subjected to unspeakable abuse in a secret room, was frequently cited as ‘proof’ that the children's stories were fabrications. It was universally accepted that the tunnels did not actually exist, that being the consensus view of the media and law enforcement authorities. But while it is true that the investigation commissioned by the District Attorney's office found no evidence of tunnels, one of the dirty little secrets of the McMartin case is that the tunnels did, in fact, exist. Many of the parents were not satisfied with the ridiculously superficial examination by the DA’s office, and commissioned another investigation of the site when the property was sold in April of 1990. To lead the project, they hired E. Gary Stickel, Ph.D., a highly regarded archeologist recommended to them by the Chair of the Interdisciplinary Program of the Archeology Department at UCLA. Stickel had served as a consultant to Lucasfilms on the Indiana Jones movies. Also brought on board were several other technical specialists. As Stickel wrote in his report on the excavation: “By engaging a highly recommended professional archeological team, [the parents] hoped to bring scientific authority to whatever might be found or a definitive resolution for whatever was not to be found.” And what the team found was precisely what the children had been telling them they would find for the previous seven years: “The project unearthed not one but two tunnel complexes as well as previously unrecognized structural features which defied logical explanation. Both tunnel complexes conformed to locations and functional descriptions established by children's reports. One had been described as providing undetected access to an adjacent building on the east. The other provided outside access under the west wall of the building and contained within it an enlarged, cavernous artifact corresponding to children's descriptions of a ‘secret room.’ “Both the contour signature of the walls and the nature of recovered artifacts indicated that the tunnels had been dug by hand under the concrete slab floor after the construction of the building ... Not only did the discovered features fulfill the research prequalifications as tunnels designed for human traffic, there was also no alternative or natural explanation for the presence of such features ... “If the stories of the children were bogus fantasies, there is no excuse for the tunnels discovered under the school. If there really were tunnels, there is no excuse for the glib dismissal of any and all of the complaints of the children and their parents.” This investigation was completed before the McMartin trials had concluded, yet this devastating evidence was never presented in court by the prosecution. The existence of this report, complete with photos and maps of the tunnel complexes, was known to the local and national press, but it was never reported. To this day, it is denied that any tunnels ever existed under the McMartin Preschool. The denial of the tunnels is necessary to maintain the illusion that the children were not credible witnesses, that illusion being essential to the cover-up. For if the children were credible, the implications run far deeper than the tunnels under the school. There is, for example, the stories told by the children of being pimped out as child prostitutes in private homes and businesses all over the community. They also spoke frequently of being photographed and videotaped while being abused. District Attorney Robert Philibosian publicly declared the McMartin Preschool to be an elaborate front for a massive child pornography operation. Twenty-three parents filed a civil lawsuit making the very same claim, one that appears to be strongly supported by the facts of the case. Other stories told repeatedly by the children are even more disturbing. They told of being forced to witness and participate in the ritual torture, killing and mutilation of animals and, on occasion, of human babies and children as well. They spoke of being forced to drink the blood and eat the flesh of the slaughtered corpses, of witnessing the beheading of infants, and of being forced to stab infants themselves. They told as well of being sealed in coffins with the mutilated corpses. And they spoke of being subjected to every sort of depraved sexual activity imaginable, including necrophilia, copraphilia and bestiality. The abuse was of such stunning brutality that it is almost beyond human comprehension that anyone could inflict such physical and psychological torture on children. And yet these stories were soon being told by thousands of other kids across the country as preschool abuse cases spread like wildfire. Young children from all walks of life, and from all parts of the country, all telling remarkably similar stories of horrific ritual abuse – how was this possible? If they were all victims of 'false memories,' how vast a conspiracy would be required for therapists all across the country to implant the very same memories in all of these children? Experts have noted that the victimized children show a level of knowledge that defies rational explanation if the kids have not experienced what they claim to have experienced. For instance, these child victims can accurately describe the look, smell, texture and colors of human viscera. This is an ability, it has been argued, that very few adults possess, other than those who have been trained as surgeons or coroners. These children also display a remarkable level of knowledge of a wide variety of human sexual practices, including many bizarre acts that, again, most adults do not have knowledge or awareness of. If these children did not experience these things firsthand, then how did they gain such knowledge? In February of 1985, Officer Sandi Gallant of the San Francisco Police Department submitted a report to her superiors noting the similarities in numerous ritual abuse cases. She had gathered evidence from fellow officers and police departments across the country and summarized the evidence referenced in the police reports submitted to her. An excerpt from her report reads as follows: “The information contained herein is distasteful and bizarre, to such a degree that one would choose to discredit it. However, research that I have done in this area has revealed that numerous cases of this type are surfacing around the country and in Canada. The similarities in the stories of each child victim used in these crimes tend to give credibility to the information revealed by others. Additionally, the psychiatrists and therapists who have been treating the victims state that the consistency of the stories and the explicit details revealed cause them to believe that these children are telling the truth. It is also the belief of each law enforcement officer who submitted information for this report that the victims are being truthful and that, in fact, children would be unable to make such stories up. “During my research, similarities began surfacing which indicate the strong probability that there exists a network of people in this country involved in the sexual abuse and possible homicides of young children. These cases appear to differ from isolated cases of abuse towards children in that the crimes mentioned here have been committed with one common goal in mind – that of mutilating and murdering children for ritualistic or sacrificial purposes. Many of the cases reported also reveal the possibility of child pornography beyond the normal type of ‘kiddie porn’ in that these children are photographed during rituals with some members in robes or other garb and candles, snakes, swords, altars and other types of ritualistic material being used.” Gallant had requested that the report be sent on to the chief of police for him to review and forward to the FBI. Following his review, however, the chief declined to submit the report. Gallant also tried to get the U.S. Department of Justice to review the paperwork, but she was - not surprisingly - rebuffed there as well. As for the McMartin case, there has never been any question that the children there were horrifically abused. Though rarely noted in press reports, the jurors were clearly of the opinion that that was, in fact, the case. The hung juries and acquittals were the result of the jury members’ inability to identify the perpetrators of that abuse, which they attributed to the inept presentation of the prosecution’s case. Another notable fact about the McMartin trials is that the defense was allowed to subject the child witnesses to the longest pretrial hearing in the nation’s history. Facing a battery of as many as seven rabid defense attorneys, the already severely traumatized children were verbally assaulted for weeks on end in a deliberate attempt to break them. The state made little effort to protect these young victims. Also rarely noted in the reporting on the trials is that the matriarch of the family - Virginia McMartin - admitted on the stand that one of her own granddaughters believed that her children had been molested at the school. McMartin, by the way, had achieved semi-celebrity status in the childcare field. In the mid-1960s, she had traveled to New Zealand, Australia, Denmark, Sweden, Norway and England to visit preschools as a consultant. In the final analysis, the logical conclusion to be drawn from the McMartin case is that 460 kids did not conspire to all lie about the abuse they suffered. They also did not likely lie about their involvement in child prostitution and child pornography. They certainly did not lie about the tunnels under the school. They also did not lie about their forced involvement in satanic rituals, in which adults sheathed in black ceremonial robes uttered chants. In fact, at least one such robe was seized from the home of a defendant. And, perhaps most tragically, there is good reason to believe that they did not lie about the blood sacrifices either.
1. Constantine, Alex Virtual Government, Feral House, 1997 2. Hollingsworth, Jan Unspeakable Acts, Congdon & Weed, 1986 3. Kahaner, Larry Cults That Kill, Warner Books, 1989 4. Newton, Michael Raising Hell, Avon Books, 1993 5. Raschke, Carl Painted Black, Harper and Row, 1990 6. Ryder, Daniel Cover-Up of the Century, Ryder Publishing, 1996 7. Stanton, Mike “U-Turn on Memory Lane,” Columbia Journalism Review, July/August 1997 8. Stickel, E. Gary, Ph.D. “Archaeological Investigations of the McMartin Preschool Site, Manhattan Beach, California” (unpublished report of investigation) 9. Summit, Dr. Roland C. “The Dark Tunnels of McMartin,” Journal of Psychohistory, Spring 1994 Reproduced From: The Konformist
The
Pedophocracy, Part V: By David McGowan (McGowan is the author of Derailing Democracy and Understanding the F- Word,and is also the administrator of the website The Center for an Informed America) Prosecutor Dan Casey: "Did you exercise any kind of mind control over your wife in order to get her to have sexual contact?" Frank Fuster: "If I had that power, you think I would use it against … ? You know ... I don't ... I have never. I'm a normal human being." On August 8, 1984, Bobby Dean stood on the front lawn of the Fuster home in the Country Walk housing development - a picture-perfect, planned community of relatively upscale suburban homes in Dade County, Florida. By all appearances, this was a small slice of paradise – an oasis untouched by the grim realities of American society. On this day though, Dean had a loaded gun in his waistband and he fully intended to use it. He was there to finish the job that someone else had failed to complete on December 18 of 1980. On that day, an unidentified assailant had confronted Francisco Fuster Escalona (aka Frank Fuster) at his place of business and shot him once in the side of the head. Fuster survived the attack, which he explained to the police as a botched robbery, though the officers thought it looked more like an attempted execution. Dean didn't get the chance to make another attempt; police were on the scene in short order to arrest him. Fuster himself surrendered to police two days later in response to the issuance of an arrest warrant. He had been under investigation following accusations by neighborhood parents that he and his wife, Iliana, had been brutally abusing their children while in the trusted care of the Fuster's babysitting service – run out of their Country Walk home. Fuster had, shall we say, rather questionable qualifications to run a day care center. On January 16, 1969, Fuster pumped two shots into the heart of a fellow motorist in New York City, killing him instantly. An off-duty police officer was, curiously enough, an eyewitness to the summary execution. Even more curiously, Fuster chambered another round and pointed his gun directly at the armed officer – and yet wasn't shot. He was arrested though, and tried and convicted before the year was out. On Halloween day (needless to say, yet another occult holiday), he was sentenced to a ten year prison term. He was back on the streets in less than four, after which he received `psychiatric care.' In November of 1982, he was convicted again – this time of a lewd assault on a nine-year-old girl. Despite being his second felony conviction, Fuster was sentenced to just two years probation. It was while on probation for the child molestation conviction that Fuster and his underage wife started up the babysitting service. His probation officer apparently had no problem with this business venture, although it brought Fuster into unsupervised contact with at least fifty kids. At least thirty of them were horrifically abused. Fuster's probation officer also had no problem with the fact that Frank had self-terminated his court-ordered psychiatric treatment in August of 1983. No one really seems to have been too concerned about Fuster's babysitting service, which - in addition to being run by a convicted child molester - was operating without proper licensing and in violation of local zoning laws. Commercial enterprises were expressly forbidden in the residential community. Nevertheless, the service operated with the full knowledge of the entity managing the complex. In fact, Fuster's service used the name Country Walk Babysitting Service, implying that his was an officially sanctioned service provided for the community. The management company, Arvida, denied there were ever any official links to the Fuster operation after Frank's past and present activities were revealed. Thi |