In the early 1900s, Royal Rife discovered that certain lower life forms
could be "devitalized" by subjecting them to certain frequencies produced by
an electrical apparatus. He used a combination of AC and DC power to do so.
He used a powerful dark field microscope, another device he perfected, which
allowed him to watch the effects of his frequency generator on live viruses,
bacteria, paramecium, and other potential pathogens. He watched as they were
devitalized in a number of ways, either losing their motility, pleomorphing
into a different (and hopefully nonpathogenic) form, or actually bursting.
Unfortunately, most of his work and the exact design of his frequency
generator were lost. This story is detailed in a book called
The Cancer Cure that Worked
by Barry Lynes.
In a small clinical study during Rife's time, his frequency generator
reportedly had a 100% cure rate for the types of cancers that were
investigated - sarcomas and carcinomas. He also had a perfect cure rate for
other serious diseases of the time, like tuberculosis. The tale of how this
work was almost lost to mankind due to fledgling pharmaceutical companies
and the American Medical Association is a story for the conspiracy
Rife's dark field microscope was also an innovation far ahead of its
time. It allowed him to view even the tiniest viruses while they were still
alive by staining them with light, unlike today's electron microscopes for
which the sample must be "fixed" which kills the pathogen being viewed. With
this microscope, he saw and reported instances of pleomorphism, which is
when an organism mutates, as when a bacterium mutates to a fungal-type
lifeform. This was also reported by Bechamps, another early microscopy
pioneer, but is still considered anathema to the conventional medical
establishment, even though alternative modern researchers working with dark
field microscopes have clear proof that it occurs and are willing to show
anyone who cares to look.
The exploration of this phenomenon and that of frequency and other
electrical effects on pathogens will one day rock the scientific and medical
establishments. I will not hold me breathe until this happens, however.
There is little profit, and hence motivation, in developing electrical
modalities to treat disease, especially with devices that one can build
oneself. It will only come about when so many people know about this
treatment, use it, and are more successful using it than with conventional
modalities that it is the preferred method to treat disease due to cost,
safety, and efficacy. This will come through bit and piece research financed
by those how actually need the treatments for themselves and for diseases
that conventional medicine has little luck in treating. I have no doubt that
this would have never happened had it not been for the internet and its
facilitation of instant uncensored worldwide communications.
One factor that may speed progress greatly in this field is the vast
amount of commercial applications that exist for this technology which are
outside the government-protected field of internal medicine. There is a
(rather expensive) "pimple zapper" which uses a single sharp electrode in
one hand (and the box in the other) advertised which claims to locally kill
bacteria which can cause eruptions. There is a salmonella detector made for
egg processing lines which stimulates eggs with the resonant frequency for
the bacteria (ala Hulda Clark's syncrometer), but with a laser. If it
detects resonance, the egg is kicked out as contaminated. Other potentially
very profitable applications are as a safe pesticide in homes (and perhaps
farms) and as a disinfectant.
Lately, James Bare has been working to recreate Rife's work, and has a
book and video showing how to build a generator which approximates Rife's.
His video shows different pathogens succumbing to the effects of his
generator, usually bursting or hemorrhaging from the field effects from the
transmitter, which is 5 or more feet away.
The Bare device generates a ~27 MHz AC waveform (with a CB) and combines
with a DC waveform at varying frequencies. The waveform excites a plasma
tube from which the power is transmitted. The high frequency penetrates the
body efficiently, but the antipathogenic action is thought to be mostly the
harmonics caused by the DC portion.
Bare's Rife device will not generate high enough frequencies to match
those discovered by Hulda Clark (in the DC portion) to kill pathogens
directly. He must use the harmonics of the frequency generator, and as such
he produces a DC waveform which produces enough harmonics to generate them.
This is an inexact science at this time, and due to fluctuations in
construction, equipment, tube variations, operating technique, results
differ from those building and using the devices, although most admit when
they follow Bare's instructions to the letter, they have the best results.
Once the device is constructed, cautious experimenters test it on cultures
of bacteria, molds, paramecium, etc, to more assure the device produces a
The people working with Rife/Bare generators report that it is easy to
tell when a frequency generator is causing harmful effects since pain will
be felt. They have done experiments on lab rodents and reported that they
will not tolerate harmful frequencies without trying to escape. Even so,
incautious experimentation with high voltage devices can cause damage or
even death, so it is critical that one thoroughly understands the
ramifications of dealing with these types of bioelectronics.
The Rife-Bare generator is one of the few types of frequency treatments
where the subjects do not come in contact with the device, and some report
it works as much as 100 feet away (killing fungus). Other methods that
people use to apply frequency to the body include coils, pads, handholds,
and other contact applicators. Coils of wire can be stimulated with a
frequency and produce a field which will penetrate the body, and some use
this method to treat Lyme disease. Pads or handholds can be used to apply
voltage directly to the body.
One person reported that he caused possibly permanent nerve and lymph
node damage to himself by applying voltage using a wire coil attached to a
function generator, amplified to 60 volts, and at tapeworm frequencies as
published by Clark. He says he had a tapeworm in a lymph node which "bubbled
up" when subjected to the field, killing it but damaging his lymph node.
Human body cells have a resonant frequency at about 1000KHz, and any
strong DC modulated signal over 330KHz produces harmonics of significant
amplitude in this frequency range. AC signals do not produce these
harmonics, so are probably safer to use, but also do not work nearly as well
when used in a frequency-inspecific manner.
Hulda Clark uses an AC frequency generator with handholds to kill
pathogens in the body. Using a device she developed called a syncrometer,
she determined the resonant frequencies of most potential pathogens in the
body and proceeded to kill them with an AC frequency generator. This list is
published in her book called "The Cure for all Diseases." The only problem
with this method is that the pathogen that is causing an illness must be
accurately identified before treatment, so that the correct frequency can be
used. To run through the entire list of pathogens and dial in the
frequencies for all of them for a minimum 3 minutes each requires many
Clark then came up with a zapper. It is a single frequency generator
which produces DC square waves at about 30KHz. The lowest frequency given on
her list of pathogens is about 80KHz and goes up to 900KHz. Yet, she reports
that the DC wave kills many different pathogens in the body. She once
speculated that this was from the positive offset DC voltage on the body,
but I thought it more likely that the bugs were still dying from frequency
effects from the harmonics produced by a zapper's square wave.
A zapper produces an imperfect 30KHz square wave. A square wave is
composed of an infinite number of higher frequency AC waves. The AC wave's
frequencies and power distribution is analyzed using Fourier transforms. A
perfectly symmetrical square wave produces major odd harmonics, that is, AC
frequencies at 1,3,5,7,9... times its frequency, and the power available in
those harmonics decreases as the multiplication factor increases. A perfect
30KHz zapper produces power at 30, 90, 150, 210, 270 ... Khz. It also
produces minor even harmonics.
However, no zapper built to Clark's specs produces a perfect square wave.
It produces an unsymmetrical square wave. Most of the ones I have built
produce around 16/14 ratio, staying at 8 volts for 16 microseconds, then
dropping to 0 volts for 14 microseconds. These values are approximate. There
is also usually a spike on the positive-going pulse. These "imperfections"
however, add to a zapper's effectiveness. It means that rather than just
producing harmonics on the odd multiples, it produces harmonics all over the
place. It is impossible to analyze theoretically (for me anyway) and tell
just what AC frequencies are being produced.
Add to this another uncertainty factor in that no two zappers are alike
when using cheap parts, like from Radio Shack, which have a wide tolerance.
I have seen zappers built with the same parts in the same board layout
produce different frequencies, one at 28KHz and one at 35KHz, e.g. This
leads to a great deal of variability between zappers. For example, the
frequency effects of one zapper might be very good at treating salmonella
and not touch e. coli, while another one built with the same parts might be
highly effective against e. coli and not touch salmonella. There is too much
variability. I have one zapper which seems to work best for flu, but will
not work against colds, and another that performs best for colds.
Robert Beck is another researcher in the bioelectronic field. His
"zapper" is a low frequency bipolar device originally designed to treat HIV.
At this writing, it uses a 27V signal at 4Hz, although, like Clark's zapper,
frequency is stated not to be important. Beck reports that his device does
not kill HIV directly, but merely keeps them from reproducing, which
effectively treats them. Even with the high voltage of Beck's zapper, I
think it is unlikely that there is enough power at the resonant frequency of
HIV to kill it, given the very low frequency. Then again, maybe there is,
since viruses are so small, perhaps it only takes a milliwatt or less at the
correct frequency to destroy them. And, last I read, Beck's device killed
100% of HIV in 100% of subjects (although this is a far cry from curing
AIDS). But perhaps there is something other than frequency effects that
devitalize HIV from Beck's machine.
There are also now being built frequency "guns" which produce a
non-adjustable set of frequencies and are aimed at a specific part on the
body and are modulated by using colored cones on the output. In the few
anecdotes I have seen in their use, they appear to be somewhat successful in
treating cancerous tumors. One person reported that it did nothing to treat
his multiple sclerosis, however, but this is understandable given Clark's
assertions on the causes of MS.
I have corresponded with a person who has used frequency generators a
great deal in treating illness. He has used homemade ones, commercial
function generators, standard and modified zappers. I think he stumbled on
to a likely reason the zapper and other frequency devices work.
DNA/RNA are polar molecules and are thus susceptible to frequency
effects. Each DNA molecule has a resonant frequency. In general, the simpler
the life form the lower the resonant frequency of the being (according to
Hulda Clark.) Every cell in a living being has a DNA molecule (half in sperm
and ova) and since the DNA for each species are the same size, they have the
same frequency. When the cells are subjected to their resonant frequency at
sufficient power, they are destroyed.
A zapper with a non-symmetrical waveform provides a limited amount of
power in the resonant frequency of each molecule which contains DNA/RNA,
which is every living cell. When there are a large amount of the same type
of molecule, like in the human body, which is composed of quadrillions, the
amount of energy transmitted to each is so small that none are damaged
(although they could be due to localized effects of more power being
available closest to the electrode site, e.g.). However, this assumes that
there is enough power in the frequency of those cells, and Clark states that
human body cells have a frequency of above 1MHz. So, if one stays in the
lower frequencies and limits power, there is not enough power in the
harmonics at 1MHz and above to do damage to a human body.
If there are a small number of some other type of RNA/DNA, as from a
minor infection of bacteria, the amount of energy available in that resonant
frequency may be enough to destroy the DNA. However, if one has a excess
amount of, say, large parasites in the body, the amount of energy is not
enough to harm them. The power can be cranked up enough to destroy them, but
without knowing the exact frequency at which the pathogens will destruct, it
can be risky since the body could be damaged.
There is another effect from a zapper or other pad device that may as
important as the frequency effects, however. According to the same guy's
speculation, a zapper, or any square wave frequency device, produces
hydrogen peroxide in the blood due to its chemistry. Peroxide has
antipathogenic effects. But this is only produced in the blood. Still, it
would be better to produce it in this manner than ingest it, since consuming
more than a few drops can reportedly adversely affect beneficial gut
bacteria and not be transmitted to the blood stream intact. He says he can
taste the peroxide in his mouth when zapping at high voltages. Perhaps this
is the main benefit from using a zapper and any frequency effects are
After making this post, someone who was involved in the colloidal silver
manufacturing business wrote that he suspected that many of the same
principles of making colloids also apply to using a zapper. Colloidal silver
is made with a zapper-type device and silver wire or plates. He explained
that oxygen as formed on one electrode, and hydrogen on the other, as well
as the H2O2 and H30, so these could have an effect.
In my experience, zappers are effective for blood borne pathogens but not
in the nasal cavities, intestines, or other places inside which there is no
blood contained. The same limitation probably applies to all pad or contact
devices. Whether it is from the production of chemicals or actual frequency
effects, they need the conductive blood to work systemically (although there
might still be some local effects that could be put to use.) I think Clark's
syncrometer is probably only effective in detecting pathogens with blood
exposure as well.
These same limitations apply to variable frequency generator pad devices,
but at least (if a bug can be identified) the exact AC frequency can be used
without having to rely on harmonics. They can also be used with Rife
frequencies for indeterminate pathogens.
Bare-Rife generators are the most effective for treating the entire body
and not just the blood, but are most valuable for diseases that are well
researched and discussed. Even if a pathogen can be identified as causing a
malady, experimentation with a microscope is necessary to determine the
correct frequencies to use unless they have been previously determined. The
devices lack the ability to use the pathogen frequencies Clark published so
harmonics must be used, which makes it an even less exact science because of
variations in equipment. Small variations in construction and usage methods
can make them ineffectual and they should be well tested and the operators
well trained before using them for treatment.
I often recommend zappers for use since I am convinced of their safety. I
think that high powered variable frequency tube devices are better at
treating illness, but do not recommend their use except by those who
research and experiment cautiously because of the possibility of damaging
oneself or others. Also, the severity and type of disease should be taken
into account. See my article called Zapper Tips for suggestions to get the
most out of a zapper.
Addendum: I have now experimented with a Bare Rife plasma tube generator
for a number of months. The potential impact that this device will have on
the treatment of illness is on par with if not more than all the
prescription drugs thus far patented. Combined.
ROYAL RAYMOND RIFE
CANCER CURE THAT WORKED!
Extracted from the
book The Cancer Cure That Worked! by
Marcus Books, PO Box 327, Queensville, Ontario, Canada
More than just a cancer cure, Rife's discovery pointed to a new
understanding of what we have mistakenly termed 'the germ theory'. Nexus
Magazine, October-November 1993 Extracted from the book The Cancer Cure That
Worked! by Barry Lynes. Marcus Books, PO Box 327, Queensville, Ontario,
In the summer of 1934 in California, under the auspices of the University
of Southern California, a group of leading American bacteriologists and
doctors conducted the first .successful cancer clinic. The results showed
a) cancer was caused by a micro-organism;
b) the micro-organism could be painlessly destroyed in terminally ill cancer
c) the effects of the disease could be reversed.
The technical discovery leading to the cancer cure had been described in
Science magazine in 1931. In the decade following the 1934 clinical success,
the technology and the subsequent, successful treatment of cancer patients
was discussed at medical conferences, disseminated in a medical journal,
cautiously but professionally reported in a major newspaper, and technically
explained in an annual report published by the Smithsonian Institution.
However, the cancer cure threatened a number of scientists, physicians, and
financial interests. A cover-up was initiated. Physicians using the new
technology were coerced into abandoning it. The author of the Smithsonian
article was followed and then was shot at while driving his car. He never
wrote about the subject again. All reports describing the cure were censored
by the head of the AMA (American Medical Association) from the major medical
journals. Objective scientific evaluation by government laboratories was
prevented. And renowned researchers who supported the technology and its new
scientific principles in bacteriology were scorned, ridiculed, and called
liars to their face. Eventually, a long, dark silence lasting decades fell
over the cancer cure. In time, the cure was labelled a 'myth'—it never
happened. However, documents now available prove that the cure did exist,
was tested successfully in clinical trials, and in fact was used secretly
for years afterwards—continuing to cure cancer as well as other diseases.
BACTERIA AND VIRUSES
In 19th century France, two giants of science collided. One of them is now
world-renowned—Louis Pasteur. The other, from whom Pasteur stole many of his
best ideas, is now essentially forgotten—Pierre Bechamp.
One of the many areas in which Pasteur and Bechamp argued concerned what is
today known as pleomorphism—the occurrence of more than one distinct form of
an organism in a single life cycle. Bechamp contended that bacteria could
change forms. A rod-shaped bacterium could become a spheroid, etc. Pasteur
disagreed. In 1914, Madame Victor Henri of the Pasteur Institute confirmed
that Bechamp was correct and Pasteur wrong.
But Bechamp went much further in his argument for pleomorphism. He contended
that bacteria could 'devolve' into smaller, unseen forms—what he called
microzyma. In other words, Bechamp developed—on the basis of a lifetime of
research—a theory that microorganisms could change their essential size as
well as their shape, depending on the state of health of the organism in
which the micro-organism lived. This directly contradicted what orthodox
medical authorities have believed for most of the 20th century. Laboratory
research in recent years has provided confirmation for Bechamp's notion.
This seemingly esoteric scientific squabble had ramifications far beyond
academic institutions. The denial of pleomorphism was one of the
cornerstones of 20th century medical research and cancer treatment An early
20th century acceptance of pleomorphism might have prevented millions of
Americans from suffering and dying of cancer.
In a paper presented to the New York Academy of Sciences in 1969, Dr
Virginia Livingston and Dr Eleanor Alexander-Jackson declared that a single
cancer micro-organism exists. They said that the reason the army of cancer
researchers couldn't find it was because it changed form. Livingston and
"The organism has remained an unclassified mystery, due in part to its
remarkable pleomorphism and its stimulation of other micro-organisms. Its
various phases may resemble viruses, micrococci, diptheroids, bacilli, and
THE AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION
The American Medical Association was formed in 1846 but it wasn't until 1901
that a reorganisation enabled it to gain power over how medicine was
practised throughout America. By becoming a confederation of state medical
associations and forcing doctors who wanted to belong to their county
medical society to join the state association, the AMA soon increased its
membership to include a majority of physicians. Then, by accrediting medical
schools, it began determining the standards and practices of doctors. Those
who refused to conform lost their licence to practise medicine.
Morris Fishbein was the virtual dictator of the AMA from the mid-1920s until
he was ousted on June 6,1949 at the AMA convention in Atlantic City. But
even after he was forced from his position of power because of a revolt from
several state delegations of doctors, the policies he had set in motion
continued on for many years. He died in the early 1970s.
A few years after the successful cancer clinic of 1934, Dr R. T. Hamer, who
did not participate in the clinic, began to use the procedure in Southern
California. According to Benjamin Cullen, who observed the entire
development of the cancer cure from idea to implementation, Fishbein found
out and tried to "buy in". When he was turned down, Fishbein unleashed the
AMA to destroy the cancer cure. Cullen recalled:
"Dr Hamer ran an average of forty cases a day through his place. He had to
hire two operators. He trained them and watched them very closely. The case
histories were mounting up very fast. Among them was this old man from
Chicago. He had a malignancy all around his face and neck. It was a gory
mass. Just terrible, just a red gory mass. It had taken over all around his
face. It had taken on one eyelid at the bottom of the eye. It had taken off
the bottom of the lower lobe of the ear and had also gone into the cheek
area, nose and chin. He was a sight to behold."
"But in six months all that was left was a little black spot on the side of
his face and the condition of that was such that it was about to fall off.
Now that man was 82 years of age. I never saw anything like it. The delight
of having a lovely clean skin again, just like a baby's skin."
"Well he went back to Chicago. Naturally he couldn't keep still and Fishbein
heard about it. Fishbein called him in and the old man was kind of reticent
about telling him. So Fishbein wined and dined him and finally learned about
his cancer treatment by Dr Hamer in the San Diego clinic."
"Well soon a man from Los Angeles came down. He had several meetings with
us. Finally he took us out to dinner and broached the subject about buying
it. Well we wouldn't do it. The renown was spreading and we weren't even
advertising. But of course what did it was the case histories of Dr Hamer.
He said that this was the most marvellous development of the age. His case
histories were absolutely wonderful"
"Fishbein bribed a partner in the company. With the result we were kicked
into court—operating without a license. I was broke after a year."
In 1939, under pressure from the local medical society, Dr R. T. Hamer
abandoned the cure. He is not one of the heroes of this story.
Thus, within the few, short years from 1934 to 1939, the cure for cancer was
clinically demonstrated and expanded into curing other diseases on a daily
basis by other doctors, and then terminated when Morris Fishbein of the AMA
was not allowed to "buy in". It was a practice he had developed into a cold
art, but never again would such a single mercenary deed doom millions of
Americans to premature, ugly deaths. It was the AMA's most shameful hour.
Another major institution which 'staked its claim' in the virgin territory
of cancer research in the 1930-1950 period was Memorial Sloan-Kettering
Cancer Center in New York. Established in 1884 as the first cancer hospital
in America, Memorial Sloan-Kettering from 1940 to the mid-1950s was the
centre of drug testing for the largest pharmaceutical companies. Cornelius
P. Rhoads, who had spent the 1930s at the Rockefeller Institute, became the
director at Memorial Sloan-Kettering in 1939. He remained in that position
until his death in 1959. Rhoads was the head of the chemical warfare service
from 1943-1945, and afterwards became the nation's premier advocate of
It was Dr Rhoads who prevented Dr Irene Diller from announcing the discovery
of the cancer micro-organism to the New York Academy of Sciences m 1950. It
also was Dr Rhoads who arranged for the funds for Dr Caspe's New Jersey
laboratory to be cancelled after she announced the same discovery in Rome in
1953. An IRS investigation, instigated by an unidentified, powerful New York
cancer authority, added to her misery, and the laboratory was closed.
Thus the major players on the cancer field are the doctors, the private
research institutions, the pharmaceutical companies, the American Cancer
Society, and also the US government through the National Cancer Institute (organising
research) and the Food and Drug Administration (the dreaded FDA which keeps
the outsiders on the defensive through raids, legal harassment, and
expensive testing procedures).
THE MAN WHO FOUND THE CURE FOR CANCER
In 1913, a man with a love for machines and a scientific curiosity, arrived
in San Diego after driving across the country from New York. He had been
born in Elkhorn, Nebraska, was 25 years old, and very happily married. He
was about to start a new life and open the way to a science of health which
will be honoured far into the future. His name was Royal Raymond Rife. Close
friends, who loved his gentleness and humility while being awed by his
genius, called him Roy.
Royal R. Rife was fascinated by bacteriology, microscopes and electronics.
For the next seven years (including a mysterious period in the Navy during
World War I in which he travelled to Europe to investigate foreign
laboratories for the US government), he thought about and experimented in a
variety of fields as well as mastered the mechanical skills necessary to
build instruments such as the world had never imagined.
By the late 1920s, the first phase of his work was completed. He had built
his first microscope, one that broke the existing principles, and he had
constructed instruments which enabled him to electronically destroy specific
Rife believed that the minuteness of the viruses made it impossible to stain
them with the existing acid or aniline dye stains. He'd have to find another
way. Somewhere along the way, he made an intuitive leap often associated
with the greatest scientific discoveries. He conceived first the idea and
then the method of staining the virus with light He began building a
microscope which would enable a frequency of light to coordinate with the
chemical constituents of the particle or micro-organism under observation.
Rife's second microscope was finished in 1929. In an article which appeared
in the Los Angeles Tunes Magazine on December 27, 1931, the existence of the
light-staining method was reported to the public:
"Bacilli may thus be studied by their light, exactly as astronomers study
moons, suns, and stars by the light which comes from them through
telescopes. The bacilli studied are living ones, not corpses killed by
Throughout most of this period. Rife also had been seeking a way to identify
and then destroy the micro-organism which caused cancer. His cancer research
began in 1922. It would take him until 1932 to isolate the responsible
micro-organism which he later named simply the "BX virus".
THE EARLY 1930s
In 1931, the two men who provided the greatest professional support to Royal
R. Rife came into his life. Dr Arthur I. Kendall, Director of Medical
Research at Northwestern University Medical School in Illinois, and Dr
Milbank Johnson, a member of the board of directors at Pasadena Hospital in
California and an influential power in Los Angeles medical circles.
Dr Kendall had invented a protein culture medium (called "K Medium" after
its inventor) which enabled the 'filterable virus' portions of a bacteria to
be isolated and to continue reproducing. This claim directly contradicted
the Rockefeller Institute's Dr Thomas Rivers who in 1926 had authoritatively
stated that a virus needed a living tissue for reproduction. Rife, Kendall
and others were to prove within a year that it was possible to cultivate
viruses artificially. Rivers, in his ignorance and obstinacy, was
responsible for suppressing one of the greatest advances ever made in
Kendall arrived in California in mid-November 1931 and Johnson introduced
him to Rife. Kendall brought his "K Medium" to Rife and Rife brought his
microscope to Kendall.
A typhoid germ was put in the "K Medium", triple-filtered through the finest
filter available, and the results examined under Rife's microscope. Tiny,
distinct bodies stained in a turquoise-blue light were visible. The virus
cultures grew in die "K Medium" and were visible. The viruses could be
'light'-stained and then classified according to their own colours under
Rife's unique microscope.
A later report which appeared in the Smithsonian's annual publication gives
a hint of the totally original microscopic technology which enabled man to
see a deadly virus-size micro-organism in its live state for the first time
(the electron microscope of later years kills its specimens):
"Then they were examined under the Rife microscope where the filterable
virus form of typhoid bacillus, emitting a blue spectrum colour, caused the
plane of polarization to be deviated 4.8 degrees plus. When the opposite
angle of refraction was obtained by means of adjusting the polarizing prisms
to minus 4.8 degrees and the cultures of viruses were illuminated by the
monochromatic beams coordinated with the chemical constituents of the
typhoid bacillus, small, oval, actively motile, bright turquoise-blue bodies
were observed at 5,000X magnification, in high contrast to the colorless and
motionless debris of the medium. These tests were repeated 18 times to
verify the results."
Following the success, Dr Milbank Johnson quickly arranged a dinner in
honour of the two men in order that the discovery could be announced and
discussed. More man 30 of the most prominent medical doctors, pathologists,
and bacteriologists in Los Angeles attended this historic event on November
20,1931. Among those in attendance were Dr Alvin G. Foord, who 20 years
later would indicate he knew little about Rife's discoveries, and Dr George
Dock who would serve on the University of Southern California's Special
Research Committee overseeing the clinical work until he, too, would 'go
over' to the opposition.
On November 22, 1931, the Los Angeles Times reported this important medical
gathering and its scientific significance:
"Scientific discoveries of the greatest magnitude, including a discussion of
the world's most powerful microscope recently perfected after 14 years'
effort by Dr Royal R. Rife of San Diego, were described Friday evening to
members of the medical profession, bacteriologists and pathologists at a
dinner given by Dr Milbank Johnson in honour of Dr Rife and Dr A. I.
"Before the gathering of distinguished men, Dr Kendall told of his
researches in cultivating the typhoid bacillus on his new "K Medium". The
typhoid bacillus is nonfilterable and is large enough to be seen easily with
microscopes in general use. Through the use of "Medium K", Dr Kendall said,
the organism is so altered that it cannot be seen with ordinary microscopes
and it becomes small enough to be ultra-microscopic or filterable. It then
can be changed back to the microscopic or non-filterable form.
"Through the use of Dr Rife's powerful microscope, said to have a visual
power of magnification to 17,000 times, compared with 2,000 times of which
the ordinary microscope is capable, Dr Kendall said he could see the typhoid
bacilli in the filterable or formerly invisible stage. It is probably the
first time the minute filterable (virus) organisms ever have been seen.
"The strongest microscope now in use can magnify between 2,000 and 2,500
times. Dr Rife, by an ingenious arrangement of lenses applying an entirely
new optical principle and by introducing double quartz prisms and powerful
illuminating lights, has devised a microscope with a lowest magnification of
5,000 times and a maximum working magnification of 17,000 times.
"The new microscope, scientists predict, also will prove a development of
the first magnitude. Frankly dubious about the perfection of a microscope
which appears to transcend the limits set by optic science, Dr Johnson's
guests expressed themselves as delighted with the visual demonstration and
heartily accorded both Dr Rife and Dr Kendall a foremost place in the
world's rank of scientists."
Five days later, the Los Angeles Times published a photo of Rife and Kendall
with the microscope. It was the first time a picture of the super microscope
had appeared in public. The headline read, "The World's Most Powerful
Meanwhile, Rife and Kendall had prepared an article for the December 1931
issue of California and Western Medicine. "Observations on Bacillus Typhosus
in its Filtrable State" described what Rife and Kendall had done and seen.
The journal was the official publication of the state medical associations
of California, Nevada and Utah.
The prestigious Science magazine then carried an article which alerted the
scientific community of the entire nation. The December 11, 1931 Science
News supplement included a section titled, "Filtrable Bodies Seen With The
Rife Microscope". The article described Kendall's filtrable medium culture,
the turquoise-blue bodies which were the filtered form of the typhoid
bacillus, and Rife's microscope. It included the following description:
"The light used with Dr Rife's microscope is polarized, that is, it is
passing through crystals that stop all rays except those vibrating in one
particular plane. By means of a double reflecting prism built into the
instrument, it is possible to turn this plane of vibration in any desired
direction, controlling the illumination of the minute objects in the field
On December 27, 1931, the Los Angeles Times reported that Rife had
demonstrated the microscope at a meeting of 250 scientists. The article
"This is a new kind of magnifier, and the laws governing microscopes may not
apply to it... Or Rife has developed an instrument that may revolutionize
laboratory methods and enable bacteriologists like Or Kendall, to identify
the germs that produce about 50 diseases whose causes are unknown..."
Soon Kendall was invited to speak before the Association of American
Physicians. The presentation occurred May 3 and 4, 1932 at Johns Hopkins
University in Baltimore. And there Dr Thomas Rivers and Hans Zinsser stopped
the scientific process. Their opposition meant that the development of
Rife's discoveries would be slowed. Professional microbiologists would be
cautious in even conceding the possibility that Rife and Kendall might have
broken new ground. The depression was at its worst. The Rockefeller
Institute was not only a source of funding but powerful in the corridors of
professional recognition. A great crime resulted because of the uninformed,
cruel and unscientific actions of Rivers and Zinsser.
The momentum was slowed at the moment when Rife's discoveries could have
'broken out' and triggered a chain reaction of research, clinical treatment
and the beginnings of an entirely new health system. By the end of 1932,
Rife could destroy the typhus bacteria, the polio virus, the herpes virus,
the cancer virus and other viruses in a culture and in experimental animals.
Human treatment was only a step away.
The opposition of Rivers and Zinsser in 1932 had a devastating impact on the
history of 20th century medicine. (Zinsser's Bacteriology, in an updated
version, is still a standard textbook.) Unfortunately, there were few
esteemed bacteriologists who were not frightened or awed by Rivers.
But there were two exceptions to this generally unheroic crowd. Christopher
Bird's article, "What Has Become Of The Rife Microscope?", which appeared in
the March 1976 New Age Journal, reports:
"In the midst of the venom and acerbity the only colleague to come to
Kendall's aid was the grand old man of bacteriology, and first teacher of
the subject in the United States, Dr William H. 'Popsy' Welch, who evidently
looked upon Kendall's work with some regard."
Welch was the foremost pathologist in America at one time. The medical
library at Johns Hopkins University is named after him. He rose and said,
"Kendall's observation marks a distinct advance in medicine." It did little
good. By then Rivers and Zinsser were the powers in the field.
Kendall's other supporter was Dr Edward C. Rosenow of the Mayo Clinic's
Division of Experimental Bacteriology. (The Mayo Clinic was then and is
today one of the outstanding research and treatment clinics in the world.
The Washington Post of January 6, 1987 wrote, "To many in the medical
community, the Mayo Clinic is 'the standard' against which other medical
centres are judged.") On July 5-7,1932, just two months after Kendall's
public humiliation, the Mayo Clinic's Rosenow met with Kendall and Rife at
Kendall's Laboratory at Northwestern University Medical School in Chicago.
"The oval, motile, turquoise-blue virus were demonstrated and shown
unmistakably," Rosenow declared in the "Proceedings of the Staff Meetings of
the Mayo Clinic, July 13,1932, Rochester, Minnesota". The virus for herpes
was also seen. On August 26,1932, Science magazine published Rosenow's
report, "Observations with the Rife Microscope of Filter Passing Forms of
In the article, Rosenow stated:
"There can be no question of the filterable turquoise-blue bodies described
by Kendall. They are not visible by the ordinary methods of illumination and
magnification... Examination under the Rife microscope of specimens,
containing objects visible with the ordinary microscope, leaves no doubt of
the accurate visualization of objects or particulate matter by direct
observation at the extremely high magnification (calculated to be 8,000
diameters) obtained with this instrument"
Three days after departing from Rife in Chicago, Rosenow wrote to Rife from
the Mayo Clinic:
"After seeing what your wonderful microscope will do, and after pondering
over the significance of what you revealed with its use during those three
strenuous and memorable days spent in Dr Kendall's laboratory, I hope you
will take the necessary time to describe how you obtain what physicists
consider the impossible.... As I visualise the matter, your ingenious method
of illumination with the intense monochromatic beam of light is of even
greater importance than the enormously high magnification..."
Rosenow was right. The unique 'colour frequency' staining method was the
great breakthrough. Years later, after the arrival of television, an
associate of the then deceased Rife would explain, "The viruses were stained
with the frequency of light just like colours are tuned in on television
sets." It was the best nontechnical description ever conceived.
"BX"—THE VIRUS OF CANCER
Rife began using Kendall's "K Medium" in 1931 in his search for the cancer
virus. In 1932, he obtained an unulcerated breast mass that was checked for
malignancy from the Paradise Valley Sanitarium of National City, California.
But the initial cancer cultures failed to produce the virus he was seeking.
Then a fortuitous accident occurred. The May 11., 1938 Evening Tribune of
San Diego later described what happened:
"But neither the medium nor the microscope were sufficient alone to reveal
the filter-passing organism Rife found in cancers, he recounted. It was an
added treatment which he found virtually by chance that finally made this
possible, he related. He happened to test a tube of cancer culture within
the circle of a tubular ring filled with argon gas activated by an
electrical current, which he had been using in experimenting with electronic
bombardment of organisms of disease. His cancer culture happened to rest
there about 24 hours (with the current on the argon gas-filled tube), and
then he noticed (under the microscope) that its appearance seemed to have
changed. He studied and tested this phenomenon repeatedly, and thus
discovered (cancer virus) filter-passing, red-purple granules in the
The BX cancer virus was a distinct purplish-red colour. Rife had succeeded
in isolating the filterable virus of carcinoma.
Rife's laboratory notes for November 20,1932, contain the first written
description of the cancer virus characteristics. Among them are two, unique
to his method of classification using the Rife microscope: angle of
refraction—12-3/10 degrees; colour by chemical refraction—purple-red.
The size of the cancer virus was indeed small. The length was 1/15 of a
micron. The breadth was 1/20 of a micron. No ordinary light microscope, even
in the 1980s, would be able to make the cancer virus visible.
Rife and his laboratory assistant E. S. Free proceeded to confirm his
discovery. They repeated the method 104 consecutive times with identical
In time, Rife was able to prove that the cancer micro-organism had four
1) BX (carcinoma);
2) BY (sarcoma—larger than BX);
3) Monococcoid form in the monocytes of the blood of over 90% of cancer
When properly stained, this form can be readily seen with a standard
4) Crytomyces pleomorphia fungi—identical morphologically to that of the
orchid and of the mushroom.
Rife wrote in his 1953 book: "Any of these forms can be changed back to "BX"
within a period of 36 hours and will produce in the experimental animal a
typical tumour with all the pathology of true neoplastic tissue, from which
we can again recover the "BX" micro-organism. This complete process has been
duplicated over 300 times with identical and positive results.
Rife had proved pleomorphism. He had shown how the cancer virus changes
form, depending on its environment. He had confirmed the work of Bechamp, of
Kendall, of Rosenow, of Welch, and an army of pleomorphist bacteriologists
who would come after him and have to battle the erroneous orthodox laws of
Rivers and his legions of followers.
Rife said, "In reality, it is not the bacteria themselves that produce the
disease, but the chemical constituents of these micro-organisms enacting
upon the unbalanced cell metabolism of the human body that in actuality
produce the disease. We also believe if the metabolism of the human body is
perfectly balanced or poised, it is susceptible to no disease."
But Rife did not have time to argue theory. He would leave that for others.
After isolating the cancer virus, his next step was to destroy it. He did
this with his frequency instruments—over and over again. And then he did it
with experimental animals, inoculating them, watching the tumours grow, and
then killing the virus in their bodies with the same frequency instruments
tuned to the same "BX" frequency.
Rife declared in 1953:
"These successful tests were conducted over 400 times with experimental
animals before any attempt was made to use this frequency on human cases of
carcinoma and sarcoma."
In the summer of 1934,16 terminally ill people with cancer and other
diseases were brought to the Scripps 'ranch'. There, as Rife and the doctors
worked on human beings for the first time, they learned much. In 1953 when
Rife copyrighted his book, he made the real report of what happened in 1934.
"With the frequency instrument treatment, no tissue is destroyed, no pain is
felt, no noise is audible, and no sensation is noticed. A tube lights up and
3 minutes later the treatment is completed. The virus or bacteria is
destroyed and the body then recovers itself naturally from the toxic effect
of the virus or bacteria. Several diseases may be treated simultaneously.
"The first clinical work on cancer was completed under the supervision of
Milbank Johnson, MD, which was set up under a Special Medial Research
Committee of the University of Southern California. 16 cases were treated at
the clinic for many types of malignancy. After 3 months, 14 of these so
called hopeless cases were signed off as clinically cured by the start of
five medical doctors and Dr Alvin G. Foord, MD, pathologist for the group.
The treatments consisted of 3 minutes duration using the frequency
instrument which was set on the mortal oscillatory rate for "BX" or cancer
(at 3-day intervals). It was found that the elapsed time between treatments
attains better results than the cases treated daily. This gives the
lymphatic system an opportunity to absorb and cast off the toxic condition
which is produced by the devitalised dead particles of the "BX" virus. No
rise of body temperature was perceptible in any of these cases above normal
during or after the frequency instrument treatment. No special diets were
used in any of this clinical work, but we sincerely believe that a proper
diet compiled for the individual would be of benefit" Date: December 1,1953.
Other members of the clinic were Whalen Morrison, Chief Surgeon of the Santa
Fe Railway; George C. Dock, MD, internationally famous; George C Fischer,
MD, Children's Hospital in New York; Arthur I. Kendall; Dr Zite, MD,
Professor of Pathology at Chicago University, Rufus B. Von Klein Schmidt,
President of the University of Southern California.
Dr Couche and Dr Carl Meyer, PhD, head of the Department of Bacteriological
Research at the Hooper Foundation in San Francisco, were also present Dr
Kopps of the Metabolic Clinic in La Jolla signed all 14 reports and knew of
all the tests from his personal observation.
In 1956, Dr James Couche made the following declaration:
"I would like to make this historical record of the amazing scientific
wonders regarding the efficacy of the frequencies of the Royal R. Rife
"When I was told about Dr Rife and his frequency instrument at the Ellen
Scripps home near the Scripps Institute Annex some twenty-two years ago, I
went out to see about it and became very interested in the cases which he
had there. And the thing that brought me into it more quickly than anything
was a man who had a cancer of the stomach. Rife was associated at that time
with Dr Milbank Johnson, MD, who was then president of the Medical
Association of Los Angeles, a very wealthy man and a very big man in the
medical world—the biggest in Los Angeles and he had hired this annex for
this demonstration over a summer of time.
"In that period of time I saw many things and the one that impressed me the
most was a man who staggered onto a table, just on the last end of cancer;
he was a bag of bones. As he lay on the table, Dr Rife and Dr Johnson said,
'Just feel that man's stomach.' So I put my hand on the cavity where his
stomach was underneath and it was just a cavity almost, because he was so
thin; his backbone and his belly were just about touching each other.
"I put my hand on his stomach which was just one solid mass, just about what
I could cover with my hand, somewhat like the shape of a heart. It was
absolutely solid. And I thought to myself, well, nothing can be done for
that. However, they gave him a treatment with the Rife frequencies and in
the course of time over a period of six weeks to two months, to my
astonishment, he completely recovered. He got so well that he asked
permission to go to El Centro as he had a farm there and he wanted to see
about his stock. Dr Rife said, 'Now you haven't the strength to drive to El
"Oh, yes,' said he. 'I have, but I'll have a man to drive me there.' As a
matter of fact, the patient drove his own car there and when he got down to
El Centro he had a sick cow and he stayed up all night with it. The next day
he drove back without any rest whatsoever—so you can imagine how he had
"I saw other cases that were very interesting. Then I wanted a copy of the
frequency instalment. I finally bought one of these frequency instruments
and established it in my office.
"I saw some very remarkable things resulting from it in the course of over
w shown that there exists a crucial natural interaction
between living matter and photons. This process is measurable at the
cellular (bacterium) level. Other research has demonstrated that living
systems arc extraordinarily sensitive to extremely low-energy
electromagnetic waves. This is to say, each kind of cell or micro-organism
has a specific frequency of interaction with the electromagnetic spectrum.
By various means, Rife's system allowed adjusting the frequency of light
impingeing on the specimen. By some insight he learned that the light
frequency could be 'tuned' into the natural frequency of the micro-organism
being examined to cause a resonance or feedback loop. In effect, under this
condition, it can be said the micro-organism illuminated itself.
Rife extrapolated from his lighting technique, which we may be certain he
undestood, that specific electromagnetic frequencies would have a negative
effect on specific bacterial forms. There can remain no doubt that Rife
demonstrated the correctness of his hypothesis to himself and those few who
had the courage to look and the perceptual acuity to see! The same new
discoveries in biophysics not only explain Rife's principle of illumination;
they also explain his process for selective destruction of bacteria. The
latter phenomenon is similar to ultrasonic cleaning, differing in delicate
selectivity of wave form and frequency. Recently, researchers whose findings
have been suppressed, have caused and cured cancer in the same group of mice
by subjecting them to certain electromagnetic fields. Rife's work was far
more sophisticated. He selected specific microscopic targets, and actually
saw the targets explode.
A body of recognised scientific evidence now overwhelmingly supports the
original cancer theories articulated and demonstrated by Rife fifty years
ago. This includes modern AIDS research.
Requiem For Royal Rife The Hubbard Interviews
- Part One:
Robert Page Flying Saucers,
Secret Notebooks, and the Military Industrial Patent Complex.
Interview with Robert Page by John Hubbard and Christopher Bird Abridged,
edited, and annotated by Shawn Montgomery 8-10-6
Robert Page grew up near
Dr. Rife's laboratory. He became Rife's friend and confidant.
From a letter to John Hubbard from Chris Bird written prior to this
interview: "This guy Robert Z. Page is a real find. He is a long-time Navy
expert on pest-control and knows his parasitology, microbiology etc. Has
lots of awards for his work on the wall of his den. He is also a captain
USNR. I hope to spend some more sessions on what he knows and has
Christopher Bird is visiting Page (age 57 at the time if this interview)
at his home in Springfield, Virginia. They are together when John Hubbard
telephones from Buffalo, New York. It is spring 1976.
A ringing telephone is answered.
Hubbard: May I speak with a Mr. Robert Z. Page, and is there a Mr.
Christopher Bird there please?
Page: Mr. Bird is here and I'll put him on this phone and I'll go
upstairs and take another one.
Hubbard: Oh, you're Mr. Page?
Bird: Hello John. Well I've learned a lot already. Well, this guy really
knows his onions, and he'll get on the phone here in a few minutes and say a
few words to you about what he has been telling me - but one of the KEYS to
the whole (Rife microscope) thing is the method of illumination. And he
(Page) has patented the same (as Rife's), or a very analogous method, and
for the last ten years he has had absolutely no success in marketing it
because of pressures all over the place.
Hubbard: Well, that's strange. That's very odd.
Page: Well anybody that wanted to could make that thing and put it up for
sale. If you were dependent on any of the existing companies that produces
for anything that you need: any of the companies like Bausch and Lomb, or
American Optical, or Zeiss, or any company that exists because they make and
sell microscopes - then you are out of luck. If you have an optical company
that can give you what you need without doing that, then you are ok. If you
have a company that makes lenses strictly for cameras and not for
microscopes then they would probably make it for you. One thing this won't
do is show you very much in a section of tissue, well, it does to some
[Page is speaking of his own patented microscope color-illumination
system (which is based upon Rife's monochromatic approach to illumination).
Note: The term "monochromatic," which will be used throughout this
interview, means: a singular color of light. White light is full-spectrum
light and contains all colors simultaneously. Monochromatic light is
narrow-spectrum light and contains any one color of light singled out - Ed]
It works beautifully well with particulate matter. What I have done with
it is to add some features in addition to the monochromatic oblique
illumination that Roy Rife used, to make it a more useful thing. You can
widen out your band of light, take something beyond monochromatic, and it
looks green, or it looks red, or it looks violet, but it's a much wider beam
and it doesn't give you this resonant frequency which is akin to
spectroscopy on a microscopic scale
(Summary of abridged passage): Page slips into a disjointed bout of
technical description concerning adaptations that can be made to his
patented system. Then a lengthy technical discussion concerning different
microscopes that have been patented, but that are not produced because they
threaten the market. Then
Page: (continuing) Now I don't know whether you remember the pictures in
Life magazine back in '51, late '51. Roman Vishniac? He had a color system
for microscopy and he refused to tell anybody what it was all about because
he was a professional photographer and he was afraid somebody would find out
how he took these pictures. If they could take pictures he wouldn't be able
to sell his. But it was a several page color spread. He used light from
oblique angles to color his specimens with phase contrast.
Bird: You made the point (in an earlier conversation) that after Rife
solved the illumination problem, he then solved the problems of spherical
and chromatic aberration, would you tell us a little more about that?
Page: Well yes, to get away from spherical aberration, which is the worst
offender there, ordinarily, you go to parabolics. Again, no more circle of
Hubbard: He built parabolic lenses?
Page: Yes sir, he learned to grind them himself.
Hubbard: Oh. Who did this?
Hubbard: (Emphatically) He built parabolic lenses?!!
Page: Well, you know, an awful lot of astronomers grind their own
Hubbard: Yes, I know, but, did Rife say that there were parabolic lenses
in his illuminator?
Page: Well, he told me that he had learned how to grind parabolic lenses
and if that's the way he solved his no, not in his illuminator, in his
Hubbard: In his microscope.
Page: Not in the illuminator, no. That's a fairly simple, straightforward
Bird: (To Hubbard) And Mr. Page told me that Rife went to Holland and he
learned how to grind parabolic lenses in Holland.
Page: It may have been Germany.
Bird: Germany then. [It was Germany - Ed] OK, so he got rid of that
aberration that way, and the other aberration he got rid of with mirrors?
Page: First he went to quartz like everybody does, and he wasn't
satisfied with he told me he wasn't satisfied with quartz. And so he solved
his problem. And I said, "You used mirrors, huh?" And he gave me a funny
look, and then he laughed
Hubbard: (Interrupting) Well now, when did you first meet Rife?
Page: Oh I don't remember. It was years ago in my childhood. I don't even
Bird: Well now John, getting that part of the story, I already have an
hour of it on tape, so why don't we just stick to the technology and ask him
the questions while he is on the phone, and I'll send you the other part of
it with everything that Mr. Page can recollect.
Hubbard: Well, I'm particularly interested in how Mr. Page got introduced
and what did he do?
Page: My parents knew him (Rife) for a number of years. For a while I
lived across the street from his laboratory.
Hubbard: Oh, I see.
Page: This goes back years and years and years, and I was a child.
Hubbard: All right, now, did you personally look through his number three
his big universal microscope?
Page: No, I never looked through it.
[Rife produced a series of five different microscopes - identified by
numbers 1 through 5 in the order of their construction - the Number 3 Rife
Microscope is the Universal Microscope (the "big" one) completed in 1933 -
Hubbard: Did you personally look through his number four microscope?
Hubbard: Did you yourself see any pictures, which Rife had made with the
Page: Yes. A bacillus coli is a huge thing. It was "B. coli" back then,
and it was a huge sausage, and inside it were all kinds of structures, and
he was telling me what he thought they did. But they were not in any books
any place, they were never in anybody else's illustrations. Nobody else had
Hubbard: Now, did he tell you when he made these pictures of the typhoid
bacillus? What year did he make the picture in?
Page: Well, the particular that I was talking about was not a typhoid, it
was a bacillus coli, most of us carry that around (in our intestines). He
had a number of pictures. I think he had one of the typhoid bacillus, but it
wasn't as interesting, and it was a little bit smaller, as I remember. He
had a bunch of these hung on the walls in the hallways in his laboratory:
pictures of a number of things.
Hubbard: All right, now then, have you personally looked at the report in
the Smithsonian Institute where Seidel shows a picture that was reported as
a typhoid bacillus?
Hubbard: You haven't.
Bird: I can make that picture available to him and I shall do it before I
leave for the mid-west.
Hubbard: All right. I would like for you to tell me then later, Mr. Page,
if this is what you think is the same image of what you thought was the
Page: Well, he probably had some, he had photographed a great many
things, and this particular one though he said this was the B coli. He was
telling me what the differences in some of these new structures that he had
seen were - based on their chemistry.
Hubbard: Let me ask you this, had there been a fire? Had there been a
fire in his laboratory in the time that you were around?
Page: Fire? Fire? It doesn't ring a bell.
Bird: What the Professor is asking, Mr. Page, is that there are no
pictures left and he made movies as well - and all of the pictures, and all
of the movies have gone, and disappeared, or been stolen, or been burned, or
been something or other.
Page: Well I don't think they were lost in a fire. Now there may have
been a fire because somebody wanted a Fire Sale - that sort of a thing. This
I don't know. Or possibly to destroy something. His laboratory was not
burned down. It was used after. In fact he sold it, and the person that was
using it was a chemist who worked for the outfit that makes Southern Comfort
whiskey. The guy was working on essences. And that's all he worked on - the
man that was in the laboratory that was bought for him from Roy Rife.
Hubbard: Well now, let's go back a minute. You say you were a child
across the street from Rife's?
Page: No, I wasn't a child living across the street from him. I knew him
when I was a child, but I lived across the street from his laboratory, not
across from his house. His house was on another street, sort of diagonally
through a couple of vacant lots. They are not vacant lots now of course, but
that was after World War Two. My parents bought part of the Bridges estate
when it was put on the market.
[The "Bridges estate" was owned by the wealthy Amelia Timken-Bridges,
Rife's main benefactor. Rife's first laboratory was located "above the
garage on the Bridges estate." Rife's second laboratory, built near the
Bridges estate, is the one to which Page is referring - Ed]
I helped my folks build a home there after World War Two. My wife and I
helped them weekends and evenings while I was going back to school and as
soon as the second bedroom was finished we moved into the house. That's when
I was living across the street from him for the second time.
Hubbard: What I am trying to get at Mr. Page, is as much as possible of
the history of the photographs that were made with this microscope. This is
crucially important. So as far as you know then, there was no fire
destruction in Rife's laboratory up until the time you met him?
Page: Well, I met him when I was a child, and he had a lot of these
Hubbard: A lot of them. Do you mean ten? Or twenty?
Page: Oh gee, I don't know. He had, well, just in his hallway there was
probably, oh, a dozen and a half, something like that.
Bird: And these were blown up just to put on the walls of the hallways.
Page: Yeah. But there were other pictures too, in some of the other
rooms. I remember one room in which he had one pretty good-sized area, but
there was something in there: racks for storage batteries. But that has
nothing to do with the microscope.
Hubbard: Let me ask, when did you leave the neighborhood where Rife's
laboratory and his home were?
Page: Oh, let's see, '47. Then, I never really came back to live there
anymore - but I guess because my folks lived across the street from him
there, it was their home, where I lived for a short period of time -I'd stop
to see him every time I'd come into town.
Hubbard: When is the last time you saw him then?
Page: I guess the last time I saw him was when I was back as a hospital
patient. I'd come back from Korea and I was a hospital patient in San Diego.
That was pretty much '52.
Hubbard: Had Mr. Crane joined Rife at that time?
Page: I don't associate that name with anything specific. But the last
time I saw Roy Rife was at his home on Zola street. He opened his garage and
showed me some of his units - that had nothing to do with microscopy - that
he was selling for junk parts for radio hams to come pick up the parts and
use them. He had the ghosts of three of them left at the time that I saw
them. That's the last recollection I have of seeing Rife.
Bird: Those were the ray devices.
Page: Yeah. They looked like small diathermy cabinets on wheels and
Hubbard: He was taking them apart and selling them?
Page: Well he preferred to sell whole units. If somebody only wanted part
of one, why then he would cannibalize one that had already been cannibalized
to some extent. He was just trying to get the money off them. His eyes were
shot - he couldn't see much of anything anymore. He had already gotten rid
of his microscope, and all the equipment and everything else, and he sold
his laboratory, and he was running out of money to live, and he could hardly
see what he was doing.
Hubbard: He could hardly see. And this was in 1952?
Bird: You remember Professor that he was going to (Dr.) Heisner there to
try to get his eyesight back.
Hubbard: Yes. So, the time that you last saw him Mr. Page he was really
not alert and able to work was he?
Page: He couldn't see. His eyes looked red and they were a little runny.
He told me how much trouble he was having with them. The light outside
bothered him. When we went out the door and down the steps he had a little
problem with the steps, and we got out to the garage and he showed me the
units and I said I wanted to buy one.
Bird: Mr. Page told me, Professor Hubbard - and this comes directly from
Ben Cullen - that he would work for hours and hours without moving, getting
these things to illuminate.
Page: He used the big microscope on a hydraulic device. It was a barber
chair without the chair on it.
Hubbard: Oh! Which scope?
Page: That was the big one. The eyepieces came straight out from the top
of the thing - and then he had one above that for photography. The only way
he could rest his back or his neck was to jack this thing up or down a
little bit. He would sit there for hours and hours at a time taking one
picture. That's why I was kidding him one time: I said, "Why didn't you
drive those things?" - you know. And he thought for a while and he said, "I
don't know, I never thought about it."
Hubbard: Having a motor drive on his focussing unit?
Page: Right. And that was right after he told me that he was the
brightest man in his whole generation and probably two or three generations
each side of it.
Hubbard: He said what now?
Page: It was just less than a minute after that, I think, that he had
told me that he was probably the brightest man the most brilliant man, in
his generation, and perhaps a generation or two each side of his. (Laughs) I
said, "So why didn't you ever think of driving those things mechanically?"
Bird: It was not just driving the microscope but also the prisms.
Page: Yeah, that it was, the prisms to illuminate it because he would
spend hours he'd turn one prism just slightly, revolve it just slightly, and
then he would slowly go through 360 degrees with the second one. Then, he'd
move the first one again, very, very slowly. Anytime he would come to
anything that would light up suddenly under the microscope he would stop.
Bird: When he rotated the prisms, he'd get a certain kind of
monochromatic light, depending on where the prism was, and then he could
light up not only a specimen, but part of a specimen, to reveal something in
it that no one had ever seen.
Hubbard: Well Chris, this is what is most important for me to find out
from Mr. Page. On the big universal microscope there are two sets of facing
prisms that were rotatable through an axial cable to the right
Page: Well I thought each of those one set was immediately above another?
Hubbard: One set was immediately above another.
Page: I didn't know he had sets of prisms, I thought he only had two
Bird: You may be talking about another microscope?
Page: Well this cable device and all, that you are talking about, yeah,
he had the simple knobs out in front, that took him hours and hours to
rotate these things.
Hubbard: This is the universal microscope that I am talking about. Was
this the one he was looking through?
Page: A very large barrel? Stainless steel? A beautiful looking thing
Bird: I think it's the number five (microscope).
Hubbard: Well, number five was in England.
Bird: No, it didn't go to England 'till 1940.
Hubbard: What year are you talking about now Mr. Page?
Page: Oh gee, um, well, I could have been looking at the thing before the
war and talking about it afterwards.
Hubbard: Well if he was looking through the microscope before the war, it
could have been the Universal. If it was after the war it could have been
the number four, or number five before the number five went to England. But
I think that number five went to England in 1940 - so that would mean that
it would either be number three: the universal, or number four.
Page: Well the last one that he had, that I saw him with, was a very
large barreled, stainless-steel housing - and that's what made me think of
mirrors because it looked like a short section of a telescope barrel.
Hubbard: Did he have numerous attachments on the side?
Page: No this one was fairly simple.
[At this time Hubbard had already been to Crane's house and had examined
the Universal (number three) and the number four Rife microscopes - Ed]
Hubbard: OK, now then, let's go back then. So now we are dealing with
number four then. Now the number four only has but one set of prisms on it -
between the illuminator and the sub-stage condenser there is one set of
prisms. The prisms rotate in opposite directions to one another.
Hubbard: And that set of prisms is only about as thick as your finger. Do
you remember? There are some numbers on the sides.
Page: A finger and a half.
Hubbard: A finger and a half. OK. Now, there was some numbers on the side
of that prism. But you say he would rotate this prism very slowly?
Page: Yes, by turning the knobs out front. It was way back in the back of
this thing, he couldn't reach around to it.
Bird: He rotated the prisms John, in order to get the monochromatic
illumination, to shift through the spectrum and select what he wanted, to
illuminate the specimen whatever it was.
[This was the key to the unique illumination system in Rife's
microscopes. He used light to stain the sample (to illuminate structure)
instead of the dyes and stains of standard light microscopy. The result was
that instead of looking at dead microbes (normal microbiology), he was able
to image them (at much higher resolution) while they were still alive and
functioning - Ed]
Page: To slowly shift all the way through the spectrum you'd turn one
prism just a touch, and then you'd go through the other one, slowly, 360
degrees. You'd turn the first prism a touch more, then go through the other
one 360 degrees. And do it again and again and again. It would take him
Hubbard: That would be very time consuming. If he was using number four,
he was using the rotation of the prisms below the sub-stage, and then he may
have been rotating the stage itself.
Page: He had other controls for the stage. He could move his stage, yes,
but that wasn't directly related to this. But what he was doing with those
prisms was just going through the spectrum.
Bird: That was the key to it.
Page: It was just like spectroscopy on a microscopic scale. You use
oblique illumination, and you shift through the spectrum. And that's all he
was doing. And that's why he could hypothesize as to what the particular
structures that he saw were doing, based on their chemistry.
Hubbard: How did he relate chemistry of the organisms to the spectrum?
Hubbard: But you can relate certain elements, and you can, with infra-red
microscopy, relate molecular structure but with visible light, you can not
make deductions about chemical structure with except for elemental analysis,
with visible light.
Page: Well, I don't know, but that's what he was doing. I've had no
experience in spectroscopy, but that's what he was doing completely. Now, he
had put an awful lot of organisms with an awful lot of internal structures
under his microscope, and he had a pretty good idea what some of those
structures were doing. And they lit up in a particular part of the spectrum,
and something else lit up in that same particular part. He was basing it on
Hubbard: Do you know whether he ever mentioned ultra-violet emission from
his tungsten illuminator?
Page: Well, he had gotten away from tungsten.
Hubbard: What was he using as an illuminator when you knew him?
Page: He was using carbon arcs. He built his own rods. He was not happy
that he had to build his own carbon rods, but he said that he could not find
good, clean carbon rods. They were all contaminated and they were all
ruining his research. And he gave up on using tungsten long before that.
Hubbard: Now, Chris, I could not find, when I was out there, ["there"
being John Crane's house in San Diego - Ed] I did not see any carbon arc
Bird: That's why you are talking to Mr. Page.
Page: He (Rife) showed me some of his rods and he said he built them. Now
is the man a charlatan, was he lying? I don't know. Eventually he completely
sold me, because it was not just the microscope, there were an awful lot of
things involved. It involved the Rife Ray and some physicians that had
worked with him at the time. Two different ones who happened to be very good
friends of my parents.
Bird: Who were they?
Page: A couple of doctors in San Diego. They are both dead at the present
Bird: Was one by the name of Couche?
Page: I don't know anybody named Couche out there in San Diego. No. They
had both been contributing some of their own time at the Paradise Valley
Bird: Oh, that was Dr. Hamer, was he one of them? He was head of the
Paradise Valley Sanitarium.
Page: That's not one of the ones that I recall. They were not there
permanently, they were giving some of their time. Paradise Valley, as I
remember, was a free clinic and they had so-called hopeless cases of
syphilis and TB and probably some other things. They were sent there to die.
If they couldn't afford to die in a regular hospital some place, then they'd
go to Paradise Valley. It was sort of a charity clinic more or less at the
time. And they were donating some of their time there and they got involved
in some tests.
Hubbard: Well, Mr. Page, let me come back now you never really got to
spend much time looking, yourself, through one of Rife's microscopes at any
specimens, did you?
Page: I told you, I never did. I could understand what he was doing. But
never when I was there visiting him, was the scope being used.
Hubbard: It was not being used when you had visited him?
Page: No, there were other things going on at the time, but there was
never any scope being used. Now, I just handed two gentlemen a copy of a
patent but I am not using the illuminator at the present time. But it
Hubbard: How old were you, in your early teens, your middle teens, or
your late teens when you first met Rife?
Page: Oh, before my teens I am sure. My folks had known him for years.
Hubbard: So you were a child really.
Page: Yes sir. He was one of these people you would see off and on and
off and on and off and on.
Bird: What's your age now Mr. Page?
Page: 58, I'll be 58 in June.
Bird: So in '53 you were a young man graduating from college, or out of
Page: In '53, well, I got out of the Navy the first time in '43. I had
been recalled to active duty. The Navy caught me working for the Army at
Fort Benning, Georgia, and the Navy sent me out with the Marines as
punishment I guess. (laughs) (Summary of abridged passage): A bit of
personal history from Page. Then, (below) back to Rife in a discussion about
"microtomes," which are the slicing machines pathologists use to "section"
tissue samples - similar to the cold-cut slicer at the deli. Being a
pathologist, Hubbard is particularly interested in Rife's specimen
preparation techniques, which are believed to be among the most inventive
Hubbard: Let me ask you some other questions Mr. Page, did Dr. Rife ever
look at red blood cells, white blood cells? Did he ever look at any
leukocytes? Or did he ever look at any algae when you were there?
Page: He had looked at algae, we had discussed it. We discussed insects.
We discussed fungi. I can't say that he had looked at red blood cells. He
gave me a bunch of slides that had sections, very thin sections of different
types of cancer.
Hubbard: How did he make his sections, his thin sections you say?
Page: As I remember he had a huge sledge microtome.
Hubbard: A huge sledge microtome?
Page: Yeah, the old sliding blade, you know, it looked like a straight
razor but it was much larger than that, a great big heavy thing.
Hubbard: Now Chris, this is important. That is one of the most important
new observations that we have gotten.
Page: I remember it was huge. It was much bigger than the sledge
microtome I used in college and I used the biggest one that San Diego State
had at the time. It was the department head's pet.
Hubbard: Now the sledge microtome that I am thinking of - that is huge,
the blade moves in the horizontal.
Page: Yes, dropping downward very slightly as it moves in the horizontal,
on a slight angle downward, not perfectly horizontal. Is that the size you
are talking about?
Hubbard: Well, pretty much so, was the blade about a foot long?
Page: Let me see. I'd say longer than a foot. I'm guessing about 14 or 15
Hubbard: Was this a microtome that you had ever seen used to cut sections
Page: Well I don't know that it would cut across a complete human brain.
No. It wasn't in one slice. If you were cutting from the top down you would
have to have a very thin section that you would have cut off the top because
the thing, on a slight angle, would have had to have been longer than I
believe it was. If you just took a block of the brain tissue, then yes, this
would probably do a real good job. But I don't know what he used for
Hubbard: You don't know what he used for embedding media?
Page: No sir, I don't know. He may have used paraffin with rubber in it.
Hubbard: Let me ask you, did you ever see him using a microtome, actually
cutting with it?
Page: No sir, I have never personally seen him doing any of the things
that he claimed to have done. I have only seen him when he was relaxed, or
when he was unrelaxed but unhappy about something. I'd never seen him at
work in his laboratory. I have visited his laboratory but he stopped what he
was doing to talk with me for a couple of hours at a time. But I wasn't
watching him work at the time. I have been in his laboratory several times
with a white coat.
Hubbard: Let me ask you, as a child now, do you remember if there was a
woman working there in his laboratory who was the daughter of a Dr. Kendall?
[Renowned bacteriologist Dr. Arthur Kendall worked with Rife for several
years beginning in 1931. Together, they developed a technique that revealed
nascent life cycles of the typhoid bacillus. They published their findings
in California and Western Medicine (medical journal). Commentary on their
article was titled, "Has a New Field Been Opened in Bacteriology?" It is
believed that Kendall's daughter worked in Rife's lab for a short period,
and confirmation of this is what Hubbard is getting at - Ed]
Page: No sir, just off hand, I don't recall.
Hubbard: Do you recall any women working there in his laboratory?
Page: There were people. I have seen a woman in the laboratory. There
were three or four other people sometimes when I was there. Now, I guess she
must have been working there. But I can't swear to that.
Hubbard: This was as a child that you saw these people working in his
laboratory, didn't you?
Page: Yes, pre-teenage, and early teenage, and I don't recall seeing
people in there in my late teens. I just don't recall. I could have.
Hubbard: Were there any people working around him when you were in your
Page: My late twenties let's see there was somebody around there, yes
sir. A man, slightly built, rather thin, taller than Rife
Hubbard: Did you know a Dr. Kendall?
Page: No sir.
Hubbard: Did you ever see any notebooks or records, which Rife was
keeping of his observations?
Page: Yes sir. One very thick notebook was placed in my hands, and I put
it on a little table in his garden.
Hubbard: Chris, can you show Mr. Page your copies of those frequency data
sheets that I copied? I wish you could show them and see if he can identify
those as being in Rife's handwriting.
Bird: But I can't do it now because they are at home and I am down with
Mr. Page in Springfield.
Hubbard: At a later time then Mr. Page.
Bird: Could you identify Roy Rife's handwriting Mr. Page?
Page: I doubt it. It was very small. It was rather precise in that he
would make every letter very clearly. Now, it seems to me that there were
two or three letters which he made differently from most people, but very
quickly you started reading and you can follow it right along and it becomes
routine and familiar to you.
Hubbard: But Rife did keep notebooks?
Page: Oh yes sir. He kept one very convincing and very complete notebook
and he handed it to me and said, "This is my life, my whole life, right
Hubbard: Now Chris, if we could get a hold of that notebook.
Page: That would be interesting wouldn't it. You see I had it, he was
giving it to me.
Hubbard: He gave it to you?
Page: Yes sir, he gave it to me. And then I made a mistake. It's one of
the mistakes that I regret more than any other I've made, and I've made a
lot of them. I'll cut this story very short Do you remember hearing in the
40's, reading in the newspapers, about some flying saucers, or something,
coming over from Russia?
Hubbard: Well, I remember flying saucers have been in the newspapers at
Page: Well, this started a flying saucer scare - whether they were flying
saucers, or low flying rockets - but they were controllable. People from the
little villages in some of the free countries in western Europe - they were
a few miles from the Russian border and they would interview everybody in
the village, you know, and their stories were all almost alike. There would
be just enough differences to account for human fallibility. But these
things would come over, they would fly in formation, they would loop and
turn and so forth, and then they would go back into Russia. And there'd be
stories in the newspapers. And it was a nice pleasant day and I was sitting
out there in Rife's garden, and we had some tea that his wife made for us.
And he was telling me, "Don't put sugar in it, it's not good for you," and I
was putting it in anyway, 'cause I don't think it's very good without it. I
don't like it without it. But, this was after he had given me the notebook,
and we were sitting there chatting, and he kept asking me about them (flying
"What do you think about these?" "Well, the papers say they are Russian,
I don't know." "Well, what do you think they are doing?" And I said, "Well,
I don't know, maybe they're spying on us." "Do you think they might have
weapons underneath?" And I said "Well, they might not have the bomb yet,
so..." "Do you think they could probably get it someday?" "They probably
could, if we've got people smart enough to build one, they could build one.
But maybe they put something else in it." And Rife said, "Well, what else
would they put in it?" I said, "Well, they might put the Rife Ray in there."
And he just beamed all over, you know, and he said, "Why, that would be
wonderful!" And I said, "Yeah, you could fly around a city, you know, just
circle a city." And he said "That would be wonderful, we could heal
everybody!" He was almost trembling, like a little child - so elated. And I
said, "Yeah Roy, we could tune it to hemoglobin"
[Hemoglobin is a main component of red blood cells. Page was jokingly
suggesting to Rife that the Beam Ray Machine could be used as a beam weapon
to kill human beings by targeting red blood cells (with their determined
specific resonant frequency) instead of targeting the designated pathogenic
organisms for which the machine was designed - Ed]
And his face kinda went blank, and then he got kinda grey, and he began
to tremble and shake, and he ran over, and he was screaming at me, "You
can't do things like that to people!! Don't you know that you can't do
things like that to people!!" And he picked up a rake and started after me.
And I vaulted over the wall. And he told me never to come back and he was
shouting at me. Somehow I think he ought to have been swearing at me, but I
don't think I had ever heard Roy swear. I went back later but I was never
able to get my hands on it - I never saw the notebook after that.
Hubbard: This is very strange. This is the only time you ever saw Rife
get so upset, wasn't it?
Page: I have seen him become provoked when he would start to talk about
these idiots in the medical profession and in the universitiesbecause they
couldn't repeat the things that he had done, as precisely as he had done
them then they didn't believe that they had really been done (by him). He
would become upset with people but this is the only time I had seen him
really become emotionally violent.
Bird: How could they possibly repeat the experiments if they didn't have
Page: Well, they would come in and work with him, he would tell me, and
he would tell them to do this and this and this and this - some of them
could do it while they were in his lab. Then they would go to some place
else. And he said. "Well, they were always sloppy." He said, "I distill all
my water seven times... and I do this and I do that and I do the other
thing." And he said "They are sloppy, they don't use pure chemicals." And he
would go on and on. But, ahh that was the only time I had seen him really
Hubbard: So, after this peculiar reaction to your comments about the use
of widespread (Rife) radiation and you had to climb over the fence to get
away from him?
Page: I didn't climb over it, I bolted over it. (Laughs)
Hubbard: And he was after you with the rake. He wasn't just joking, he
was really angry?
Page: Yes sir. He was not joking. He was smaller than I was, I thought I
could have taken the rake away from him, but I figured that it made a lot
more sense to just get out of his reach.
Hubbard: But he offered to give you his notebook?
Page: He had handed it to me. I set it down on the table.
Hubbard: And when you saw him again, did you ever ask him for that
Page: I asked him for it. I asked him where it was, but he said,
"somebody else has it."
Hubbard: He said somebody else has it?
Page: That was it. He didn't apparently want to discuss it very much.
Hubbard: Gee, that's a very peculiar reaction.
Page: I could tell some long stories about that notebook and what might
have happened to it, and what's happened to me because of it, and a few
things that involve the FBI and military intelligence, but I'm not going to
go over it.
[Comments: Page's most loaded of sentences! Page's interview is important
because it forces us to ask the oddly overlooked, but very large question:
Would the so-called Military Industrial Complex (MIC) be interested in
Rife's work/inventions/know-how? Or, more to the point: HAVE they been
interested in it, and, ARE they interested in it? Serious contemplation of
this idea forces many other questions: Would the MIC be interested in
acquiring advanced optics technology - something that would provide an
extreme advantage and strategic superiority in espionage operations
vis-à-vis advanced telescopes, spy-satellite camera optics, and forensic
Would the MIC be interested in acquiring an advanced energy weapon
(apparatus and concept)? Would the MIC be interested in a device that can
selectively kill any species of microorganism with an invisible, tuned "ray"
that can be fired from any distance and cover a variable target area?
Wouldn't that sort of thing be kind of useful as a defense against a
bio-warfare attack? Anthrax, no problem tune up the machine poof, poof, poof
no more anthrax.
Would the MIC be interested in the above-described device if it could
also double as the ultimate weapon against enemy personnel? Instead of
tuning and targeting the device to kill microorganisms, it (theoretically)
can be power-and-frequency-modified to attack vital cellular structure
within the human body. Anybody under the ray suffers the fate of their red
blood cells exploding, or their hypothalamus turned to mush in an instant,
or their central nervous system fried like a transformer blowing up or any
other collapsible physiological system could be targeted. Have the MIC sat
around tables and thought about all the awful things one could do with such
a weapon both viscerally and economically? Have they thought it through and
decided it's for them? "Let's develop it before the enemy does (or in case
the enemy does). Let's use it secretly and be miles ahead of everyone
without them even knowing it." Or, have they decided to put it on the stack
in the room in the warehouse in the storage facility where they keep all the
scary stuff that the world isn't ready for - the stuff that threatens the
COMPLEX part of the Military Industrial guy's crazy world of "hawks and
doves," "mine's bigger than yours," and "I'm not tellin'."
The main question is: Once appraised of the potentials available with
Rife technology, both optical and beam ray, would the MIC be able to resist
either exploiting it, or at the very least, controlling its exploitation?
In the early 1950's, Robert Page was engaged in the Navy as a scientist
tackling the problem of pest control, a very large and multi-faceted dilemma
for the armed forces. They had been having no success in several quarters,
and finally, exasperated and desperate, he turned to Rife who he thought
could help vis-à-vis the Beam Ray Machine: the ultimate pest control device.
In a letter dated November 3, 1953, Page implores Rife to lend his expertise
and technology to their cause. After a long explanation of their problem and
a lengthy begging of Rife's association and help, Page writes:
"Would you be willing to help us? Would you furnish the basic design or
the one used in the small cabinets that you had in 1946-1947, and give us
some of the frequencies we need to test the equipment?
There is little that I can offer in return for your help, but I will make
three solemn promises. First, that I will do all I possibly can do to keep
the Rife Ray from being used as a weapon to destroy man. Second, I will do
all I can to insure that if there is any financial gain that it will go to
you, or to a Royal Rife Ray Research Foundation. Third, that I'll do
everything that I can to insure that you get the credit for the development.
You are in a unique position. You can offer a second time a wonderful
gift to your fellow man. We need you. Please help us.
Rife was a drunk by the time he read this plea, if he read it at all -
Hubbard: (continuing) Well, look Chris, you'll follow up on that angle,
Bird: Well, whatever Mister Page wants to say... I'll listen.
Hubbard: Well, look, I'll leave that part of it with you to follow up on
getting the notebook. Mister Page, it's extremely important... let me tell
you now... everything hinges on these pictures which have been published in
the Smithsonian Institute report. There is so little left, if we could get a
hold of his original notebooks, if we could get a hold of...
Page: I could tell you some of the things that were there in the
notebook, now, not the specific details of how he did what, but Are you at
all conversant on the subject of his charts? They were like the periodic
charts for elements - his charts were for microorganisms. Have you heard
Hubbard: No I haven't.
Bird: Nor have I.
Page: He built a chart that was sort of like the periodic chart and there
was even seven or nine or thirteen families, it was either nine or seven, I
believe... all the pathogens fit into one or another of these columns. All
the pathogens getting down below worms and so forth... viruses, bacteria of
various types, and fungi of various types, and on up through an
evolutionary-type ladder. And, he claimed he could breed the mutations or,
not mutations that he could breed changes by changing the media, and other
growing conditions in addition to the media.
Bird: That we have.
Page: But, all human pathogens fell onto this chart. And that the key to
each of these columns - which would have a very small virus at the bottom
and a pretty good size fungus at the top, that within that column there was
a single T-protein.
Bird: And these pathogens in a single column could transmute one into
another depending on the medium?
Page: But they remain true to this one protein, they always had this one
protein in them. Now this is what he saw with his microscope. Now if you
take a step beyond this - and of course all the time he was looking for a
cure for cancer that his mother died of when he was a child - but if you
take a step beyond this thing then he could tell himself... "well, gee, if I
could just destroy seven proteins (or nine proteins or whatever it was)
without hurting the human body, then I could wipe out all disease."
Hubbard: Let me ask you also Mr. Page, did Rife have any interest... now
Chris, this might seem very strange, but I have reason for it... did Rife
have any interest in paintings? Visual art? Did he ever buy any paintings?
Was he ever in contact with any artist?
Page: You are tickling something way back in the back of my head but I
can't bring it forward... sorry.
Hubbard: Did he have any interest in watercolors or oil paints?
Page: Well back at this particular point in my life I could be confusing
it with one of my aunts having an interest in this. I can't say yes, I'm
Hubbard: As far as you know did Rife ever have any contact with a
painter, an artist painter?
[In the interests of scientific rigor, Hubbard is here trying to
eliminate the unlikely possibility that the photomicrographs published in
the Smithsonian Institute article might be fraudulent - possibly paintings -
Page: If I knew I don't recollect. I know that he liked nice things. His
home was always very neat and very nice.
Hubbard: The photographs of the organisms that he had... did he have
those enclosed in picture frames?
Page: Yes sir.
Hubbard: He did? All right.
Page: With glass in front.
Hubbard: With glass in front of them, and frames on the sides?
Hubbard: Did he have most of his microphotographs so enclosed?
Page: Well, the ones that were hanging on the walls, in the hallway and
in some of the rooms.
Hubbard: You have no idea whatever happened with those, do you?
Page: No sir, I don't. Now, all of the ones that I saw were black and
white. There were none in color. One reason I was particularly sorry when he
had gotten rid of his microscope was, because, when, I had been kidding him
about the thing you know..."why didn't you ever drive it mechanically?"...
(Summary of abridged passage): Suddenly Page is distracted by a rustling
of papers and a murmur from Bird. He begins referring to a diagram. Followed
by Page digressing with a somewhat confusing story about a crude system for
projecting colors from black-and-white film that his father had shown him.
Then Bird suggests another story for Page to tell to Hubbard
Bird: I want you to tell the story to Professor Hubbard that you told me,
right over again. There's a reason for this.
Page: Which story was that?
Bird: The company that you took the equipment to in Washington.
Page: To make a long story fairly short, I went to visit this company, I
called them first and they suggested I bring this (illuminator) unit out. I
took my microscope and my illuminator out. And I showed them the
illuminator. There were three gentleman there that owned this small company,
one was the president, the other one maybe both others were, I guess, the
vice-presidents. They were all three optical engineers. The recollection
that I have is that each of the three of them had at one time worked for
Bausch and Lomb and had, at another time, worked for American Optical. I
could be wrong, maybe not all three of them had worked for both companies.
Hubbard: Do you remember their names?
Page: I've got the names of one or two of them written down in my
correspondence. I took the unit out. They were very much interested. I was
out there several times. I was interested in getting a fairly inexpensive
medical unit, make it available. I'm talking just about the illuminator. All
you needed if you had a clinical microscope is a sub-stage condenser that
will take a dark-field stop, and then you are in business. If you can't use
it for true monochromatic light you can at least use it for what amounts to
interference coloration and for phase microscopy. You can use a field of any
color you want with contrasting illumination. You can see things that you
can't see without it. You can see living tissue without having to stain it.
You can see inside the cells. You can see all kinds of things. You don't
have to have a phase microscope or an interference coloration microscope. I
was interested in seeing this unit get into clinical laboratory use and also
to get into schools. In schools you could have a relatively cheap student
unit made out of plastic, after all, my unit is made out of plastic, parts
of it. I made it myself. And there is no reason why something like this
couldn't go on the market fairly inexpensively. And it was either the second
or third time that I was out there they told me that they had decided that
the first unit that they would like would be a very expensive research unit,
the optics would be all quartz.
And I forget now what they were going to charge then, but that was a
number of years ago, eighteen or nineteen I guess, and at that point in time
they were going to charge what I thought was a terrible price. They said,
"Well, it would be a pure precision instrument. It would be a wonderful
thing for the whole research society, and the world at hand." And they could
recoup all their costs of design and manufacture. Then, in two years or less
they promised me that they would then be ready to start production of the
clinical units and to be followed very quickly by the production of the very
inexpensive student units. I was thinking of the student units in particular
there because I thought, "Well shoot, if I decide it could work for the
government well, then as a hobby at least, I could start producing an awful
lot of pictures and selling them - because students in various courses in
microbiology and parasitology And I would like to have these because they
can see structures and no one they really are they can see organisms really
for the first time. Or they can see life in full color. This is a
You can see a rotifer sit there and try and gobble up an algae cell. I
just like to watch them for hours. Anyway, the cells sell the pictures - if
they are pretty good pictures. But, the guy called me up, oh I guess it was
less than a week after I had been there the last time, and they had been
discussing it. One of them kept saying, "They won't let us make this. They
will not let us make this." Finally I said, "Who is it that won't let you
make this." Well, "Bausch and Lomb won't let us make this." And the other
two were saying, "If this was American Optical they would stop us, but
Bausch and Lomb won't stop us, they are not that kind of people." Well, the
bread and butter item that this company produced - I don't remember what it
was - but I do remember that it contained a small telescope tube of some
kind that Bausch and Lomb manufactured and if they had to go to another
producer to get this, they would have to go to an awful lot of expense. They
would lose their market in the meantime, and so forth, and they might go
bankrupt. Well, they never told me that Bausch and Lomb stopped it. The man
called me up and he said, "I'm sorry but we can not make your microscope."
And I said, "Did they stop it?" And he said, "I'm sorry, I can not answer
Page: Those two companies got a great deal of their money from the sale
of microscopes. Right in this immediate area, everybody worth his name as a
researcher has three microscopes. He's got a research/clinical- type scope.
He's got a good interference coloration scope. He's got a good phase
microscope. And two of those came from one of those producers and the other
came from another one. Or maybe one of them is a Zeiss, or maybe one of them
is from Nippon Kogaku or something, but at least two out of the three came
from those two American companies - and both of those companies they told me
are run by their sales division.
Hubbard: Oh, I am sure if this. No American manufacturer of microscopes
is going to put anything out on the market, which would cause it to lose
money substantially. That's for sure.
Page: With this, if you have a good research medical type scope you do
not need to have a phase microscope to go along with it. You do not need to
have an interference coloration microscope.
Hubbard: Well, now Mr. Page, for me to form any opinion about your
illuminator or any system of microscopy you have, I would have to examine it
and preferably I would want to use my own specimens
Page: Well, Professor Hubbard, I'm not trying to sell you on my
microscope. I was simply using this to explain the Rife unit, its basic
thesis of illumination, is one that other people can use. If someone wants
to use my illumination system they can make it themselves. I have told a lot
of people how to make it. I don't keep it secret. It is patented. The patent
is about to expire if it hasn't already.
(Summary of abridged passage): Discussion dealing with Page's patent, the
number, the time until expiry, his intent on what to do with it. A lot of
paper shuffling. Most of the documents and data they are referencing can be
found at rife.org in the related patents section. They continue
Hubbard: The question that I am trying to resolve for myself is the
lateral resolution that is shown in these photomicrographs in the
Smithsonian Institute report. The lateral resolution here on that section of
the spore is nothing short of fantastic, nothing short of fantastic - in the
most strict sense of the word: fantastic. That is how I would have to
describe the resolution seen there
Page: The only thing you've seen like that is in electron microscopy,
Hubbard: It's better than the electron microscope.
Page: OK, I'll go along with that.
Hubbard: Now, the whole thing for me is whether or not there could have
been some fraud involved in the production of these photographs. Let me ask
you, was there ever anything as a child, or in your associations out there
with Rife that would have made you even suspect that Rife would have been
Page: No sir. Now, he was either one of two things. He either was as he
saw it: one of the greatest minds of his time, or he was a complete
charlatan. And if he was a complete charlatan he was even more brilliant.
Hubbard: He certainly was fooling a lot of people for a lot of time if he
was a charlatan, wasn't he?
Page: He couldn't continue to do this. So he would have had to be even
more brilliant because he would have had to fool everybody.
Hubbard: Now, Mr. Page, I will, of course, be interested in reading your
patent. And Chris I will probably be in touch with you and Mr. Page at a
later time after I get to digest and work over a few more things here.
Page: I gave Chris two other patents also, just to bring out a point.
There are many ways to use this type of illumination, which Rife had. These
other two pertain to - I've given all three of these to the Navy - the other
two pertaining to the quick detection of pathogenic organisms, in the air
and in the water. These also require the use of the so-called resonant
frequency that we talked about, the resonant light frequency that would
illuminate the particular dominant processes in them. Everything I had was
Hubbard: What's that, everything you had was taken away?
Page: Yes, taken away and locked up and after that I couldn't even talk
to people about it. And finally a friend of mine up in Fort Dietrich pulled
some strings and got it shaken loose. Now a co-inventor on one of these, he
was a Naval Reserve Officer also, we both made Captain at the same time, he
was in the Civil Engineer's Corp and I was in the Medical Services Corp. We
figured this thing might have some value in the brewery industry but it was
Hubbard: This is a very strange story Mr. Page.
(Summary of abridged passage): Another exchange of patent numbers and
dates for the other patents. They continue
Page: Now when I say that all of these papers were taken away from me,
those other two devices, they said they had potential use in biological
warfare detection equipment.
Hubbard: Were you developing any of the work in a Naval laboratory or was
this in your own personal laboratory?
Page: In my home.
Hubbard: (Incredulously) In your home?!
Page: The early one, the microscope one, I built not even in this house
but in an apartment where I lived.
Hubbard: And you did all of the research work on this biological
detection system in your home for these patents?
Page: I have a bunch of other patents too.
Hubbard: But let me make it very plain and to the point: You did certain
work, you did all of this work, exclusively in your home, with this Jack
Terrill, developing a biological detection system, and subsequently after
you made the patent application, or was it after the patent was granted,
that the papers were taken from your home?
Page: The papers were not taken away, we had to deliver them. We were
told, "Bring 'em in. Bring 'em in, this is classified"
Hubbard: Who told you to do this?
Page: The Navy.
Hubbard: The Navy told you to do it.
Page: And we were happy to comply.
Hubbard: Well, you were on active duty, or were you inactive?
Page: No, we both worked for the Navy as civilians.
Hubbard: And what type of work were you doing at that time for the Navy?
Page: No, I didn't say micro.
Hubbard: Just as biologist.
Page: I have worked as a microbiologist sometimes for the Navy but I am
doing about the same thing I was doing then, ummm
Hubbard: Now, let me ask you this, in your opinion, could it be legally
claimed that the inventions that you and Mr. Terrill worked on, that these
inventions came out as a result of your professional activities for the
Page: Well, generally yes, we gave them to the Navy.
Hubbard: Well now, the thing is Mr. Page, what I am trying to get to is
whether or not the inventions were really a consequence of your association
with problems encountered in your work with the Navy.
Page: That was with my work at that point in time, my work in uniform at
some other time.
Hubbard: It is customary, of course, for many corporations to require
employees to sign over rights for patents.
Page: Well that's not why this was given to the Navy. This was given to
the Navy in the hope that they would go for the patent and it wouldn't cost
us the money. The Navy works in three different ways here. If somebody is
working in a Navy laboratory, they are assigned to work on a particular
thing, they can work on it, they make an invention and the invention is
patented. The invention is the property of the Federal Government. It is
always issued to an individual, so the inventor's name appears on it, but
the individual has to sign all rights over to the Federal Government. If a
person works in a government laboratory, and they come up with an idea all
their own, and they go to their boss and they say they'd like to work on
this, and he says, "No, we are too busy on project XYZ." "Can I come in at
night and work on it?" "Well, that's up to you, if you want to then you've
got a key." "Well, can I use any of the facilities here?" "Well, yes, you'll
be using the building."
Now, depending on how this is interpreted, if he uses materials, as well
as electricity and so forth, then they may require that it becomes the
property of the Federal Government. On the other hand, they may be a little
bit lenient, and they may say that he may have it, that they will obtain the
patent, that it will be in his name, but that the Federal Government to use
it, or to buy it, royalty free. That is still a public service-type patent
but it does not preclude the patent owner, and in this case, the individual
who owns the patent, it does not preclude this owner from charging royalties
to other manufacturers, or users. But the Federal Government may use it
royalty free. Or the Government might buy something on a royalty free basis.
Now, the third system is, if somebody is working on his own and has no
connection with the Federal Government, he doesn't have to be an employee of
the Government, but if he has something that he thinks is a value to the
Government, he may take it then to the Government.
And in this case I was not only a Navy employee, and one of the people at
the Patent Branch of the Office of Naval Research was a friend of mine, he
was in my Research Reserve Unit, so I took it to him, and several other
patents later on. But, in these cases when the patents were issued they were
to me. Now I would not have to have been working for the Government, I could
have been a total stranger taking this to some patent branch place like O
and R. But I think this would be of some value to the Federal Government. I
think that for the Government this should be a royalty free patent, and to
the Federal Government, I'd like to retain rights of my own "Does the Navy
have enough interest in this to go for a patent?" Then it's up to the Navy
to say "Yes" or "No", to study the thing and say, "Yes, we have enough
interest in this, we'd go for a patent, and we will do that - just sign all
of these papers." So those are the three different systems they use in
Government inventor instance.
[Interested readers should look up what the Military Secrets Act allows
"Government" to do with NON-Government inventors who come under their radar
Hubbard: Mr. Page, let me go back to Rife. Did you ever hear Rife say
that any of the prisms had been stolen from his big universal microscope?
Page: Well, the only prisms that I know of he had on the far side of it
and those are the ones that you get at with those little knobs with the
cables, the cable mounts.
Hubbard: But he never said anything about any of the contents of the
inside of his microscope being stolen?
Page: No sir. I would sure like to have had it though. I hope to build
one something like that someday but with considerable modifications to it. A
bit smaller and twice the diameter, and one that would change that
resolution by shifting. Now what I had designed may be precisely what he
had. I don't know what he had inside that big barrel.
Hubbard: Do you remember whether there was a big glass case enclosing his
Page: There was a case called "the gun-cabinet". It's going to be here in
this house in two or three weeks, but it will have shelves in it. He had
some microscopic equipment in there, I don't remember just what, in there at
one time, and another time he had some guns in there.
Bird: Why is the case going to be in your house? Did he give it to you?
Page: No, he didn't give it directly to me. He gave it to my parents, and
my dad put shelves back in it.
Hubbard: Is your daddy alive?
Page: No, he's dead.
Hubbard: Is your mother alive?
Page: Yes sir.
Hubbard: Ahhhh, did she know Rife?
Page: Oh yes.
Hubbard: Did she ever go over to the house?
Page: Oh she's been there a few times. I can't tell you how often.
Hubbard: She never had any interest in Rife's inventions did she?
Page: No, she didn't understand it. My older brother understood him. He's
(Summary of abridged passage): A discussion about which of Page's family
might have known Rife, and when. Goodbyes are said.
This interview continues with Hubbard (absent Bird) in a follow-up
phone-call to Page at a later date. (recorded)
In the meantime, there was a letter exchange. In one handwritten letter
to Hubbard (excerpt below), Page addresses the issue of Rife's apparent
numerous personality faults as contributing factors to his (professional)
demise. When the AMA reportedly engineered a lawsuit against Rife's company
in 1939, Rife, a former teetotaler, took a stiff drink to calm his nerves
prior to his subpoena dates (doctor's orders) and thenceforth indulged
alcohol to ruinous proportions for the rest of his life. Once an alcoholic,
he became ineffectual as a scientist and his twenty-five year run at
laboratory research came to an end.
Aug 14 1976 Robert Page addresses John Hubbard in correspondence. Toward
the end of the letter he writes this:
" John, Royal Raymond Rife was expert in several fields and ahead of
the pack in some of them; and this can never be taken away from him. He
deserves to go down in the pages of history as one of the great, or at least
one of the near great minds of our century. But he will not get this reward
because of a personality fault or several of those. 1) I've often had the
feeling that he divided all humanity in two groups: those he could trust
implicitly, and those to never be trusted. 2) He had nearly complete
contempt for the mental abilities of 99.9% of the members of the medical
profession (and particularly if they were as you are involved in the
teaching of medical students. (I think this particular attached to the
schools more than to faculty members as individuals). He often expressed
complete and utter contempt for research faculty types. They would visit his
laboratory but could repeat his work only if he stood behind them telling
them how and when to take each new step. His contempt for some highly
renowned scientists was, I had thought, so widely known that men of small
stature would be out to shoot him down. 3) He never checked up on people he
should and shouldn't trust. 4) He was never emotionally prepared for any
reversals, because he never expected any and couldn't really accept them
when they came. 5) His basic philosophy in life was to help people (through
his giant intellect given him for this reason), and when "people" were ready
to jail him for his acts (good or bad legal or illegal), he fell apart.
Roy enjoyed adulation and don't we all! One way to get it is to do
things no one else can do or do things better. I always felt that Roy
needed this more than most people do. He got this in varying degrees and
from various people for various accomplishments, AND THIS WAS 90% OF HIS
LIFE. And when this was changed to condemnation, it was more than he could
take. You spoke of alcohol as Roy's escape. I heard of stronger materials,
but I have no real knowledge of this. Certainly he had access to whatever he
wanted, through his in-laws, and otherwise. With all of his good points he
was only a man and not perfect. He liked drama! He lived to be a little bit
mysterious. If he knew that he could create (design, build, write
whatever) some one thing better than anyone else could, he was in seventh
heaven. He would turn this into a drama. And if he could show up the medical
profession (the research part of it), he was happy.
John, I've mentioned the medical profession several times in re Rife. I
shall hasten to tell you that several M.D.s thought a great deal of Roy of
Roy the scientist and of Roy the humanitarian. My parents were in a bridge
club that included 5 or 6 M.D.s as well as quite a few members of other
professions. Some of those M.D.s thought the world of Roy. They saw his
"Ray" completely "Cure" nearly hopeless cases of TB and syphilis. By "cure,"
they meant only destruction of pathogens, not regeneration of tissue" (End
["Stronger materials?" - Ed]
End of Part One: Robert Page
Requiem For Royal Rife - Part Two The Hubbard Interviews:
Ben Cullen On Methods of
Genius, AMA Madness, and John Barleycorn's
Hold On Rife
By Shawn Montgomery
Interview with Ben Cullen
by John Hubbard Abridged, edited, and annotated by Shawn Montgomery
From a transcript of a talk with Ben Cullen recorded sometime in the
1950's in which Cullen describes how he befriended Rife:
"...Rife liked to come down to my garage and play his French horn, play
his guitar and mandolin and cello. Believe me, he sent the visitors into
seventh heaven. Rife started one day playing his French horn. He played
operas like Rigoletto and Il Trovatore perfectly. All of the people on the
block came down to hear Rife's music in the garage. There must have been 100
people there before he quit. Rife's eyes were just running water because he
put his whole heart and soul into his playing. From that time on we became
very fast friends.
I followed Rife every night. I went out to work with Rife. There was so
much we could talk about in each other's language that we communicated well.
I was a journeyman and tool and die maker from England and Rife was 100%
Scotch. I made a steady pilgrimage to Rife's garage where we set up a shop
with machinery to build his microscopes. Rife began to become deeply
involved in bacteriology. We would discuss microorganisms. We began to
install (in his workshop) equipment tools and machines. I bought a pretty
nice little centrifuge.
In 1933, we began to build Rife's third microscope, the big Universal
Microscope. Rife also developed the Rife Ray Machine. He had purchased many
electronic instruments and was in close contact with Coolidge and Steinmetz
of General Electric Co. They shipped Rife thousands of big x-ray tubes,
radio tubes, and parts for his instruments. Dr. Lee DeForrest, inventor of
the radio tube worked with us weekends to help put the circuits together..."
From a letter dated May 16, 1977 to journalist Christopher Bird from John
Hubbard reporting on his just completed research trip to California:
"...Of course the high points of my trip were the personal visits with
Benjamin Cullen, and Henry Siner, and Bernard Gross... what I did first was
to go visit with Benjamin Cullen. He is indeed a most remarkable man to me.
I taped nearly two hours of an interview with him and I believe he is the
most vigorous octogenarian I have ever known. His speech was swift, although
the voice was not a strong one. He is incisive and could make recollections
stretching back into the distant past or into the very near recent past with
equal facility, almost. He was quite busy also. He talked with me for over
two hours at his home, and the next morning was flying to meet one of NASA's
physicists in the south-west for some discussions on parapsychological
phenomena. The following week, when he came back to town he drove in to meet
Henry Siner and myself at the Imperial Bank. I have never known a man in his
late 80's to drive an automobile. Then again I have never known an 86 year
old man to have a 35 year old wife, which Cullen does..."
The following interview was recorded in April 1977 at Ben Cullen's home
in Spring Valley, California.
Hubbard: Do you remember that picture of the spore? [The tetanus spore in
the Smithsonian Institute report - Ed] That is the one which is particularly
important. And you were telling me the last time we talked (on the phone)
that Rife had split a baby's hair in four parts - did he try to put the
spore - the tetanus organism - in like THIS in the four parts? [making
clasping motion with three fingers and thumb simulating baby hairs]
Cullen: You see what happened was this: first he took the hair and
mounted it into a matrix - erect, to hold it straight. Then he mounted in a
micro-dissector with a very fine, sharply honed blade. And he used a portion
of a safety razor blade with which he had cut and honed it down very, very
thin. To look at a razor blade ordinarily, it looks like this, [tracing
jagged line in the air with finger] even though it is a good edge to shave
by. He had to have it so thin that it was almost so thin that he had to be
careful not to move it either this way or that way or it would bend. Blown
up on a microscope - that is, one of these reflectometers or something like
that - it was a very, very rugged edge, but nevertheless, by moving it back
and forth it cut down through (the hair).
First, he removed all the outside excess mounting wax that he had. And of
course, you can call it a matrix if you wish, holding the hair - it was held
in a special vice, a small vice - and he came on down through, and sawed
down until he got down to 1/4 of an inch of the hair cut down. And then he
cut this through and removed that half, which then you have a half round
condition for 1/4 of an inch. And then he turned that sideways and split
that right down from the top to the area where it was cut away to make a
half of a hair. Then he fared that off very carefully so as to have no sharp
edges, and also, you know, in any machined condition, whether its a hair or
a piece of steel or anything else, you have to have a radius.
And how he put that radius in was very, very interesting indeed. He
contrived a very, very fine hair with some very extremely fine dust, which
he called, let's see... it was something like "rouge," and he held this
half-hair in the matrix. He worked this back and forth with a little
reciprocating frame, like this, so that the hair with the impregnated -
something like diamond, only he said it was a type of "rouge" - gradually he
was able to produce a radius right in at the cut of the hair.
Then he feathered the entire balance of the hair off to a point so that
there would not be a sharp sudden break-off. Then he turned the hair over,
after of course he recovered it from the wax, and turned it over, and with
some very fine pairs of tweezers. He used about a 12-power glass. He mounted
that in a very small chuck - the type of chuck that you can twist to
collapse the interior three gripping surfaces so he could get it into a
center, something like the old-fashion carpenter's brace or any other type
of drill-holding chuck - but it was very, very small. He did a splendid job
I think he first tried Tobin bronze and he found it was too porous so he
went to... he couldn't use titanium because he didn't have then the tools to
work titanium. I think he was able to get, at that time, some annealed
chrome molybdenum and he was able to use it so that he could make up a very
fine chuck... and so he turned it up in the lathe. He had a jeweller's
lathe. In fact he had several lathes. And that little chuck was made up so
that the hair could be entered in that chuck and closed up so as to hold it.
Now the trick, of course, was to hold it so that the two pieces of the
hair, as it was spread... as it was pushed down it would spread... and of
course this is the top side, the rounded side, this is the flat side under
here [motioning]. And as it was pressed down, like this, it would open. Now
the reason was because the hair naturally has some spring-back like any
material, and he found that they were sufficient to bring about a gripping
of these tetanus bacilli. He tried it with a hookworm bacillus first, and
the hookworm, I know he laid a dozen of them in a row, and it was quite
interesting, and then after that of course he was working with the tetanus
So that's what he did. In picking it up after he had put this down, first
he had the thing mounted in a very fine multiple-leverage manipulator - in
other words, by moving his main lever, it would be like a very, very fine
vernier, he could move it with say a 1/2 inch and get just a couple of
thousandths, or 1/2 a thousandths of movement on this little chuck here.
Hubbard: (Laughs) Yes, OK.
Cullen: And then he laid it down like this and opened it. And then he had
a means of moving the whole framework like that to the bacillus, and then as
he raised it up the two ends of the hair closed on the bacillus but there
was insufficient power to crush it. It picked it up but it didn't crush it.
Then of course by manipulating the whole thing it laid on a slide until he
had enough of them on a slide, and then of course put it on the microscope
and took his photographs.
Hubbard: How much time was he working on this project?
Cullen: You mean the entire project? He started when first I met him in
Hubbard: No, just on this bacillus.
Cullen: Oh the bacillus... oh, it took him a full ten days, because, for
a long time he would say, "I've got to see the entire project in my mind
first." So he would go to bed and leave a pad and pencil by his bed. He had
an ability, which, you might understand, to call on the same as Beethoven
did to get his music - from the other side.
At eleven, twelve or one o'clock, he would wake up with some information
and put it down. And by the end of about two or three days, he'd called me
up and say, "Ben, I got a lot of information. Come over and see it." Of
course, I always spent more time than I should have, because I always had to
get up at six a.m. in the morning. I never got to bed here until about
twelve or one a.m. in the morning. I lost a lot of sleep on that deal. You
see he was on Point Loma and I live right out here. I've been out here for
46, 47 years now. Then so, I would go over and it mechanically looked very
So then he started, and after he had it all fixed up, first there was a
micro-dissector. He did another little trick too - he dissected... in fact
he took a very small (human) embryo that had been a miscarriage, and he cut
it in very fine slices and was able to study so much, and that is another
project. (Returning to the tetanus bacillus)...
After he had them all laid out, there wasn't one of them that was mashed
in any way, shape or form. Of course, at first, he tried different types of
hairs and some of them were too powerful. Two quarters as they came together
would take and squash the bacillus. Finally, he said, "I think if I can find
a young lady, or a baby that had golden brown hair, I am told that that hair
is quite tough and yet very springy and yet very fine." So it happened that
my daughter Sylvia had that kind of hair. So I took some of it over to him
and he used that.
So after that of course, he was wrapped up more, not so much in his
micro-manipulator as he was in the development of the microscope and also
development of some type of ray of very high frequency current which would
annihilate any types of cancer virus in his work. And so, he worked a great
deal on that.
Hubbard: Did he every make any other very thin sections like this section
of the tetanus bacillus?
Cullen: The hookworm and the embryo are the only other two that I
Hubbard: Do you recall how big this embryo was?
Cullen: It was, I would say about 5 mm long and stretched out by 2 1/2mm,
including the overall size of the body, 5 1/2 to 6 mm long. It was very
small, in fact, he was so astounded that such a small embryo would be so
perfect. The fingers were formed, and the whole thing. Quite often you find,
in an embryo that's aborted, it would be Mongoloid for some little time. But
this was perfectly formed. In fact there were stools in the bowels and food
in the intestinal tract and the stomach.
Hubbard: At 5 mm or 5 cm?
Cullen: I guess I 'm talking centimetres right now, yes, because it had
to be big enough of course, to handle.
Hubbard: [gesturing] This is 5 cm right here.
Cullen: It would be about double that size. That 5 cm would be double the
size of the baby.
Hubbard: 2 1/2 cm.
Cullen: Yes, I know because I saw it laying out there. My remembrance of
measurements was not too bad. I used to have a great deal of work in fine-menturation
in the factories.
Hubbard: Do you remember what year, approximately it was that Rife cut
the section of this tetanus spore? [Recall here that Hubbard is referring to
the Typhoid Bacillus photos published in the 1944 Smithsonian and Franklin
Institute articles -Ed]
Cullen: It was 1928 and '29, somewhere in that area.
Hubbard: 1928 or 1929. He made this picture then, not with his big
Universal microscope but with one of his earlier microscopes, didn't he?
Cullen: Yes he did.
Hubbard: Oh, well.
Cullen: It was because that Universal microscope was magnified too large
for anything like that. You see, he worked in an area the size of a pinhead,
and that was large enough to have to play with when it came to the
filterable forms. He used one of his earlier microscopes, he had several
microscopes. He had one of course that magnified 5000 times and one that
magnified 10,000 times. In fact he made several 10,000-magnification
microscopes and one went to Dr. Patterson. I think it was in England through
the help of Henry Siner.
Hubbard: Was it Patterson or...?
Cullen: I may be wrong. It was a Dr. Gonin, who was the physician to the
Queen at that time, and Dr. Patterson was in that deal, and I can't recall
other names too well [Cullen is mis-remembering the name. It is not Dr.
Patterson but a Dr. Parsons to whom he is referring - Ed]
Hubbard: I see.
Cullen: The difficulty is that they have all passed on in one way or
Hubbard: Has Mr. Siner been out to see you recently?
[Henry Siner was another assistant to Rife who worked primarily with the
microscope. Siner ventured to England in 1938 to assist a British Group of
doctors (mentioned above by Cullen) in establishing overseas a laboratory
using Rife microscopes and beam ray machines - Ed]
Cullen: I haven' t seen Henry for quite a long time. He has been more
wrapped up in high finance. He has been Chairman of the Board of the Siner
Paint and Glass Co. and a couple of other activities. We have more or less
separated because I remained, in his idea, just a little bit too much of a
church-mouse to be bothered with.
Hubbard: Well, they may not be quite accurate.
Cullen: It may not. Henry is a very fine fellow. I liked Henry very much.
I have known him of course for many years and during the last World War it
was possible for me to turn a great deal of business to him through what we
call outside production or outside order - materials for Convair. You see we
had cost plus ten, which was of course was a very, very easy way to do
anything. We had lots of money. And I could suggest that much of the work
that we were scrambling to get together could be produced outside. And Henry
got many, many orders for all sorts of chromes and paints of every
conceivable description. And as a consequence, Henry made quite a bit of
money. And of course their glass company built rapidly after that and then
he seemed to be spreading out, and of course had a large number of agencies
established in the county and other counties. And then I lost contact with
Hubbard: Well, coming back to the microscopes... this picture here is
unusual in that now we have confirmation from the electron microscope. This
picture here [gesturing to the Smithsonian typhoid bacillus photograph]...
the dimensions - you see the spacing between these lines here - this
corresponds with our so-called "unit membrane." And there is space out here
- this is the "nuclear membrane." Well the distances between these three
components here, the distance between these, corresponds exactly with what
we know since about 1950-60.
Cullen: Between the lines?
Hubbard: Yes, between the lines, you see.
Cullen: What significance do you attach to that?
Hubbard: Well, you see, the significance is that the methods - the
instrument that produced this - was able to produce a resolution which we
were not able to obtain except with an electron microscope many years later.
Now then, I would like to see this microscope re-constructed, recovered, the
principles of it determined - because we would probably be able to work with
material that is still has water in it. We could work with living material.
Now we would still have problems of sectioning. Notice that this typhoid
bacillus here, this is complete, this is not sectioned. You cannot see as
much detail in this as you can in this because this is a thin section.
[Hubbard is referring again to two of the photos from the Smithsonian
article comparing the Typhoid bacillus organism photo to the sectioned
Tetanus spore photo - Ed] But this has resolution down in the neighbourhood
of about 20 angstroms, at least, and nobody had ever been able to do that
until the electron microscope came along and until they had methods for
making thin sections.
Now this, Ben, is the Xeroxed copy of the article in the Smithsonian
Institute Report. I had our photographer make a smooth glossy copy of (the
photomicrographs) and this merely will show you what the legend was in the
original and you can compare it. Well you see, all you have to do is a
little arithmetic - the object size, or, the size of the specimen, times the
magnification, is equal to the image size. So if we have the image size we
can do the arithmetic and we can go back and figure out what the object size
was. Now then, independently, we know what the diameter of tetanus spores
are, from both the light microscope (the conventional light microscope), and
from the electron microscope.
So by going back and checking the arithmetic from that source, we can
confirm that this is the correct dimension. We also have - that is, we now
know independently - the thickness of the spore wall here and the interior
of the spore. We can compare this distance with this distance and we get a
ratio, which is exactly comparable to what we know from modern electron
I know that this microscope - even though I've got only three pictures to
look at, and only this one can I make correct measurements from - I know
that this was an extraordinary microscope and I want to get it rebuilt. I
have known about this microscope since 1947. I found this report in the
Smithsonian Institute report and I wrote to Rife back in 1949 but he never
answered me. I kept asking and sending letters and so forth...
Cullen: At that time, it was just exactly ten years from the time he
started drinking and he was mentally pretty well in shock. I couldn't get
him to do hardly anything. I tried to get him to provide us with
closed-circuit television in Lion Aeronautical. I tried to get him to
provide us with information and help in our laboratories over at Convair in
regard to metallic crystallography and stuff of that sort. And he could have
made a lot of money that way. But every time I got him closeted with a group
of engineers and he would start to outline his thoughts and what he could do
and they were all sitting on tender hooks - he would excuse himself and go
By the time he got back he would be waddling. He had to have that liquor
- which of course was the fault of the advice and council he received in
1939 during the final windup of our case where we were accused by the AMA of
doing something they did not like in regard to the application of the Rife
ray for cancer and so forth. And of course that was all a mistake. Of course
they had the right kind of help, medical men of repute. But by that time
when Rife came on the stage and on the witness stand to testify he went all
Hubbard: And this was in 1939?
Hubbard: Now, I went down to the courthouse and copied all of the records
on that trial and I read them on the projection machine, they have them on
microfilm down there, and I was just surprised. There would be times when
they would want Rife to come to court and from the record there - he
wouldn't show up.
Cullen: No he wouldn't.
Hubbard: Was that because he would be drunk, or what?
Cullen: No it wasn't. Rife was a tremendously capable man as long as he
could manipulate what he was working with. When it came to being in a court
of law, where you're right down to dog-eat-dog, why, that just unnerved him
and he couldn't stand it.
Hubbard: What kind of questions would they ask him that would unnerve
Cullen: It wasn't that any questions would be asked to unnerve him - but
here he was a man who had spent his lifetime in doing things that others had
told him were wonderful - just simply marvellous - his lenses and
stethoscope, and his guns, so many, many things that he did. All this he was
told by many men from England and from Germany and other places that he was
an excellent man in his field. Possibly I am not using the correct
nomenclature and verbiage that I should use, but nevertheless, he absolutely
felt on top. And when he got into court he became a simple, plain human
being. And anything he might say he was afraid might incriminate him -
although there was nothing at all that the trial could find that he would be
at any time considered culpable in any mistake at all or anything that might
have been done. It was all done of course through our corporation: The Beam
Now, Rife felt completely frustrated because he could not do anything in
court except say "yes" or "no" - and he knew what to say and he was not
allowed to say it. If he was allowed to enlarge the least little bit, why,
the Prosecution would cut him right off and there would be a fight as to
whether it should be entered in the record or stricken from the record or
what. It so unnerved him that he was just simply scared to death. He was not
at all conversant with law. The only law he knew was the law of research and
Hubbard: Was there a transcript of this trial ever made, a typed
transcript of the testimony in the Judge's chamber?
Cullen: I wouldn't be able to tell you that. Bert Comparet would be the
man to tell you that. Do you know who he is? He was our attorney at that
time. Let me see if I can get his telephone number.
Hubbard: All right, thank you.
Cullen: His telephone number is 284-2666, and the address is 4930
Mansfield, and his name is spelled C-o-m-p-a-r-e-t, B-e-r-t-r-a-n-d. He is
of French extraction.
Hubbard: He was the attorney for Rife?
Cullen: Yep, and for all of us. Actually we hired him. Rife you see
wasn't accused of anything. He wasn't indicted. He wasn't anything. He
simply was a witness and in spite of the fact that they had nothing against
him and never did find anything against him, he simply went to pieces.
Hubbard: That is very, very strange. How old was Rife when his father
Cullen: Strange as it may seem I have no knowledge of that.
Hubbard: Did he ever speak of his father?
Cullen: He never spoke of his father in the whole time I had known him
from 1913 until 1950.
Hubbard: That's very strange. But he did speak of his mother quite a bit
Cullen: Not to me. You see he was married to a very lovely Chinese woman,
her name was Mamie. She was a member of the Ah Quin family here. She was a
very splendid person and of course I am rather partial to Chinese. At one
time I must have been Chinese. Perhaps you don't believe in reincarnation, I
don't know what your ideas are.
[Rife's father in-law was the wealthy and famous Ah Quin, the "unofficial
mayor of San Diego's China Town." His daughter Mamie was one of twelve
children who were born and raised in Canton, Ohio and San Diego - Ed]
Hubbard: I don't have any really. But go ahead.
Cullen: And so Mamie was a very fine person and everybody just loved her
and he always spoke very highly of her. But I never heard him talk of his
mother or father in the whole time. And we were together an awful lot,
goodness, we were together often times week after week. Every night after I
would get away from my work here at the house - first I would come in from
factory and then after I did what I could do around the house I always
slipped in to do what could be done at the lab. In fact my wife often
claimed that she was more a widow than she was married. We were together so
much and in that whole time I don' t recall that he ever once mentioned his
father or mother.
Hubbard: Did you ever hear him speak anything about his boyhood? Did he
ever talk about any of the friends that he had or any fights or any
athletics or anything like that?
Cullen: Very little. He was so much more interested in optics and also to
get all he could in optics he studied all he could from the Chinese
development in optics, plus Zeiss in Westlar, Germany and others. Carl Zeiss.
Hubbard: But Carl Zeiss was not at Westlar, that was Ernst Leitz at
Westlar, Carl Zeiss was at Jenna.
Cullen: That is strange because all was referred to Zeiss as being in
Westlar. However, I saw much information, much correspondence from both
Hubbard: From both places. Did he ever mention the name Hans Lukal to
Cullen: Yes he did.
Hubbard: And this was one of the people that he studied with?
Hubbard: Do you remember if this man was at Zeiss or was at Leitz?
Cullen: I understood he was at Leitz.
Hubbard: Do you remember the optics which the microscope objectives which
Rife used? Did he use both Leitz optics and Zeiss optics? Or did he only
Cullen: As far as I could find, he used only Zeiss in this Universal
Microscope. Now I'm not going to say he used only Zeiss completely because
he ground many of his own lenses. He developed a system of grinding his own
lenses and I watched him do it. He mounted them, of course, in this 21-bend
microscope, which is his Universal. I was hoping to work with John Crane who
has the microscope skeleton now, and have him let me have it.
Hubbard: Have you talked with him?
Cullen: I have talked with him a great deal.
Hubbard: What does he say?
Cullen: Well at first about a few weeks ago he said he would let me have
it and I would polish it up and get it in shape. And then I said, "I would
like to have you plan to have it exhibited in the Hall of Sciences." He said
he thought of that too. Then he casually mentioned that he was going over to
Japan... and today is the 20th... and I expect he has been over there now
for about ten days.
Hubbard: Oh, he did go to Japan then?
Cullen: Yep, and I haven't tried to find out whether he is home or not to
check up on it. I could, of course.
Hubbard: Well I'll call him Ben, that's all right, just go ahead... but
he was going to Japan?
Cullen: Yes to finance one or two of his items. He (Crane) has a type of
microscope that he invented himself. It's a rough and ready looking thing to
me. But he can throw, of course, on to a screen, a magnification of up to
over 400,000 times. But then the resolution is not good. And he says he is
going to improve it. Now, he is quite jealous. When I went over the last
time, he said, "Yes, I will let you have it."
Now, I called him on the phone and I told him I was about to have our
biggest car - which is an lmpala - overhauled, and it would be tied up for
some time. But before I did, I could come over and pick it up because it had
ample room in the trunk to bring it over here. He said, "I'm not going to
let you have it, I won't be doing anything about it until I get back from
Japan." I said, "When do you expect to get back?" He said, "I don't know."
So that was the way we left it. I just simply felt, well, there is
nothing that I could help anybody with as long as I can't get the microscope
because I could help whoever was still in optics. I could outline the types
of lenses and prisms and the way that whole thing was worked out through
magnification and through interposition of lenses between prisms so as to
prevent any spherical aberration at high magnification - or to prevent the
crossing of the light rays, which of course they'll do when you get to
around 120mm of focal length. And so I've had so much else to do in other
ways so I began to think, "Well, what's the use." I just didn't feel that I
wanted to continue.
Hubbard: Well, now Ben I know that there are problems here. I came out
here a year ago to see John Crane. I'm just being very patient with him and
I am going to try to do one step at a time. I am going to try to be here
through next Wednesday. I have to go back to New York on Thursday. I am
hoping that I will be able to contact John before I leave. But let's not be
discouraged now if this thing doesn't get firmed up immediately. John has
had these microscopes now for about twenty years and he hasn't done anything
with them really.
Cullen: He has a mind that is very fertile but doesn't complete anything
he starts. He has a very fine system of monorail high-speed transportation
but he simply doesn't push one particular thing long enough to realise its
value or to get it into operation. He just scatters his fire and so he has
so many things that are going up at the same time. Now with Rife, he would
concentrate on a microscope and bacteriology, but to rest his mind he would
pick up his French horn and play the most wonderful music - or he would just
go out in his racing shell and go out and ride and row rapidly - or his fast
bicycle and do six miles or ten miles on his bicycle, something like that -
or he would study this multiple engine that he developed which was able to
take wonderful photographs at 10,000 feet after sundown. And many things
like that that he did. But he always came back to his one love and he
completed that to the best of his ability.
Hubbard: Now, Ben do you know of the whereabouts of any laboratory
notebooks or any records that Rife made of the work that he was doing?
Cullen: John Crane had them all.
Hubbard: The story that he (Crane) has given to me is that the Food and
Drug people removed those records from his home there at the time he was
involved in some court actions.
Cullen: Well, I have very little here, I thought I could find some
considerable information, but I have very little here. What I do have
originated from Crane. I did have a lot of information but after I married
Jeanne we were quite busy taking care of this other place and doing many
things that ties up my activities now and as a consequence whatever became
of the stuff I don't know. I may come across it sometime because I have a
lot of storage outside, but I simply have to make a living. My living comes
from counselling and so forth. And I have developed a capacity - that is,
scientific hand analysis and graphology, scientific handwriting analysis
also - and all the means wherein I can advise and counsel people.
And I always put everything on tape and that becomes a permanent record
for that person for the rest of their life. It is a very important record
and a document they should always take of and if possible transcribe it from
tape to typewritten form. And of course I have been doing this now for the
last 25 years. And this of course happened to be something that provides me
with a little additional remuneration. Social Security couldn't take care of
my expenses, not by 1/4. Of course I am 86 years of age and I have been
retired quite a little while.
Hubbard: Well, my father...you're are just about almost as old as my
father. My father will be 89 in this November. He is still working.
Cullen: What day in November?
Hubbard: 5th of November.
Cullen: I was born the 2nd.
Hubbard: Well we have got the same birthday then. I was born on the 2nd
of November 1922.
Cullen: I wondered why you were so persistent. I said you couldn't be a
Cancer, you couldn't be Gemini. You could be a Leo, but then I was
Hubbard: Well this is very interesting. Let me switch... I am not going
about this in the order that I should but... you would of course recognise
Rife's handwriting, wouldn't you? And any laboratory notebooks that he had?
Do you remember Alice Kendall or Mrs. Alice Callaway, Dr. Kendall's
Cullen: I remember the name, yes, I remember Alice Kendall. But I didn't
know her very well. I knew Dr. Kendall, he had a Chair in Northwestern.
Hubbard: Yes he was Dean of the Medical School there for a while and
Chairman of their microbiology department.
Cullen: Yes, he certainly was well up on microbiology and bacteriology.
Also I met Dr. Rosenow too. He came up here. But Kendall was a splendid man
because he knew so much, And he used of course, Kendall Medium, K media, to
maintain comparative tissue life and for anything we were doing with lung
tissue section and any kind of excise material from animals like rats or
Hubbard: Where is Rife buried. Do you know?
Cullen: I guess Bob Beck could tell you that.
Hubbard: Bob Beck could tell me?
Cullen: You know Bob Beck don't you.
Hubbard: No, I don't, but I'll find out.
Cullen: Well, his wife is the one that has the telephone number and I
don't happen to possess that right now. I know just where he lives and that
is something I can't give you right now. Bob is a very bright man in many
respects but he is a man that indulges himself terribly with smoke in his
lungs. He likes to keep his lungs loaded with tobacco smoke. And I have
given him about just about another five years before he will pass on of
emphysema or lung cancer. I've seen quite a bit of lung cancer working with
Rife you know.
Rife did quite a little job for the Cancer Institute at one time, and
took two years analysing a massive lung tissue section and that's where I
learned all about lungs and stopped smoking. Of course I never did inhale,
in the olden days you didn't inhale you just puffed, you got some of the
smoke in your lungs, but not too much. It was more or less you lived with
the atmosphere pretty well, but when you take it in from the cigarette or
cigar or that sort, why its pretty rich.
Hubbard: Let me ask you some questions. If I were to show you some
drawings, whether you could give me any clues as to a parabolic surface on
any of these prisms. When we first talked over the telephone, you indicated
that some of these prisms... that Rife had made some parabolic curves on
Cullen: I know what I said, yes, he actually had figured out the
parabolas and then ground the lenses to those parabolas. I would have
wracked my brain considerably to be able to guarantee what I would see
because at that time of course I studied them - but you know several things
have happened since.
Hubbard: I thought I had brought my drawings, copies of drawings John
Crane gave me when I was here a year ago and these might possibly help you
recall. Now this is not Rife's own drawings, but it is a drawing which Crane
signed Rife's name to, and his name to, and there was a Carl R. Brown
attorney. Crane tried to patent this later. He told me that they were not
successful in getting a patent but he had amended it and he has a patent
pending. Now then, this is one of the drawings he gave me. Now, do these
prisms bring anything back to your mind? Do you recall if there was a
parabolic surface cut on this area here?
Cullen: This is not for the Universal Microscope, it doesn't look to me
like it's for the Universal Microscope because he had prisms located at each
corner of the bend from one side to the other and they interposed between
these lenses, because the prisms themselves, as I recall it, did not
Hubbard: The prisms themselves did not magnify?
Cullen: Did not magnify, simply they carried the image through from one
magnification to another on up through from the objective lens to the
Hubbard: Now this does not then look like any of the prisms systems in
his early microscopes either does it?
Cullen: It doesn't. There are lenses here that indicate certain types of
magnification, but he always interposed a lens between two prisms at each
end and the... I can 't tell you right now for absent father as to what each
lens... whether it was a convex or concave lens and what the parabolas were
of each lens. Actually I was more taken up with the mechanical side. I did
what I could to help in doing machine work on any parts that he needed. He
had a very nice little machine shop there which I loved very much and I
helped of course to do all I could there.
When it came to preparing, for instance, for the tube, which was used to
propel the Rife ray and to do any therapeutic work, then I of course was
quite interested. I made up all that sort of stuff. And the basis for the
tubesS analysed the types of gases that we should use to exhaust the
atmosphere and interpose the inert gases, and so forth. That was my side, so
actually I can't say that I would recognise that lay-up at all.
Hubbard: Well now Ben, let me ask you, as soon as your hand is good
enough that you can draw again, I would very much like to have from you a
sketch giving your recollection of what the prism system and the lens system
was that Rife had in his Universal microscope as best as you can recall. And
then I'd also... I'd like to have your sketches on that section of what you
did with tetanus bacillus. Now they don't have to be artistic, but if you
could make approximations going step by step. Because, you see, it is not
only important that this microscope is an unusual thing, but his making the
sections, there was nothing like this to come along for at least thirty
Cullen: Well, I can't promise you when I can do this.
(Summary of abridged passage): A long talk by Cullen about his (Cullen's)
religious beliefs. Then...
Hubbard: (continuing)...Was Rife very religious?
Cullen: Not too much, no. He was very psychic. He could draw from the
ocean of mind - which I call it, another side - information about many
things he couldn't have in his conscious state. As I told you, when he
wanted an answer he would put his pad and pencil by his bedside and between
11 and 2 o'clock he always got his answer.
(Summary of abridged passage): A long talk by Cullen about his (Cullen's)
family history. Then...
Hubbard: (continuing)... All right, well let me ask you a few more
questions. What motivated Philip Hoyland to bring that suit back there that
destroyed that company and destroyed everything? What was Philip Hoyland
like and where is he now?
Cullen: Philip Hoyland was an English Jew. Now, I am very fond of Jewish
people, but Philip was definitely the very grasping type - and very cunning.
I noticed his cunning when he was working with me. I was turning out all the
stuff and of course was also Executive Vice-President (of Beam Rays
Corporation) for quite a while, and Philip had some sneaky ways about him.
When the Khan Realty Company brothers came down here from Los Angeles at
the behest of the head of the AMA - his name was Morris Fishbein - when they
came down here to see if they could find out something about us at the
direct request of the head of the AMA they found quite a good deal with Dr.
James B. Couche, who was a very fine physician and surgeon and had been a
Fellow of the College of Surgeons for twenty years... and Philip was in the
office with us, and when they had found what we were doing they said, "Well
we would like to buy into this corporation." Well I said, "This happens to
be a closed corporation, we haven't requested the Commissioner of
Corporations for the privilege to issue stock. That would take a long time
if we did. At the present time we are not in a position to actually do
So one of the brothers acted a little bit belligerent, and he said, "Well
you ought to do something about it." And I said, "Why?" And he said "It
would be good for you, it might be healthy for you." So I thought, "That is
strange." And so they left finally.
Hubbard: These two brothers?
Cullen: These two bothers of the Khan Realty Company.
Hubbard: The Khan Realty Company was in Los Angeles?
Cullen: Yes, Los Angeles. They were a German Jewish Realty Company, their
name was German-Jewish. And they met Philip Hoyland. I noticed that Philip
was showing considerable appearance of friendliness toward them and I didn't
think much about it until later I had found out that they had gotten hold of
him and bribed him with a $10,000 check.
Hubbard: Did you ever see the check? How did you find out about the
Cullen: I didn't see the check but I do know this... that it came from
many sources and from his own lips later that they paid him $10,000 and he
had wished to God that he hadn't ever accepted it. But just like Judas
Iscariot who betrayed Jesus, as soon as he got that $10,000 check then he
kicked us into the courts on... not on bankruptcy but something similar to
Hubbard: He wanted to get the directors changed.
Cullen: Yes, he wanted to get the whole thing changed. But what happened
was this Aaron Sapiro came out from Chicago, the Prosecuting Attorney - paid
by the AMA.
Hubbard: How do you know that Sapiro was paid by the AMA?
Cullen: Because he made that statement to Bert Comparet and to others,
and of course I was often times in the group and I heard what was said.
Hubbard: This would be interesting to go to Comparet. Comparet could
probably tell me a lot about this, couldn't he?
Cullen: Yes he could. But there is an Irish Judge in that picture. If I
recall right it was Judge Rodebaugh. I knew Judge Rodebaugh quite well from
another connection. The case ran a year and three days in court.
Hubbard: I have seen at least two different Judge's names down there in
the courthouse. The last Judge was a man by the name of Kelly.
Cullen: Yes, Judge Kelly came out here suffering from tuberculosis and
moved to Ramona. Judge Kelly I think was the one who issued the final
Hubbard: Then there was a Mundo, a Judge Mundo.
Cullen: Yes Judge Mundo did sit in sometimes, but it was mostly Judge
Kelly. Kelly was also a pretty fond of "John Barleycorn." I found that
sometimes Judge Kelly was under the influence. Of course, I met him up there
in Ramona but he came out here with tuberculosis before I even got
acquainted with Rife. In fact, when I was living in Ramona and just doing
mechanical work to kind of keep myself going... the story is too long to go
ahead and tell you why I came out here... except I was hired to go down to
Mexico to run a gold stamp mill for a gold mining company. But, so I met him
up there and got acquainted with him and he knew me of course quite well.
The same as Rodebaugh did. But I smelt liquor on him so many times, and I
hesitated sometimes to know what to say to him. I didn't know whether he was
under the influence of liquor when he was on the bench. So that is the
situation there about that. Now, Sapiro was a very cunning man. In fact I
think he did what's his name... Belliwell, this wonderful criminal attorney.
Hubbard: I don't know anything about criminal attorneys.
Cullen: That guy is known quite well in the west here... but he (Sapiro)
was giving him quite a run for his money. [Presumably Cullen means in a
trial previous to the Beam Ray trial - Ed] However, (in the Beam Ray trial)
Judge Kelly saw that Fishbein was trying to cause trouble when there was
really no trouble there - because, actually, all the information that was
brought out in the case was pretty well corroborated by the various doctors:
Dr. Johnson, Dr. Rosenow, Dr. Gruner, Dr. Arthur Kendall, and Dr. Couche...
and so the case simply fell by the wayside. And I praise God it did because
they would have given me about ten years for being the one who was doing all
of the organisational work and so forth. It was my corporation to start
[Here Cullen is either exaggerating or he is simply paranoid. At no time
was he or anybody looking at serving any prison time due to the Beam Rays
trial - much less "ten years." Their business manager C.R. Hutchinson, was
found at the trial to be a dishonest businessman that had engaged in illegal
stock transfers within Beam Ray Inc. It was suggested that the Corporate
Securities Commissioner had a case to against Hutchinson and if pursued (in
a new and different court case) he might be successfully prosecuted. These
charges against Hutchinson were never pursued. Ben Cullen was involved with
Hutchinson in some of these questionable activities. Perhaps his statement
(with its evident paranoia) is founded upon this. Cullen, who was not a
Director at the time of the lawsuit, was not a defendant and did not appear
as a witness at the Beam Rays trial (though he did provide a deposition and
was the topic of much of the testimony of others) - Ed]
Hubbard: So Philip Hoyland really was the tool, in your opinion, he was
an agent of other people who were trying to get in and make some money?
Cullen: To get control of the corporation at the request of Morris
Fishbein. Yes. You see, Dr. Hamer was another doctor. We supplied him with
two instruments, down at National City. He passed a large number of cancer
cases through that office with two operatives, each was using an instrument,
and they simply recovered from cancerous conditions. And of course, what
precipitated the whole thing was this old gentleman. I wish I could remember
his name: 82 years old, he had a "butterfly." You know what they are, it is
a superficial cancer, nothing but a malignant cancer of a papilloma-type and
it looked like a piece of gory red liver.
He was in a terrible mess. Dr. Hamer treated him, and when I saw him
before he went back to Chicago there was just a little scab on this side (of
his face) over here, which eventually Dr. Hamer said would fall off. When
the AMA sued us - Dr. Hamer was one of our best surgeons in the Paradise
Valley Sanatorium at that time - he closed his office and moved up to the
Mill Valley up in Upper California. And when anybody asked him about the
Rife Ray he didn't know anything about it. He didn't know anything about
bacteriology at all. He wasn't a microbiologist, he didn't know anything.
Hubbard: Well now, this is not the trial of 1939? This is later, wasn't
Cullen: No this is the trial of 1939. Yes, Dr. Hamer had two of the
instruments that we built.
Cullen: Absolutely, the original.
Hubbard: Ones that Rife himself had built?
Cullen: Had helped to design and we had them rebuild them.
Hubbard: Do you know where any of those original instruments are of
Cullen: I wouldn't know doctor.
Hubbard: There would be no way for us to get a hold of the original
records or anything?
Cullen: I have no idea what John Crane would have now.
Hubbard: Here is the thing Ben: Just in the same way that I found that
this photomicrograph of this tetanus spore corresponded with what we learned
thirty years later - in the same way, some of this material on the treatment
of tumours and bacterial diseases may... now I don't say that I know it yet,
I don't, I do not know it - but I suspect that there were some genuine cures
in this that we could recognise today and I would like to be able, not now,
but in a couple, two or three years, I would like to follow through on this.
I would like to see what the records show because if there were biopsies...
you see I am a pathologist and I can take a look at some human tissues and
very, very frequently I can tell whether it is really cancer, or what kind
of cancer it is, or if it isn't a cancer. If it is a benign tumour I can
tell what type it is. I can tell a lot of things... if I can just get the
evidence. But getting the evidence is going to be rather difficult.
Cullen: That is a problem because, you see, that work was done so long
ago. When Benjamin Henderson brought his wife to Dr. Couche to treat. She
had one of the worst cases of breast carcinoma I have ever seen. In fact her
breast was almost all sloughed off. It looked terrible. But Dr. Couche, with
the original laboratory instrument, cleared it up.
Hubbard: The original laboratory instrument? The one Rife himself had
Hubbard: All right.
Cullen: Then he had a number of cures, oh, a large number.
Hubbard: What was the name of that doctor now?
Cullen: Dr. James B. Couche. I think he died when he was 84.
Hubbard: You see it makes a great deal of difference to me, Ben, as to
whether Rife himself built a radiation device and a doctor used it, or
whether it was one that Hoyland built.
Cullen: You see, everything that Hoyland did was also being done by all
of us at the request and under the supervision of Rife. You see, we simply
transferred from the laboratory instrument to the instruments that could be
made up into one cabinet. And we had to have Rife's OK with everything we
did. Roy worked with us all the time.
Hubbard: But after Hoyland came in there he didn't work with you all the
time, did he?
Cullen: Not all the time no. Philip Hoyland was given the responsibility
of calibrating every instrument, of the oscilloscope and oscillograph. The
instruments were calibrated but when we shipped two instruments over to
Great Britain, and Henry Siner went over to demonstrate the instrument,
Hoyland by that time had simply scuttled the very valuable calibrations and
they didn't do any good.
Hubbard: Yeah! Well, I saw Gonin's letter, I saw the original, and Gonin
complained that the instruments were not even wired up properly.
Cullen: Now, that was all Philip Hoyland's fault.
Hubbard: All right.
Cullen: Gonin came over you know, I got acquainted with him. He
pronounced his name Gonin. Yeah, in some languages you have a long i in the
pronunciation. The laboratory instrument, I had it here one time. My first
wife had a growth on her back right down the spine and it was then
considered a superficial cancer that was spreading and so I treated it and
it dried up and fell off. Now she was in Judge Kenny's Court at the time
that John Crane and John Marsh were there as criminals (1962), as the case
was being heard, she was put on the witness stand and Bert Comparet asked
her... at that time also he was again the attorney for the defence... he
asked her, "I understand you had a growth on your spine?" She said. "Yes."
He said, "What was it?" She said, "The Doctor called it a superficial
cancer." He said, "What was done with it?' She said, "My husband used the
Rife ray laboratory instrument and treated it and it dried up and fell off."
And the Judge struck that out, wouldn't allow that to be shown in the
testimony. That was when Crane was in for the criminal trial.
Hubbard: Did you go to Crane's trial any Ben?
Cullen: Yes, I was there several times.
Hubbard: What do you think was really the cause? Why did Crane really go
Cullen: Because first he had started to build small, what they call,
little black boxes: two little grips to be held in the hands and treat
conditions... to change the condition of the bloodstream so that if a person
had cancerous virus in the bloodstream, why, it would tend to clear up that
condition in the person suffering from that type of cancer. It would be
cleared up. Now, he (Crane) got into a very ridiculous situation. He decided
to go ahead and demonstrate and lease and sell these boxes without benefit
of medical council. He organised a group and started selling them. He would
sell them to different people. Supposedly he was only leasing them, which of
course, is what we did with the earlier instruments. They were definitely
large instruments and he was advertising it. He got a group together one day
in the Grant Hotel down in the basement assembly hall... and where he picked
up this guy I don't know but he picked up somebody that tried to make people
believe that he had come from Venus.
Hubbard: For heaven's sakes.
Cullen: His name was... it's a peculiar name... Samason or something like
that... and he was trotting around with a regular military uniform with a
Goodwill, well-tailored jacket with a sand brown belt, Stetson hat, polished
brown leggings and knickers, trotting around all over the place, going to
various churches and claiming he was direct from Venus. Prince Neason his
name was. And so I went down to this meeting to see what was going on at the
Grant Hotel. At the time I was working for the outfit called Norncar
Manufacturing, which is now Ritiker Corporation, manufacturing various types
of large receivers, benches, and so forth, or big dishes like 60-foot dishes
and 100-foot dishes, and so forth, for various types of signalling devices
like they used over here at the Naval Air Station on Point Loma.
And so, I was called up on the stage by John Crane. There was about 50
people, one man was making same notes and I definitely picked him out as a
deputy District Attorney. And this Prince Neason made the most outlandish
statements I ever heard. He was just simply a charlatan and simply trading
on the gullibility of this fellow John Crane. And so after I left there,
Crane put me on the spot about asking me certain questions about Rife, which
I could say without any more than just simply plain statements of fact.
After I left there and went back to my office in this factory here in La
Mesa, I simply wrote out my resignation and called him up and told him it
was in the mail. And of course, not very much longer before that happened
that the District Attorney's office made a raid on his property there
without a search warrant and took a lot of stuff away.
Hubbard: The District Attorney did? Or was it the Food and Drug
Cullen: No it was someone to do with a... who would it be... a constable
or police or who... I can't be certain. [It was the jack-booted-thug
division of the State of California Food and Drug Administration - Ed]
Anyway it had to do with the police authorities and they took a lot of his
equipment away. And I think I will include one more item however, they did
it without benefit of a search warrant. And he tried to sue them but because
Mahity.... definitely Judge Mahity has always been a very, very poor
Judge... always done a great deal of cow-tying to the District Attorney's
office. And whenever he, the District Attorney, or the Prosecuting Attorney
would request the testimony would be stricken from the record, why, he
always upheld the District Attorney. This is a tiresome thing also.
In the last day of the (1962 Crane/Marsh) trial I was in there at ten
a.m. in the morning and it went on through to dinner and lunch, and after
dinner we finished up in the evening. They had in there, as a witness, a man
who was working for the police department as the Chief Dispatcher and also
their electronic engineer. He also had been used by Dr. Couche to keep the
laboratory instrument in calibration. And he knew all this work because I
had met him long before, oh many years before, up at the laboratory at Point
Loma. I wish I could tell you his name. Bert Comparet could tell you. Now,
he went on the witness stand and the prosecution asked him some questions
about this black box. They asked, "Was it any good?" He said, "No, it was
not any good, it was just a fake." And the whole thing went through that way
and this of course is what threw both of these men into a ten-year sentence
at San Quentin. But of course we got them both out after three years.
Hubbard: John Crane was sentenced to ten years?
Cullen: Yes, ten years, along with John Marsh. And so, let me see, so
this man, as he came off the witness stand, I beckoned him over to me, I
said, "For goodness sakes, now you knew the value of those little black
boxes. They were properly calibrated for certain conditions." I said, "Why
did you lie that way?" He whispered to me, "I have a job to protect." And I
said, "For goodness sakes alive, you mean to say you would lie and send a
man over the road, to protect your job?" He said, "I have a family." I said,
"I don't wish you any hard luck, but I can't see you living too long. I 'm
not threatening you. I'm saying that I'm afraid that your perfidy and your
unfairness will sneak up on you." And in two years he was dead. A strong,
healthy man. Now ask Bert Comparet what his name was if you can. He was a
man who was a dispatcher, his voice came over the police radio dispatching
various patrolmen and prowl cars and so forth, and also did a lot of
electrical work for the Police Department down at the foot of Market. [This
man's name, which escapes Cullen, is Verne Thompson - Ed]
Hubbard: What about Milbank Johnson? Do you remember Milbank Johnson very
Cullen: Yes, he was a big, tall, handsome gentleman - very, very
knowledgeable and extremely interested in Rife. He wrote a very fine letter
one time after he had seen the work that was done at Miss Helen Scripps home
on the treatment of a boy with papilloma. Around the neck here a cancer had
eaten through so you could see the sinews and see the neck bones, so much of
the flesh had dropped off around here. He had to be held up on this side all
the time and held down so he could move his neck. Now Milbank Johnson, and
Kendall, and Rosenow were there at the time that this work was done and they
saw the tremendous value of the Rife Ray instrument because it actually
cured that boy's papilloma up to a point where he had some scar tissue for
some time but he definitely was saved. He did not die. He was healthy and
able to go back to work.
Hubbard: How old was he?
Cullen: About 21.
Hubbard: When did Milbank Johnson die?
Cullen: I don't know.
Hubbard: He was on the faculty at the University of California Medical
School here in San Diego? Or was it Los Angeles?
Cullen: At the time I knew him he was a head physician for the
Northwestern Insurance Co - or Great Western - I really and truly am a
little bit hazy, but both those names should be considered.
Hubbard: All right, that gives me a lead.
Cullen: Well, Doctor I wish I could stay for a long, long time.
Hubbard: Well, Ben I'll stop now.
End of Cullen Interview
Analysis of many of Cullen's assertions in the above interview can be
found in the linked article entitled "Deconstructing Beam Rays Incorporated:
Searching for the AMA."
Next: The Hubbard Interviews: Part Three - Bertrand Comparet On the Beam
Ray Trial, the John Crane Trial and Things in Between
Copyright 2007 All Rights Reserved
Shawn Montgomery is a freelance writer, researcher and producer. His
video documentary series "The Rise and Fall of a Scientific Genius: The
Forgotten Story of Royal Raymond Rife" can be found at
Deconstructing Beam Rays Incorporated
Searching For The AMA
In the interview with Professor Hubbard and Ben Cullen is revealed a
grand conspiracy orchestrated by the American Medical Association to stop
the proliferation of Rife's Beam Ray Machines.
The primary villain in Cullen's conspiracy is Morris Fishbein, the
founder of America's corrupt medical status quo. Fishbein spent his entire
tenure as Chairman of the AMA (1925-1949) obsessively and ruthlessly
attacking anything he could successfully label as "quackery." He has written
massive volumes on the topic. Morris Fishbein also has a recorded history of
corruption. He was infamous for using his sway as the powerful AMA Chief to
"buy into" or "buy out" any legitimate medical device, drug or process that
crossed his path. "Buy into" for profit, or, if it competes with already
profitable enterprises, "buy out" to suppress - this was Fishbein's "modus
operandi." It is difficult to find any information on Morris Fishbein that
does not condemn him. Most writing on him is authored by people who are
outraged by him, his activities, and his very existence as head of the AMA.
There is one glowing report on his life that is over a thousand pages long,
but that is his self-written autobiography, which reads like a study in
self-aggrandisement. By all other accounts Fishbein was a shameless
self-promoter, a propagandist, a salesman - his greed and arrogance knew no
bounds. He was never a doctor but he dispensed general medical advice to the
nation as if he were God (and of course obfuscated the fact that he never
practised medicine, nor could). He soaked doctors, patients and
manufacturers of medical devices (and drugs) across the nation for every
penny he could squeeze out of them through fees and kickback schemes, fines,
dues, options, advertisement gimmicks, racketeering and misuse of the
Association Journal - the list of Fishbein scams is endless. In short, for
the AMA at large, he was a complete embarrassment. He was considered by
nearly all to be an unfortunate barnacle that had somehow affixed itself to
leadership in the Association and who was now running the organisation as if
its only purpose was to support him making piles of money for himself while
basking in his own glory. They finally figured out a way to get rid of him
in 1949. It must be really embarrassing for the AMA today. They have a
website containing a "History of the American Medical Association Archive."
If you go clicking through it you will find that their great leader for 27
years is given hardly a mention.
Also hardly mentioned is the fellow who Fishbein replaced in 1925, one
George Simmons. Look for George Simmons in the AMA history archive. He was
their leader for 25 years between 1899 and 1925. You won't find much on him
either. Not the juicy stuff. You won't find details of his shameless
huckstering, snake-oil salesmanship and outright sexual and criminal
misconduct. That stuff was all printed up in the scandal sheets of the day
(and the major newspapers), but for some reason escapes AMA archives. He
printed flyers saying he was a "specialist in women's problems" and that
"...a limited number of lady patients could be accommodated" at his office.
George Simmons printed a lot of flyers, making a lot of claims. As head of
the AMA he specialised in using his position to aid in his selling of many
"snake-oil" type products. The noose finally came for Simmons when he was
caught secretly dosing his wife's food with psychotic drugs and then trying
to make her think she was crazy so she'd be committed to a mental asylum
(presumably leaving him free to "treat" his "lady patients.") His wife
luckily figured out that what was happening to her was not sudden-onset
insanity, but that she was married to the sleazy George Simmons, head of the
American Medical Association for 25 years, who was poisoning her with
"medicine." It was a huge scandal. The newspapers ate it up.
Simmons protégé was Morris Fishbein. When the heat of the scandal became
too intense, Simmons quietly stepped out of the spotlight and allowed his
student to take over the post as Chairman and President of the Association
(and Chief Editor of the Journal). This position Fishbein quickly
consolidated and he soon found that he had the power of a Czar and such
means at his disposal to reap enormous profits through just about any
confidence scheme he could cook up. Again, you won't find that information
on the AMA website - but the colourful activities of Fishbein (and Simmons)
did not go unnoticed and are well-documented. Or, you could read Fishbein's
autobiography for the opposite of what happened.
Now, as far as I have been able to find (and I've looked) Morris Fishbein
has never mentioned Rife in print, nor is he quoted mentioning Rife,
acknowledging Rife, condemning Rife, meeting Rife, or in any way
communicating with or about Rife. The only connection between Fishbein and
Rife comes from Cullen's conspiracy allegations: an octogenarian with a
cancer tumor on his cheek was healed by the Rife Ray in San Diego and then
later encountered Fishbein in Chicago. Through this man, Fishbein not only
discovered Rife, but saw verification as to the reality and efficacy of this
procedure. According to Cullen, Fishbein then dispatched two agents from Los
Angeles, the mysterious Kahn Brothers, to approach Beam Rays Incorporated
and "attempt to buy into the company." Beam Rays Inc., it is said, declined
their offer. So the Kahn brothers then bribed one of Rife's partners, Philip
Hoyland, with $10,000 to compel him to proceed as their agent, or as Cullen
calls it: "their stooge." Suddenly Hoyland had a high-priced, famous lawyer
at his side, one Aaron Sapiro, who Cullen says was "paid by the AMA."
Together they attempted a hostile take-over of Beam Rays Inc. through a
contrived lawsuit aimed at replacing the Board of Directors (and positioning
Hoyland and his gang as the replacements). It is said that concurrent to
these activities, the AMA was also "visiting" doctors who were using Beam
Ray Machines in their practice in Southern California and warning them to
stop it lest they lose their license - to wit they stopped. An epilogue to
the story is added concerning Rife's reaction to these events: So shaken and
disturbed by what was going on, he became a neurotic. Doctors prescribed
Brandy as a relaxant. Rife took their advice to the extreme and became a
life-long drinking alcoholic.
Cullen told virtually this same story, on tape, to Hubbard in 1976, and
to John Crane in 1959. John Crane has repeated it to anyone who will listen.
Much of what we hear today about the Beam Rays trial and the AMA comes from
Crane and Cullen. Crane got most of his info from Rife and Cullen. Most
everyone that knew and loved Rife, hated John Crane, except Ben Cullen. Rife
is on tape alluding to AMA involvement in his professional demise, but there
are no specifics. He is certainly on record condemning the AMA in general.
Rife says that, "there isn't any AMA... there's an American Drug
Syndicate... they're the ones..." (and then goes on to name few Big Pharma
Henry Siner (in an upcoming interview in this series) an associate of
Rife's and quasi-witness to the events, tells virtually the same story as
Cullen, but in a very general way, without detail.
Bert Comparet, Beam Rays Inc.'s attorney for trial, gives a detailed (but
incomplete) account of the proceedings. He doesn't mention the AMA, Morris
Fishbein, the Kahn brothers, a bribe, or attorney Aaron Sapiro's alleged
connection to the AMA. Though Comparet does describe a conspiracy engineered
by Philip Hoyland and a man named C. R. Hutchinson - he doesn't mention any
AMA connection. He does describe the Beam Rays trial as simply a lawsuit - a
squabble for control of a corporation that seemed to have a cure for cancer.
So the extent of the testimony that alleges the AMA was involved in
Rife's downfall is limited to Rife, Siner, Crane and Cullen. John Crane met
Rife in 1950, ten years after the salient events took place, so any
information he contributes must be considered hearsay. Henry Siner was in
England in 1938-39 and his statements as to AMA culpability amount to the
generalities one would expect from someone reporting events not directly
witnessed. Siner repeats the accusation as statements of assumed fact. For
example, statements like this: (Siner) "Well that was the beginning of the
downfall of the whole thing: his drinking problem. And that started out, I
believe, when the AMA locked horns with him. He just wasn't emotionally up
to taking it."
Rife, the ultimate witness to the events, fares no better than Siner in
providing us with verifiable information that would shed light on this
matter. Broad accusations and wide generalities abound in Rife's surviving
testimony. For example, this from Rife's obituary in the Daily Californian
(newspaper) "He accused the American Medical Association of rejecting his
electronic therapy discoveries and implied the organization had "brainwashed
and intimidated" his colleagues as well as "feloniously censored" the
publication of his work. "I certify that the AMA and the Department of
Public Health have declared war on Rife's Virus Microscope Institute" said
the affidavit signed Feb. 7, 1967." This, and a few other statements like
it, are all we get from Rife. This leaves us with Ben Cullen's account,
which details this alleged conspiracy like no other available indictment.
Cullen was informed through admissions made to him by actual conspirators
and through his own eye-witness recollections of events. John Hubbard is
adamant about Ben Cullen's credibility.
While in San Diego in 1976, Professor Hubbard visited the court records
room and obtained microfilm of all the trial proceedings: affidavits,
depositions, subpoena orders, court motions, demurs - most of the trial's
paperwork - including all counter-proceeding documents. In an attempt to
verify Cullen's account of AMA involvement in the demise of Rife's
enterprise, a thorough examination of that "enterprise" is in order We will
look for any corroborative or circumstantial evidence that supports Cullen's
A History Of The Company Called Beam Rays Incorporated. (As gleaned from
Hubbard's 1939 Beam Rays trial microfilm, a transcript of the trial, a
variety of letters and other documents that have survived, and testimony
from various recorded conversations)
Rife had a big, hulking "contraption" that filled one wall of his
laboratory. It was his "Frequency Instrument" - a souped-up,
variable-frequency oscillator that delivered it's power to a helium-filled
glass tube which served to re-radiate the signal coming from the contraption
into a "ray." It was found that this ray could destroy any microbe colony
within range, depending on the frequency of energy put out by the device
(thus the "variable" part). Over the years, through painstaking
experimentation, Rife had accumulated a long list of frequencies that, when
applied through his Frequency Instrument, were found to kill many different
germs responsible for diseases like leprosy, influenza, strep,
tuberculosis... even cancer.
After perfecting the technique and learning many frequencies that were
mortal to microbes, it came time for Rife and a bunch of big-time doctors to
set up an experimental clinic to try this method on people suffering from
the diseases caused by the bugs on Rife's list. Rife had made some new
machines that were more compact than the original contraption. Though still
quite bulky, one of these was sufficiently portable to allow for its
relocation from Rife's lab to the clinic where the initial trials would be
conducted. In the end, it was found that the "ray machine" was one hundred
percent effective. Many terminal patients with cancer and tuberculosis were
cured. This was in 1934.
To get it into more experimental clinics and further analyse these
effects they needed more machines. They also needed the device to be smaller
and more compact to maximise portability. This is where Philip Hoyland came
in. One of Rife's most eminent colleagues, Dr, Milbank Johnson, a man
spearheading this push to get the ray device into clinics, knew a radio
repair man in Pasadena (Hoyland) who might be up to the job of engineering
the contraption into a portable device that could perform the same as the
over-sized original. Thus was born the Beam Ray Machine: a Hoyland-built
miniaturised-copy of a Rife-built prototype. So off to the clinics the Beam
Ray Machine went - and it was a smash success. Cures right up and down the
line. The thing was a bonafide cure-all - provided you tuned it to the
correct prescribed pathogenic frequency using a precise methodology. This
This is where the Rife story becomes a bit of a maze. There were many
things happening at the same time, on several different fronts, with many
"situations' overlapping each other. There were the original clinical trials
conducted by the so-called "Special Medical Research Committee." That work
was being carried on by Dr. Johnson, and a Dr. Couche at "the Scripp's
Ranch" in La Jolla (where the clinical trials were first conducted in 1934).
Also, Dr. Johnson had started another clinic in Pasadena using the first
compact model of the instrument constructed by Philip Hoyland. While this
was taking place, Johnson was also trying to introduce Rife's work in cancer
to other research facilities so they might take up and verify their new
discoveries. Using super-microscopes of his own invention, Rife had
discovered a cancer virus that had a very complex life-cycle. Attempting to
understand these complexities was a task that consumed Rife and other
associated scientists (including Johnson) for several years.
Meanwhile, Rife was having a new laboratory built, Philip Hoyland was
making more Beam Ray Machines, and Ben Cullen was trying to start a business
of his own that had nothing to do with Beam Ray Machines. Cullen was still
working with Rife, helping out wherever he could - but he was also branching
out. Cullen was dreaming about turning his know-how in aviation (which was
considerable) into a business. He conceived of a correspondence school in
aeronautics - a scholastic course for the aerospace industry that Cullen
himself would write. To this end he approached a corporate promoter named
C.R. Hutchinson for help. Of his association with Cullen, Hutchinson says
"About October of 1935, Mr. Cullen came to me with a contract for the
organisation of a correspondence school of aeronautics and asked me to
either join his or advise him how he could put over and operate this school.
At that time I was associated with Roscoe Turner in connection with an Aero
device. I was also associated with Amelia Earhardt. I discussed this with
them after many meetings. Mr. Fickerson stated that he was willing to go
along as our legal advisor if I would accept the active management. We
closed a contract for five western states for sales rights. We formed a
California Corporation through Fickerson of Los Angeles. He was our attorney
and handled the legal details. The organisation consisted of Olmstead,
Cullen and myself. That corporation was known as Aero Reserve School Western
Division. The necessary permits were taken out and I made a trip east and
contacted the then Virginia Corporation Aero Reserve School officers. I
secured for Cullen, an additional contract showing and advising the Virginia
corporation officials that it was to the best interest of all that the sales
organisation from the west coast if divided up would be better if the six
additional western states were included. They gave such a contract. A new
company was formed called United Polytechnical Institute."
So in 1935-1937, Cullen, Hutchinson, and John Olmstead, were developing
an Aeronautics School and subsidiary corporations (U.P.I.); Rife was working
with various doctors on his cancer etiology, and building a lab; Hoyland was
further developing the Beam Ray Machine, making refinements and
modifications; Johnson was working with Dr. Couche at the clinic in La Jolla
and at his own clinic in Pasadena (also with Philip Hoyland). Dr. Johnson
was also helping Rife get his new lab operational.
1938 was the year that the tangled knot known as Beam Rays Inc. was
formed. The "knot" began as a series of relationships concerning the Beam
Ray Machine. It started with a vacation. Dr. Couche took a break from his
clinical work with the Rife Ray at La Jolla and travelled on vacation to his
homeland: England. While there, Couche met some doctors who became very
interested in his exhilarating accounts of the work with Rife back in San
Diego. The apparent "leader" of these British doctors, and the most
impressive, was Dr. Winter Gonin, the very wealthy and renowned personal
physician to King George. Among his cadre of associates were physician Dr.
Blewitt and a specialist in electro-medicine, one Dr. Parsons. Dr. Couche
wooed these men with tales of advanced microscopes, a cancer virus, and ray
machines that kill bugs and cure disease. Soon Gonin and his associates were
making plans for a trip to America to meet Rife and to hopefully negotiate a
purchase and/or licensing agreement to take some of his stuff back to
England with them. Couche returned to San Diego with news of this impending
visit by wealthy British doctors seeking a contract.
Now, as we well know, Rife was an inventive genius. He could do just
about anything he wanted to when it came to tinkering, building,
conceptualising, formulating or configuring. But when it came to "the art of
people" - Rife was a bit of a dummy. Rife was the first one to admit that he
was "not a business person." It appears that he not only disliked and was
inept at it, but he seems to have had a sort of psychological aversion to
the worlds of finance, selling and promotion - "business" in general made
Rife shudder. So imagine his trepidation at having among his inventory of
inventions a little box that demonstrably cures cancer and any infectious
disease - a thing that not only needs to be marketed, but demands it. So
what did Rife do? He started giving away ownership and control of his
invention in order to pass this "business responsibility" onto others. He
signed over 55 percent ownership of the Beam Ray device to Philip Hoyland.
Rife gave him a controlling interest because he felt that would provide just
enough incentive to make it work. Rife's attorney, Gordon Gray, the man
responsible for notarising the agreement, thought this was insanity and
counselled Rife to substantially reduce Hoyland's percentage. But Rife was
adamant. Hoyland had designed and built the version of the machine in
question while working for Rife over the last few years for very little pay.
It was fair. The deal was struck (but not yet drawn up and signed).
Then, Dr. Couche's news arrived. They needed to act fast as the British
doctors were due in a matter of weeks. Hoyland and Rife knew they'd need a
structured corporation to perform any business, purchase orders or licensing
agreements the British had in mind. Neither knew how to deal with the
problem of making the necessary arrangements with not enough time. Caught
with their pants down, the word was put out: Help! Re-enter Ben Cullen who
introduced his business associate C.R. Hutchinson to Rife and Hoyland. They
asked for Hutchinson's help as corporate advisor and promoter. Hutchinson
declined their offer. The plea was repeated several times in a week. Clearly
Hutchinson could see exactly what was going on: the potential for huge
earnings and a chance to be in on the dispensation of "the cure for cancer."
He was holding out for a better deal - which, several meetings later, he
got. The pending ownership deal between Rife and Hoyland was then suddenly
revamped. Ownership of the Beam Ray Machine (and all the inherent rights
therein) was split into roughly thirds: Rife 30%; Hoyland 36 and 2/3%;
Hutchinson 33 and 1/3%. Rife would oversee science operations; Hoyland would
be the chief technician, engineer and mechanic with regards to manufacturing
the machines; Hutchinson would set-up, manage and promote the business.
This agreement was mitigated by an atmosphere of confusion brought on by
a spontaneous "side-deal" that Rife had made in a remunerative moment of
generosity. Recall it was Ben Cullen who was presenting Hutchinson to Rife
as a possible answer to their organisational problems. One evening in Rife's
laboratory while they were trying to interest Hutchinson in joining the
enterprise, Rife suddenly conferred onto Cullen certain rights to the Beam
Ray Machine. Maybe this was done to impress Hutchinson, maybe it was done
because Rife felt Cullen should have a stake in a project that he had helped
with from its inception. Whatever the reason for it, Cullen was given an
option on the Beam Ray Machine - the right to arrange for its manufacture
and distribution with the stipulation that any deals he made should provide
the Owners with a royalty.
By this time Dr. Gonin and his associates were embarking on their trip
across the Atlantic to meet and deal with them. Haste was essential - so
Hutchinson proposed a plan. It was a bit complicated, but perfectly legal.
Everyone signed on and off they went.
The problems they had to surmount were twofold: one) Get their business
identity status in order so that they'd have an actual position to present
to the British doctors; and two) Raise some capitol so they could build more
machines and cover costs. All of this had to be done yesterday. Hutchinson's
suggested course of action was this: Take Cullen, Olmstead and Hutchinson's
pre-existing corporation, "United Polytechnical Institute," and simply
convert it to house the Beam Rays venture as a "holding." U.P.I. absorbs
Beam Rays (which hadn't actually been named yet). The plan was to later
change the name to "Beam Rays Inc." and forget about developing a
correspondence school for aviation in favour of manufacturing and marketing
an actual device that cures disease. Of course, Hutchinson, Cullen, Olmstead
(and others) had stock in this now-converted company so they, as a result,
had an interest in this new configuration. Cullen, therefore, suddenly owned
a large amount of stock in (what was soon to become) Beam Rays Inc., by
virtue of Hutchinson's corporate absorption manoeuvre. So did Olmstead...
and many other people who were shareholders and board members of the
soon-to-be-former U.P.I. Also, Cullen's "option" was "folded" into the deal
and in consideration of this he was awarded another giant chunk of stock.
So, the set up of Beam Rays Inc. was implemented through a series of
a) Rife made a deal with Hoyland for a 55/45 split in ownership of the
Rife-conceived -Hoyland-built ray device.
b) That deal was then revamped to include Hutchinson in a rough three way
split for ownership of the device.
c) Then a "side-deal" between Cullen and Rife where Cullen was given an
d) Then the three "owners" of the device signed another contract with a
company called U.P.I., (formally named United Aero Schools and slated to
become Beam Rays Inc.). This was a contract of the "invention owners"
conferring rights to "Beam Rays Inc." to manufacture, sell, lease, license
and otherwise control the device.
e) Then, this company (Aero Schools/U.P.I./Beam Rays Inc.), signed yet
another contract with the British group of doctors conferring to them
exclusive territorial rights to manufacture and sell the device in the U.K.
This agreement included the delivery to the British of four Beam Ray
Machines for their use in developing their new license - prototypes for
their R&D and manufacturing departments.
f) Several deals were made with various "investors" for the purpose of
acquiring capitol to conduct the business of Beam Rays Inc. These deals were
mostly quasi-legal stock transfers made by Hutchinson to other people. Some
of these "investors" became Directors on the board of the corporation as
well as Shareholders.
g) Several individual deals between Beam Rays Inc. and various doctors in
the Western United States concerning the sale or lease of Beam Ray Machines
for use in their clinics.
h) And finally, a completely separate deal between Rife and Dr. Gonin
regarding the commissioned manufacture of a virus microscope that had
nothing to do with Beam Rays Inc.
By the time the British doctors arrived in San Diego for their first
meeting with Rife and this new company, there was ample evidence that Beam
Rays Inc. had been busy. A flurry of extensive, detailed articles suddenly
appeared in the local newspapers: the San Diego Tribune, the San Diego Union
and the Evening Tribune. Coinciding with the arrival of the British doctors,
and through the first week of their stay, the headlines read:
"Dread Disease Germs Killed By Radio Waves San Diegan Claims; Specific
Destroyer of all Deadly Microbes, Hope; Cancer Organism Isolated"
"San Diego Doctors Await Rife Ray Medical Tests; New Principle in
Microscope of San Diegan Inventor"
"San Diegan's Microscope Magnifies 30,000 Times; Fly Would Look Like
Monster Under Local Scientist's Instrument"
"Dread Disease Germs Destroyed By Rays: Cancer Blow Seen After 18 Year
Toil By Rife; Apparatus Seen As Boon To Medical World."
Rife himself had embarked on a local lecture tour. He visited Men's
Clubs, High-Society meetings, Business Association dinners and various other
community groups regaling these respective gatherings with tales of his
"works-in-progress." Rife was dazzling when he was on stage, in charge, and
the centre of attention. If this was "promotion" then it was of the sort
that Rife could handle.
The Rife/Beam Ray/Super-Microscope paradigm was about to "break out of
the box." The whole operation was "almost famous." When Dr. Gonin and
company arrived from England they found that the act of having dinner in
public with these people garnered their own headline: "Visiting Doctors
Honor Point Loma Scientist at Dinner."
The Gonins (the doctor and his wife) stayed with the Hendersons while in
San Diego. The Hendersons were an elderly couple that figure into this story
as more than just hosts to the Gonins. Benjamin Henderson was a retired
military man, possibly moderately wealthy, and a shareholder in the (former)
U.P.I corporation. As a result, Mr. Henderson was a shareholder in the
current Beam Rays Inc. incarnation and thus had an interest in the
forthcoming Gonin/Beam Rays deal. Henderson would be called as a witness in
the ensuing Beam Rays trial. Mrs. Henderson's part in this is much less
mundane. She had developed breast cancer. She was refusing treatment because
that meant a mastectomy and she couldn't deal with permanently disfiguring
surgery. Apparently Mrs. Henderson, even for a woman her age, had a
"stunning figure." The idea of parting with her "robust curves," even if to
save her life, was not something she was prepared to do. It didn't look good
for her. She was being eaten by cancer and she was dying. Her subsequent
disfigurement was apparently well advanced when Ben Cullen heard about their
plight and brought her to see Rife. Then, in a matter of months, Rife (with
Dr. Couche) essentially "cured" her of breast cancer. Mrs. Henderson's
breasts were almost fully restored to their former glory - she was still
taking the last of her treatments with the Beam Ray Machine when the Doctor
and Mrs.Gonin arrived as guests from England. Mrs. Henderson also became a
shareholder in Beam Rays Inc. and was also called as a witness in the Beam
For the wealthy Dr.Gonin, this trip to San Diego to visit the
mad-scientist/genius Royal R. Rife would turn out to be the wind that filled
his sails for the rest of his life. Unlike many other doctors and scientists
who had visited Rife's laboratory and, for various reasons of their own,
"refused to see what was right in front of their eyes," Gonin saw. What
Gonin saw was that everything in this wonderland-of-analytical-science known
as "The Rife Research Laboratory" was integral to the whole. If you wanted
to take "the work" out of this lab and put it into another lab you could not
do it simply by duplicating the technology in another place. There is an
implicit exacting methodology by which the technology must be employed. The
"work" or "the hard part" of any "Rife research" resides in the "levels of
exactitude" one must employ in the application of this technology to obtain
the desired results. This is true for every element of the "Rife paradigm" -
the optical light path in his microscope must be precisely aligned to within
mere microns, or it won't work; the Mortal Oscillatory Rate of a
microorganism is of an exact frequency and the generation thereof must be
from stable electronics, or it won't work; The pH level of a culture media
must be adjusted to a defined parts-per-million-ratio, or it won't work; to
look at the cancer virus the illuminator of the Rife microscope must be
aligned to 12.and 3/10 degrees, or it won't work... and on and on. Gonin saw
all of this and knew what to do.
After his return to England he would ready a laboratory designed and
built to Rife's suggested specifications. Rife would be commissioned to
build a microscope for Gonin; personally transport it to England; and stay
at the new laboratory for as long as it would take to teach the British Team
the "ins and outs" of Rife's cancer research and bacteriology studies - a
spare-no-expense effort to red-carpet Rife into the heady (and highly
influential) spectrum of Gonin's ilk: the British high-science Glitterati.
And that was the plan for the microscopes, the cancer work, the bacteriology
studies and for Rife himself... but when it came to the subject of "that Ray
Machine over there..." Gonin was met with, "Well, you'll have to talk to
Beam Rays Inc. about that." And so, somewhat perturbed by the sudden
"corporate" edge that emerged when the Beam Ray Machine came up, Gonin and
his compatriots went to deal with "a Mister Hoyland and a Mister
Hutchinson," over the matter of obtaining some machines to take home.
The deal Gonin settled on with Beam Rays Inc. was this:
For $51,000 Gonin would receive delivery of four Beam Ray Machines. Two
of them would be the bulkier research models for laboratory research and
development, and the other two would be the smaller, sleeker treatment
models designed for clinical use - all with specific instructions for
calibration, troubleshooting and other service requirements (including MOR
frequencies). As well, an exclusive license and territorial rights for the
U.K. to manufacture and sell Beam Ray Machines. The details of royalties and
other financial considerations would be worked out upon delivery of the last
operational machine. Gonin gave Beam Rays Inc. $15,000 to get the deal
rolling and construction of the machines started. He returned to England to
ready his laboratory and await their arrival.
Meanwhile, the summer of 1938 was one of expansion for Beam Rays Inc.
Perhaps it was the publicity from the recent articles in the newspaper and
Rife's lecture circuit, word of mouth from doctor to doctor, or maybe it was
the promotion work of Hutchinson paying off - whatever the cause, Beam Rays
Inc. started to get orders for machines. Reports vary as to the number of
frequency machines manufactured and made available to area clinics - the
numbers cited range between six and fourteen. Hoyland got busy constructing
them (he employed a team of men to do the actual work), and Hutchinson got
busy finding "investors" to help pay manufacturing costs. The Board of
Directors and Executive Officers of Beam Rays Inc. - Cullen, Olmstead,
Hutchinson and others - worked out ways of providing equity to those with
interest in the company. Within its bizarrely complex corporate structure,
the titles of Stockholder, Director, Executive Officer and Owner were often
all shared by one person - Hutchinson for example was all of these. Hoyland
was an Owner and a Shareholder at first and would become a Director later in
the fall of that year. Rife was an Owner and a Shareholder. Many of the
Directors were elected because they owned some stock. Not all of these
transfers of stock and title were as formal as they ought to have been. The
issue of the legality of these manoeuvres would later become one of the
premises for the lawsuit against the company.
During the summer of 1938 Rife travelled to Philadelphia to visit an eye
doctor who was treating him for advancing blindness brought on by the
cumulative thousands of hours he spent over the last ten years focusing into
his microscope eyepiece. While in the east, Rife also conferred with several
colleagues and tried to get his official documentation, passport and birth
certificate in order in preparation for his upcoming trip to England. While
Rife was away things began to unravel in San Diego.
The manufacture of the four British Beam Ray Machines was finished in
August. They were crated and shipped to England. Significantly, this was
done without Rife's final inspection and approval. This would come back to
haunt them. It was Hoyland who packed and shipped the machines to England.
Later, when the crates finally arrived in London, there would be trouble for
Hoyland. However, by the time that problem arrived Hoyland would be immersed
in other troubles. It seems that Beam Rays Inc. started to have problems
with the machines that were already sold and being used in clinics. It
wasn't long before it became apparent that Hoyland's revamped design for the
Beam Ray Machine was unstable. Hoyland was constantly called upon to go to
the doctor's office and "fix the machine"- recalibrate dial settings;
service a leaky tube; solve over-heating issues; solve "frequency drift"
problems... etc. As the summer of 1938 waned Beam Rays Inc. started to
In reading the letters, transcripts, depositions and such, there is a
sense that a stark realisation was slowly dawning upon them - both
collectively and as individuals - that this hastily arranged business
venture might be as inherently unstable as Hoyland's machines were turning
out to be. Everyone started fighting. Arguments surfaced regarding issues of
propriety; "consideration;" the odd stock transfer arrangements that
Hutchinson was setting up to acquire funds; what to do about machine
instability; who should, and how to, deal with the British... etc. The
driving force behind the tension was the realisation that the centrepiece of
their burgeoning empire - the "invention" - was practically worthless. The
Beam Ray Machine was unpatentable. It was a variable frequency generator
hooked up to a helium tube - it couldn't do anything different enough or
distinct from already existing equipment to be eligible for patent
consideration. It was obvious to all that the only things of value in the
process they were endorsing (or selling) were the MOR frequencies. And they
only had value if they were secret. So secret were the frequencies that
nobody knew them except Hoyland, (Rife of course) and a few others. The
Board of Directors, the Executive Officers and the Shareholders of Beam Rays
Inc., did not, and were not allowed to know the frequencies. There was a
panicked sense among them that it was only a matter of time before this
whole thing spun out of their control.
The British doctors finally received their four Beam Ray Machines in
mid-September after an inexplicably long transit time in shipping. To
further frustrate them, the crates were held in British customs for several
weeks awaiting clearances. While the crates were in transit, prior to their
delivery, Gonin and his associates were communicating with Hoyland and Beam
Rays Inc. (via Hutchinson) by way of constant Western Union telegraph
messages. Hoyland was being "difficult" with regard to delivery of promised
circuit and design information as stipulated in the British contract. This
"promised" information included a list of the "Rife frequencies" or the
numerical MORs that were at the heart (and the secret) of the system. After
much delay Hoyland finally sent the requested schematics, including the
frequencies. To the British doctors, the delivered frequency information was
unintelligible. They repeatedly asked for clarification. Hoyland replied
repeatedly that the frequency information had been delivered to them but was
unintelligible because it was "in code." He insisted that they should be
able to use the machines to figure out the code to determine the actual
numerical frequency values. The British replied, saying essentially, "That's
ridiculous, we don't have the machines yet - give us the damn frequencies
like you agreed!" This went on for weeks until the Beam Ray Machines finally
arrived in London. Then a new, even bigger Hoyland-wrinkle was revealed. The
British doctors found the machines didn't work as specified. Two of them
weren't even wired together properly - with open connections, loose, hanging
wires and components not even hooked up. Two other machines bore obvious
physical damage. The two that at least turned on when plugged-in operated
sporadically, both putting out radically different signals. The British
found themselves with four unreliable machines that could not even be used
to help "decode" Hoyland's bizarre frequency encryption.
Needless to say, Gonin and associates were quite perturbed and demanded
immediate action by Beam Rays Inc. to help correct the situation. But
Hoyland's response to the British was to adopt a posture of stubbornness and
intransigence. So the British tried to do an "end run" around him and
contact other members of the Board of Beam Rays Inc. to find out what was
going on. This of course brought the Board of Directors down on Hoyland with
loud inquiries echoing the British as to what in hell was going on. The
whole episode brought the question of the "Frequency List" to a head within
Beam Rays Inc. Hoyland's position was this:
(Paraphrasing Hoyland) "Using my oscilloscope I determined what the
frequencies were from Rife's old machine and then transferred them to my new
machine. The original correct frequencies (that Rife had) were derived from
the dial settings on Rife's old machines. This is an inaccurate way to
ascertain what the exact final output frequency will be. Better to read the
applied frequency directly from my oscilloscope, like I have done. I
therefore have an updated list of these new, more accurate frequencies. We
all agree that this information must be kept secret, it being the only
component of value from an unpatentable product. Because it is through my
labour that we have this list, and because I am a majority owner of the
invention, then I will be the bearer of the secret. It will be dispensed on
a "need-to-know" basis only. The Board of Beam Rays Inc. does not need to
know what the frequencies are."
The effect here was that Hoyland was subtly discrediting Rife's frequency
list while saying his newly derived list contained not only the "real"
frequencies, but that they belonged to him alone. The Board argued that
maybe all of this was so, but the contract they have with the British
clearly puts Gonin in a need-to-know position, so, "why do you not send them
the frequencies?" Hoyland's repeated answer was, "I already have sent them
the frequencies, in code." The Board further inquired as to what they were
supposed to do about the frequencies in the event of Hoyland's untimely
death. Hoyland said (disingenuously) that they could of course get the
frequencies from Rife - but to protect against all-out catastrophe he
enclosed copies of the "new" frequencies in two sealed envelopes. One he
gave to his attorney and the other he gave to Board Director George Edwards
to be opened only in the event of his death.
Where was Rife in all of this? He was keeping as far away from Beam Rays
Inc. as possible. His distance from the proceedings was aided by the fact
that Hoyland and Hutchinson were not revealing important details of their
contact with the British, either as individuals, or collectively as Board
members of Beam Rays Inc. and co-Owners of the invention. In fact they were
shielding from Rife most of the company's business. Gonin was in constant
contact with Rife, but his dealings were concerned solely with the
microscope and Gonin's new laboratory. Gonin, who knew of Rife's aversion to
"business," did not discuss with him (via-mail) their trouble with Beam Rays
Inc. (and Hoyland) until months later when the situation became dire. By
then it was too late.
Meanwhile, Rife was having little progress building Gonin's commissioned
microscope due to his recent trip east and other distractions - and Gonin
was "champing at the bit" for a Rife microscope to begin work in his lab.
Gonin made an offer to speed things up. There was a young microscope
assistant in Rife's employ, 22 year-old Henry Siner. Well-versed in Rife's
laboratory techniques, microscope operation and bacteriological theory,
Siner, a "quick study," had been involved with Rife for only a few months
prior to Gonin's first visit. Gonin proposed that Siner make preparations to
leave for England as soon as possible. He would come to Gonin's lab in Kent
and bring with him Rife's Number Four Microscope. Gonin would return this
borrowed microscope when Rife finished construction and delivery of his own
(Gonin's Number Five Rife Microscope). In the meantime, with the loaned
Number Four Microscope and his new wife in hand, Siner was to move to
England to work in Gonin's lab in preparation for Rife's forthcoming visit.
Siner was completely enthusiastic about the proposition and they began
preparations for his departure.
By this time Philip Hoyland had deeply immersed himself into Beam Rays
Inc.'s affairs. He had always attended their Board meetings as a
Shareholder, Owner and technical Chief, but on September 6, 1938 he was
elected a Director of the Board (with a little help from Hutchinson). The
timing of this was perfect. Hoyland was to be on hand (in a power position)
when his packaged crates filled with broken Beam Ray Machines arrived in
England. As one of the Directors, Hoyland was in a much more privileged
position within the company for the ensuing months of heated negotiations
(or non-negotiations as it were) with the British regarding coded
frequencies and inoperable machines. It would seem that at this point, in
September and October when both Hoyland and Hutchinson sat on the Board of
Directors together, that certain conspiratorial activities began in earnest
involving a confederacy between the two. Most of the other people involved
with Beam Rays Inc. (including Rife) were "frozen out" of the British deal
as Hoyland and Hutchinson dominated. All negotiations (amendments,
adjustments and such) concerning the British contract and most overseas
communications with them were filtered by Hoyland and Hutchinson.
Now, a new and very complicated element came into play. Hoyland sent a
letter to the British as soon as he became a Director which stated that the
"first party" of their agreement appeared to be wrongly assumed (by the
Brits) to be Beam Rays Inc. when in fact it was the Owners. On the face of
it, this assertion seems to be upside-down and illogical - the reason Beam
Rays Inc. had been formed in the first place was to create a "first party"
to manage, manufacture, sell, lease and license the Beam Ray Machine so that
the technology could be conveyed to various "second parties" (the British
among them). This letter Hoyland sent to Gonin seemed to deny this. The
position Hoyland was taking (or had begun taking) was that Beam Rays Inc.
was merely an intermediary between the two parties in the deal: the Owners
(first party) and the British (second party). Because of this, all monies
paid by the British respective to the contract should be made payable to
Philip Hoyland or other "first party" Owners and not to Beam Rays Inc.
In a literal way, Hoyland was right. But he was correct only in fact, not
in principle. It appears that nowhere in the contract between Beam Rays Inc.
and the Owners do the Owners confer exclusive licensing rights to Beam Rays
Inc. or any right to sub-license the invention to other companies. It was,
however, the intention of everyone involved with the contract to do this,
indeed it was the reason the contract was created in the first place, but
somehow it wasn't included in the actual final wording. Therefore, according
to Hoyland, Beam Rays Inc. signing a contract with the British that
conferred licensing powers was clearly a case of a corporation selling
rights that it did not itself possess. The contract between Beam Rays Inc.
and the British seemed to be inapplicable to the deal they were trying to
make because the contract between Beam Rays Inc. and the Owners did not
actually specify the conveyance of powers that would make such an contract
legitimate. The oddity of this situation lies in the fact that the matter of
the conveyance of licensing rights from the Owners to Beam Rays Inc. was
fully hashed out between all involved parties. Indeed it was one of the most
discussed elements of the whole contract negotiation - that and the question
of dividing interests and powers within the group. Later, the absence of
specific wording about "licensing" in the written contract was explained by
confusion brought about by the numerous manifest drafts of the agreement and
the "unskilled labour" that was employed in the legal offices where they
were typed out. Also, several other related agreements were being drawn up
simultaneously - a tangle of interrelated contracts - so this added to the
During the upcoming trial, everyone, including Hutchinson, testified that
in the early summer of 1938, after protracted and detailed discussion on the
matter, Beam Rays Inc. signed a contract with the Owners of the Beam Ray
Machine that conferred exclusive, world-wide licensing rights onto the
corporation including the right to sub-license - or at least this was the
intention of everyone involved. The omission of that stipulation in the
wording of the contract was inadvertent. The only person who disagreed with
this position (in court) was Philip Hoyland. He firmly held the position
that there were no talks about exclusive licensing rights being given to
Beam Rays Inc. during the course of contract negotiations and such language
is absent from the contract because such rights have never been discussed or
conferred. Hutchinson of course (in court) denied any knowledge of this
situation prior to Hoyland having brought it up. He had to take the position
(the same as everyone else) that the license situation was based on an
unintentional contractual error. To admit to believing that Beam Rays Inc.
didn't have valid licensing rights was to admit to being in a conspiracy
with Hoyland to exploit said situation - not something that Hutchinson was
prepared to do on a witness stand. As it stood in the fall, it appears as if
Hutchinson did know about this and conspired with Hoyland to marshal the
British deal into this new interpretation of the situation - without
informing Beam Rays Inc. In other words, Hutchinson and Hoyland went behind
the back of their own corporation (in which they were both sitting on the
Board) to steal the contract out from under the company in favour of the
Rife, the third Owner, was oblivious to these machinations. He put his
complete trust in Hutchinson and Hoyland as managers and facilitators of
their shared ownership of the invention and was not in the least suspicious
of anything they told him of their affairs with Beam Rays Inc. or anything
they asked him to sign pertaining to those affairs. Thus, a pliable,
vulnerable and somewhat inept Dr. Rife allowed himself to be manipulated by
people he trusted. By the time he caught on to what was happening, it was
too late. With greed being the apparent motivating factor for Hoyland and
Hutchinson, it seems as if they were both of the belief that two Owners are
better than three - if the two are they.
Deceitful action was not limited to marginalizing Rife's involvement in
the enterprise by keeping him in the dark and using him as a
document-signing puppet. As time went on and different versions of the Beam
Ray Machine came out of Hoyland's workshop - it started to become something
that was so technically far removed from Rife's original approach that it
was (from Hoyland's perspective) debatable whether or not Rife had a stake
in it anymore. Rife's old device was a big, clunky, modular "contraption."
Hoyland's new machines were smaller, sleeker, and portable. Hoyland combined
recent advances in electronics with sophisticated circuit design - more
advanced than the "old school" circuitry Rife had employed. Further, on
Rife's old device the dial settings indicated the frequency of the output
signal and the device itself was simply a large, modular frequency generator
that provided particularly high power ratings in certain high-frequency
band-widths where the MORs resided. Hoyland's new machines took the MOR
frequencies and hid them within the circuitry of the machines so that the
dial settings would not give the true output frequency but an encoded
numeric equivalent. The output signal on Hoyland's machines was generated by
an indirect means within the machine, unlike Rife's original device (whose
output signal was generated directly). In other words, Rife's old machines
were designed to mainly present the frequency in question and Hoyland's new
machines were designed to mainly hide the frequency in question. This is
what was behind the "code" confabulation with the British. Hoyland's
machines were indeed coded to mask the frequencies while delivering them.
And this brings us to the final point of difference in the two machine
camps. Rife's original machines were high-frequency devices. He found that
the MORs for most bugs were in the radio range of frequencies - very high.
So Rife's "frequency instruments" were designed to provide maximum power at
these higher ranges. Hoyland changed all of that and in doing so he messed
with the frequencies. Hoyland's idea was to convert Rife's discovered MOR
frequencies by mathematically translating them down to a lower harmonic -
like playing the same note on a piano but several octaves lower. Hoyland's
machines used these "harmonics" to do the work of hiding the frequency. The
result was a whole new set of numbers - a whole new set of frequencies - a
whole new set of MORs - a whole new electronic encryption method to scramble
these new numbers - a whole new waveform - a whole new power signature
(fundamentally different than the old one) - a whole new bandwidth - a whole
new approach - a whole new machine. This, from Hoyland's point of view, was
what they were dealing with now. This was his invention, and the only thing
left to do was to get everyone else to see it this way.
So, Hoyland was not only conspiring with Hutchinson in this power gambit
against Beam Rays Inc. using license irregularities in the Owner/company
deal, but he was also (simultaneously) conspiring with Hutchinson to slowly
freeze Rife out of their shared ownership deal. This, at least, is what
attorney Bert Comparet believed - as evidenced by a close examination of
their behaviour at this time.
It is amazing that Hutchinson didn't see it coming, but unbeknownst to
him, Hoyland had another bit of underhandedness that he was preparing to
unleash - this time on Hutchinson. Apparently Hoyland never told Hutchinson
that he believed there was a better proposition than "two Owners are better
than three." It seemed Hoyland's new inspiration was "one Owner is better
than two (or three)." Hutchinson was about to be eliminated. In order to
pull this off, Hoyland would need a patsy. He found one in the person of
George Edwards, a Director of the Board for Beam Rays Inc. Hoyland laid the
groundwork for his move against Hutchinson by protracted manipulation of
George Edwards. Hoyland and Edwards had "many meetings" - at Edwards' house,
at restaurants, at the Courthouse where Edwards worked as a clerk - all
alone and all secretly (until of course later when they both had to speak to
it at the trial). The topic of their discussion was the horrible disarray in
the affairs of Beam Rays Inc. and what to do about it. Edwards was alarmed
by Hoyland's arguments that Hutchinson was to blame for all the problems in
the company - that Hutchinson had entangled the corporation in a labyrinth
of weird stock transfers that nobody really understood and that were
probably illegal - that Hutchinson is a disaster and must be dealt with. It
should be noted here that Edwards was not a bright man. "He is not a
suspicious man, his mind works slowly," is one of the ways Judge Kelly (from
the Beam Rays trial) phrased his condition. This is important only because
it shows that it was likely that Hoyland dominated their conversations. It
appears that Hoyland was using Edwards for several things: 1) to subvert
Hutchinson's position within the Board of Beam Rays Inc., 2) to set the
stage for the presentation of a "solution" to the problems, 3) to supply
rhetoric to Edwards (by convincing him of things) so that "a Board member of
the company" would back up Hoyland's (soon to be announced) ownership claims
on the contract, 4) to help smooth over the strained relations Hoyland was
having with the Board and Stockholders of Beam Rays Inc. as a result of the
trouble his unstable machines were causing the company as well as the
trouble caused by his stalling on the British deal.
The Brits had stopped payment on several checks as a result of the "train
wreck" they received in the mail (busted Beam Ray Machines) and Hoyland's
dodgy behaviour in response to it. Meanwhile, Hoyland was secretly preparing
a legal challenge to Hutchinson in a document that renounced all contracts
made with him and all right or title that Hutchinson may have in the Beam
Ray Machine as an Owner, and in Beam Rays Inc. as a manager and shareholder
(based on various grounds to be examined later). Preparations were being
made to kick out Hutchinson by buying him out. Hutchinson suspected nothing.
Hoyland's conversations with Edwards were apparently meant to lubricate
passage of this motion within the company (Hutchinson's company) when it was
But then, on Halloween, just before Hutchinson was to be approached and
challenged, Dr. Gonin made a move. A cablegram arrived from England stating
this: "Distressed no reply to our recent cable. Can you send representative
authorised to act to meet Gonin, New York. November 17? Reply." When this
got no response, like many cables leading up to it, the British then sent
this cable on November 3rd: "All convinced you do not get our cables or
letters. Could you meet me New York, November 17th with power of attorney to
discuss situation? Fear losing funds offered us. Signed Gonin."
From Gonin's perspective, he was getting "the run around" from Beam Rays
Inc. He was funding the microscope deal and his arrangement with Rife out of
his own pocket, but for the Beam Rays deal there were "investors." Gonin was
having trouble stalling these men - unable to show them a working investment
and afraid they would feel he had led them (and their money) into a con - he
wanted a meeting with Beam Rays Inc. to resolve all the troubles and
uncertainties. There were amendments to their contract with Beam Rays Inc
that Gonin wanted to discuss (and to sign). He also wanted answers to the
technical questions that plagued them ever since receiving the broken Beam
When retrospectively observing the machinations of Philip Hoyland during
this time (like we are doing here) it is difficult to determine exactly what
Hoyland's "end game" was with respect to his activities with the British.
Did he wait for a situation to develop, or did he engineer the situation's
development? Did he, by being unresponsive to important cables at a critical
time, force Gonin to call a meeting in New York - or did Gonin's call for a
meeting in New York upset plans that he already had in motion? It is
difficult to say. As it was, Hoyland and Hutchinson would meet Gonin in New
York as Owners and convince him to make all checks payable to them as
individuals (and Owners) instead of Beam Rays Inc. the company. The
malfunctioning Owners/Beam Rays deal was basically a contract that
Hutchinson signed with himself. His interpretation of what was truly
represented in the arrangement would be the most credible. With Hutchinson
at his side, Hoyland had someone with him who was sympathetic to the idea of
sneakily reinterpreting the British deal in light of his hitherto
reinterpretation of the Owner/Company deal. Together, Hoyland and Hutchinson
would carry the argument better than any one of them singly. They would tell
Gonin he is making incorrect assumptions regarding the nature of the Beam
Rays/Owner contract and is therefore confused about who gets the checks in
the Beam Rays/British contract. It appears their plan was to baffle Gonin
with blarney. It was perfect for Hoyland to have Hutchinson there in New
York and a simple matter to forestall his planned blindside attack on him
until a more opportune time.
Both of them resigned from the Board at the beginning of November, just
days after receiving Gonin's final plea to meet on the 17th. There is a
document signed by the remaining Board that gives Hoyland and Hutchinson the
power to speak for the company at the New York meeting in light of their new
non-Director status. It is certain that Hoyland leaned on his puppet George
Edwards to help sell this very suspicious looking arrangement to the rest of
the Board so as to be able to extract a signed Power of Attorney deferral
out of them. Having signed such a document implies the Board accepted
whatever explanation was provided which justified two Board members quitting
just prior to crossing the country to represent the Board they just resigned
from. They both testified that at their meeting in New York, Gonin never
asked to see the Power of Attorney document which implies they didn't tell
him that they were no longer on the Board. This would further enhance their
position because Gonin would perceive their interpretation of the contracts
as endorsed by Beam Rays Inc.- indeed as originating from the company.
Hoyland and Hutchinson returned from New York having successfully conned
Gonin out of several thousand dollars in checks. This was money still owed
(from previous stop-payments) - new checks made out to Owners Philip Hoyland
and C.R. Hutchinson. However it wasn't long before Gonin, after conference
with his "investors" upon his return to England, immediately put a
stop-payment order on these new checks and sent this cable: "Without
prejudice must not pay checks since payment under original contract is to
company not individuals." The reasoning that Hoyland and Hutchinson used to
convince Gonin of their rights as Owners regarding the contract between Beam
Rays Inc. and the British did not convince Gonin's legal council back in
England. The invalid checks to the Owners were stopped. To replace the
cancelled checks, Gonin made out corresponding checks to Beam Rays Inc. and
immediately sent them.
In light of Gonin's apparent rejection of this attempt to insert the
Owners as a "first party" entity into the British contract with Beam Rays
Inc., Philip Hoyland reverted back to his former multi-tiered plot: get rid
of Hutchinson - get rid of Beam Rays Inc. - marginalise Rife. To do this, it
appears that Hoyland had a new element laying in wait. To lubricate the
landscape for the introduction of this new element into the affairs of Beam
Rays Inc. Hoyland utilised George Edwards. Hoyland's plan for bringing this
new element into play was to have it appear as if said introduction was not
Hoyland's idea, but Edwards'. (An imagined conversation based on the
admitted details and dynamics of the situation):
HOYLAND: George, if there was only something we could do to get this
wonderful cure away from the clutches of Hutchinson and safely back to the
original plan introduced by dear Dr. Rife: a sympathetic group dedicated to
putting the machine into as many clinics as possible and with the know-how
and ability to do it.
EDWARDS: I agree. That's what's needed.
HOYLAND: Okay George, since you think we need to find another group that
can handle this task, do you happen to know anybody up to the job?
EDWARDS: No. Do you?
HOYLAND: I may know somebody who might be up to this job that you say
needs to be done. There are some friends of mine from Los Angeles. This kind
of thing might be right up their alley. Do you think I should contact them
and see if they are interested in your proposal.
And so that (or something like it) is how Philip Hoyland introduced the
mysterious Khan brothers into this affair. Recall that these Kahn brothers
(or Mr. Khan, or just Khan), are alleged to be, according to Ben Cullen's
repeated testimony (in interview, not at the trial), agents of Morris
Fishbein, Supreme Dictator of the American Medical Association. Recall also
that this is an allegation that stands alone (it has never been alleged by
anyone other than Cullen) and has never been proven. Cullen gave eyewitness
testimony to Philip Hoyland's admission that he was bribed by Khan with
$10,000 to scuttle the whole (Beam Rays) operation. Cullen said this
admission took place afterward, when the smoke had cleared from the trial,
adding that Hoyland was "very sorry and wished to God he'd never accepted
it." It should be noted that even if it is true that Khan bribed Hoyland
with $10,000 to scuttle Beam Rays Inc., this in no way proves (or even
implies) an AMA connection to Khan - that he (or they) were working as an
agency of the AMA. Leaving aside the spectre of the AMA for a moment (we
will be back), the question does remain that if Hoyland truly did receive a
bribe from Khan - then when did it happen? Did Hoyland meet Khan (like he
says) around the same time that he prompted George Edwards to ask for their
introduction? Or, was it several months prior, before Hoyland crated and
shipped four suspiciously inoperative machines to England? Or, might it have
been even before that? What little Hoyland says of Khan appears to be
deliberately vague - in early December he indicated to George Edwards that
at that time the Kahn's were "friends." On the other hand, Hutchinson
indicates (in his deposition) an early acquaintance between Hoyland and Khan
going back to the inception of Beam Rays Inc. in the spring. He
characterises this acquaintance as a "conspiracy" which culminated when
Hoyland sought "an opportunity to make a more favourable agreement with said
Kahn and others for the right to manufacture and distribute the Rife Ray
Machine." The general testimony among most participants was that Khan was
there with $100,000 to inject into the enterprise and a business plan that
put Beam Rays Inc. to shame - in effect Khan wanted to buy out Beam Rays
Inc. and take over completely with a new contract with whatever Owners were
still standing when the dust settled (ie - Philip Hoyland). Khan was Philip
Hoyland's attempt at a coup to eliminate all obstacles to maximum profit in
one fell swoop - Rife, Hutchinson and Beam Rays Inc.
In mid-December the Khan brothers were presumably waiting in Los Angeles
for Philip Hoyland to soften up George Edwards in preparation for their
introduction to Beam Rays Inc. Their arrival in San Diego was preceded by
the arrival of another character who is identified by Ben Cullen of being
yet another agent of the AMA, one Aaron Sapiro, a high-priced and famous Los
Angeles attorney. Sapiro came with a colourful bio. At the time he was
officially retained by Philip Hoyland on December 20, 1938, Sapiro was
languishing in the twilight of his highly controversial career.
Sapiro came to the Beam Rays trial as "the famous lawyer." More than a
decade previous he successfully sued Henry Ford (yes, that Henry Ford) on
charges of defamation and libel in a widely publicised show trial: Sapiro
vs. Ford. Industrialist Henry Ford believed that the infamous tract "The
Protocols of the Elders of Zion" was a true statement authored by agents of
an "international Zionist conspiracy." He also believed that this conspiracy
had infiltrated (and was infiltrating) into the echelons of power in all
sectors of society. Ford used his smallholdings in the publishing industry
to print long indictments speaking out against this perceived threat,
promoting the notion that the "Protocols" speak to an actual conspiracy and
group. Detailed within these articles were the activities of one Aaron
Sapiro, proclaiming him to be a "change-agent-provocateur" whose work was on
behalf of this Jewish conspiracy. Sapiro had been active in many parts of
the United States and Canada promoting and organising "farming collectives"
to help small farms unify in the face of encroaching governmental
regulations. Ford saw this as communism, and he saw communism as merely a
political control matrix wielded by the "International Jewish Threat." Ford
published his opinions on this matter, or rather, he had his opinions
published. This was a big mistake for Ford because Sapiro was not the kind
of guy to just let that go. He came back at Henry Ford with a $1,000,000
libel lawsuit. Ford had gone too far and was about to become the world's
most famous anti-Semite. "Henry Ford Sued In $1,000,000 Libel Suit" makes an
enduring headline. By the time Sapiro was finished with him, Ford was forced
to retract all of his "crazy talk" about Jewish conspiracies and apologise
in print to all Jews everywhere for being such an offensive fool.
Five years after this affair, Aaron Sapiro was himself indicted on
racketeering charges - busted while working for Al Capone in the infamous
"Chicago Racket" in 1929. His subsequent connections to Meyer Lansky and the
nefarious group known as Murder Inc. of the so-called "Jewish Mafia" finally
got him disbarred in New York State and put him on the FBI watch list. He
was still under suspicion (and possibly also under surveillance) when
Hoyland came knocking. At that time he was languishing in Los Angeles as an
entertainment lawyer with clients such as composer Igor Stravinsky and actor
John Barrymore. Though not in his prime, Sapiro did not come cheap. Most
people, including the Judge in the imminent trial, wondered how Hoyland
could afford such an expensive attorney as Aaron Sapiro.
Back to San Diego in December of 1938: Hoyland and Hutchinson returned
from their New York meeting with personal checks obtained through the
bizarre contractual re-juxtaposition of their "first party" status as Owners
within the British/Beam Rays Inc. contract. It is impossible to know what
"end game" either of them had in mind with regard to how all of this was
going to play out when they returned to San Diego. Wouldn't personal checks
instead of company checks raise some questions from the Board of Directors?
The whole situation is confused by lies told in the retelling. Hutchinson
denies ever talking about, knowing about, or even thinking about the idea
that Beam Rays Inc., his company, did not have a world-wide exclusive
license on the machine. But Hutchinson, also an Owner of the machine, is the
guy who signed a contract with himself containing the significant omission
that set up the situation. Hoyland testifies that Hutchinson was constantly
talking about his plans to license the machines to other manufacturers to
compete with Beam Rays Inc. - thereby implying that he knew and believed
that the company didn't have an exclusive license. It is possible that both
of them were lying (for their own reasons) and that their lies cancel each
other out. Hoyland might be lying about what he knew of Hutchinson's
knowledge and Hutchinson might be lying about his own knowledge. In other
words, Hoyland may be lying, but that doesn't mean Hutchinson was not doing
what Hoyland disingenuously said he did - and himself lying about it. This
looks to be the case, with the caveat that Hoyland's lies were probably
closer to the truth.
When they returned, there was no inquisition. The Board appears to have
been asleep at the wheel. It is unclear what anybody was doing at the time
with the exception of George Edwards. Already a Director of the Board, he
was also recently elected Secretary. As well as being under Hoyland's
influence, Edwards was reportedly also under Hutchinson's domination. The
only reason he was there to begin with was because Hutchinson brought him
in. Edwards was one of Hutchinson's "investors" who joined the company when
he supplied Hutchinson with cash in exchange for stock and title. Since such
transfers of stock must be registered with and approved by the Corporate
Securities Commissioner and since that process takes time and money he
didn't have, Hutchinson found another way around the situation. There was
provision in his title that he could give away portions of his own stock as
a "gift." So he "gave" Edwards a "gift" in the form of a large chunk of
stock in his company. And Edwards gave Hutchinson a "gift" of a roll of
bills. Edwards was then elected to the Board of Directors. Then he was
elected Secretary. Hutchinson performed this stock-transfer-gift manoeuvre
with several people, most of whom were currently sitting on the Board, or
had so in the past.
In mid-December then - after the return from New York, after the British
cancelled their checks to the Owners, and after constant cables from Gonin
trying to get straight answers on the situation - Hoyland was again
conferring with Edwards to find fault with Hutchinson and blame him for all
the current woes of the company. It was suggested that Hoyland should engage
the help of some friends in Los Angeles who may be interested in helping to
reorganise the company should they successfully oust Hutchinson. In response
to this, Hoyland brought Aaron Sapiro to meet George Edwards. Sapiro would
drive home the nails that Hoyland had set to prepare the way for the Khan
They met in an empty courtroom at the courthouse where Edwards worked as
a clerk. It may have been the very courtroom where the Beam Rays trial would
take place. Edwards, the Secretary of the Board, brought the ledgers and
minutes from all past Board meetings of Beam Rays Inc. Sapiro was presented
as Hoyland's new attorney. The three of them talked for hours about the
problems in the company. Sapiro then sat down with the company's books and
for several more hours examined all the previous affairs of Beam Rays Inc. -
their contracts, their stock records, the minutes from all meetings going
back several years prior to Beam Rays Inc. - back into the history and
development of UPI and Cullen's Aero Reserve School, the fledgling companies
that gave birth to the present form. After his inspection of the "books"
Sapiro reported finding many improprieties, irregularities and what looked
like outright illegal manoeuvres within the company's current and previous
business affairs. Upon hearing Sapiro's conclusions, Edwards panicked. He
said he had no idea the company was doing anything illegal and wished to
resign immediately. As mentioned above, Edwards was apparently not a bright
man. The wilting putty he became in the hands of these two characters
evidences this. Sapiro advised him not to leave but to stay and help put
things right in the company. The attorney offered a plan. He would go to the
Corporate Commissioners Office in Los Angeles with Philip Hoyland and
cross-reference Hutchinson's suspected stock improprieties against the
official record. Assuming they would find the expected evidence of
illegality, they wanted to formally present "the case against Hutchinson" to
the Board of Beam Rays Inc. as soon as possible. Edwards agreed to gather
such a meeting. Also, Sapiro wanted to meet Rife and talk with him about his
position as an Owner in this situation
The following week they convened an informal meeting at Rife's
laboratory. Rife was there of course, as were Ben Cullen and a few
shareholders in the company. The only person present from the Board was
George Edwards. The rest of the Board of Directors and Hutchinson were
conspicuously absent. They didn't know this meeting was taking place and
everyone at the meeting knew they didn't know. This was to be a conspiracy
against them. Hoyland had brought his attorney (Sapiro) to lay out his
position to the others. They had brought the Khan brothers with them. After
the litany of problems in the company was revealed, the Khan brothers would
be offered as a solution. The meeting began with Sapiro reporting on their
findings at the Corporate Commissioners office in Los Angeles. It looked
indeed like Hutchinson's stock transfers within the company were illegal.
Sapiro laid out the case against Hutchinson. In the end, the message
delivered was: "Everybody is in trouble because Hutchinson has involved the
company in illegal activities. Now that you are aware of it, if you don't do
something about it immediately then you are a criminal."
The case laid before him was news to Rife. Rife trusted Hutchinson to
manage the company and he trusted Hoyland to make sure that he did it
honestly and with alacrity. Rife didn't want anything to do with "business"
so all he had was his faith that he made the right decision when he handed
it over to Hutchinson and Hoyland. Hoyland was now saying they both had been
conned - that Hutchinson's behaviour in the company was predatory, abusive
and criminal. Rife was shocked by this news and immediately sided with
Sapiro and Hoyland in condemnation of Hutchinson. As for George Edwards,
horrified and embarrassed to hear that his presence in the company was a
product of Hutchinson's criminal business practice, he repeated his offer to
quit. Again he was assured by Sapiro that the best move was to stay and help
with the dissolution of Beam Rays Inc. Sapiro argued that Hutchinson had
involved the company in too many improper activities and irreparably
problematic contracts. It appeared as if the British group were preparing
litigation against Beam Rays Inc. The only way to deal with this, argued
Sapiro, was to dissolve all legal association with Hutchinson followed by
dissolution of the company. Then, a "New Corporation" would be formed.
Contracts with the Owners (minus Hutchinson) and the British would be
renegotiated. The spin on this "Plan" as Sapiro presented it was: "If you
don't do exactly as I tell you and implement this plan to the letter, then
you are a criminal." With that, the Kahn brothers were presented as "the New
Corporation" along with a detailed plan for transferring the business of
Beam Rays Inc. into their own. Ben Cullen reported in his interview that the
President of the Kahn Realty Company tried to "buy into" Beam Rays Inc. That
may have been a misinterpretation because, as delineated in the subsequent
paperwork (most of which was preserved as "Exhibits" in the trial), clearly,
Kahn did not try to "buy into" the company but instead intended to outright
"buy" the company. Part of the Kahn restructuring plan included "paying off"
Hutchinson as well as settling any "consideration due" on all interests
affected by the take-over. To the Kahn Corporation would be deferred all
licenses, rights and contracts formally intended for Beam Rays Inc. To this
arrangement, they also introduced the sum of $100,000 as the amount they
would invest in the new company to "jump start" its stock portfolio.
What did everybody think about this? Rife, bristling from the suggestion
that he might be involved in illegal activities was willing to do anything
to correct the situation. His position was, "Whatever you think is necessary
to fix this, I'll support it," - apparently unaware that he was again making
the same mistake that he made with Hutchinson in the first place. It appears
that the Kahn brothers were not in this for Hoyland's benefit but for their
own. From their perspective, getting rid of Rife was insanity. They didn't
want to marginalize him as was Hoyland's approach. It is evident that Kahn
saw Rife as a goldmine and sought to exploit him. Sapiro's strategy put Rife
right on their side. It appears that nobody wanted to disagree with Rife.
Edwards was in an awkward position as the man who would facilitate the
demise of his company. His job was to go to the remaining Board of Directors
and prepare them for a "special" Board meeting with Sapiro wherein the
attorney would inform them of what was expected of them as a response to
current events. Sapiro/Hoyland/Rife would draw up a legal document,
addressed to Hutchinson, that would be provided to the Board. The Board
would deliver the challenge to Hutchinson. The document would serve notice
to Hutchinson of the intent to oust him, the reasons for it, and the demands
upon him to facilitate his own ouster. It was Edwards' job to make all of
this happen smoothly. It was Ben Cullen's job to just stand there with his
mouth shut while strangers from Los Angeles invaded Rife's laboratory and
quietly explained to everyone (in the most pernicious way) that they were
taking over. Cullen wasn't buying it, but he didn't say so at first.
There was the implicate understanding through all of this that Sapiro was
acting as Hoyland's attorney. This notion was supported at the end of their
initial "laboratory meeting" when Sapiro brought up the question of his
compensation. In retrospect this appears like a deliberate ploy by Sapiro to
set up the situation where he could act with their sanction as their
collective attorney while not being officially named as such. This
distinction would be important later. Everyone knew Sapiro was a
"high-priced famous Jewish lawyer from Los Angeles" and they were probably
all quietly wondering how Hoyland could afford him. They themselves wanted
no part of an "invoice" for this meeting or responsibility for the legal
paperwork Sapiro proposed to generate on their behalf. It was finally agreed
that Sapiro was working as Hoyland's attorney to manage his interests in the
machine and in Beam Rays Inc. and as such he was acting as an agent (but not
lawyer) for the corporation on Hoyland's behalf. However, the corporation
would pay him for his related work on their behalf only if in the end his
plan (and all his labours in service of it) came to fruition. In other
words, Sapiro got them to agree to pay him to manage the demise of their
company but only if they were successfully destroyed in the process and only
if he was not considered their lawyer while he was doing it.
The effectiveness of Aaron Sapiro's "shock and awe" performance at that
initial meeting in Rife's laboratory was immediate - everybody was
ostensibly "on board" for what must happen next: get the Board of Directors
behind the plan for a broadside surprise-attack on C. R. Hutchinson. They
were at least momentarily convinced by Sapiro's spin that to NOT eviscerate
Hutchinson would be illegal. But in the days after the laboratory meeting,
doubt began to set in. Cullen was dubious about Hoyland's part in all of
this and saw the company's troubles stemming mostly from the engineer's
faulty machines and his inexplicable behaviour toward the British. The
positioning to demonize Hutchinson looked to Cullen like a diversionary
ploy. George Edwards was having trouble with the idea that he was required
to deliver to his friend, C. R. Hutchinson, a Shakespearean denunciation and
devastating betrayal of loyalty. He had to also convince the remaining Board
of Directors that they should take Sapiro's advice and slit their own
throats while stabbing their manager in the back. Tempering Edwards'
trepidation were the constant assurances by Sapiro that the
Secretary/Director was a victim of Hutchinson's greed - that indeed the
whole enterprise had been corrupted by their manager's illegal activities.
According to Sapiro, they were all victims. Then, as if in a further effort
to quell any swelling doubt, Kahn went into action. There was a week of
"wining and dining." The benefits of a "New Corporation" were dangled. Cash
flowed. There was a lot of "talk." The perils of not going along with "the
Plan" were emphasised.
Ray Williams, John Ernsting, Ray Reynolds, and Charles Winter, the
standing Board of Directors of Beam Rays Inc., were suitably informed by
Edwards of the situation so that when they finally sat with Sapiro and
Hoyland on Jan. 5, 1939, everybody in the room knew what was going on and
why they were there absent their manager. For their benefit Sapiro again
laid out "the Plan" with emphasis on the consequences of not following it.
It was back to the demonization of Hutchinson in an attempt to get "the
Plan" on track and the Board "online" with it. According to Sapiro's audit
of the company's books, the entire enterprise was illegal and must be fixed.
Then out came the document that the Board was to present to Hutchinson. This
was a several page indictment against Hutchinson and a list of demands that
included his resignation and the complete reversal of all that he had done
in the company. Included was an outline of the "New Corporation" proposed by
Khan and a procedural list of all Hutchinson must do to help implement it.
The document seems to be an expanded version of what Hoyland was going to
present to Hutchinson in early November, before its presentation was
postponed by their trip to New York to meet Gonin. It was also clearly a
blueprint for the termination of Beam Rays Inc. The Board of Directors,
seeing "the Plan" set before them and now fully aware of the extent of
Hoyland's intentions and the implications thereof, told Sapiro/Hoyland the
obvious: Hutchinson will never agree with, or sign, this document - ever.
Sapiro told them that he knew it would be tough. Hutchinson wouldn't just
roll over, he needed to be prodded. It was the Board's job, being "victims"
of Hutchinson's stock shenanigans, to do the prodding. Four days later the
letter to Hutchinson was delivered.
Then, a new development surfaced. Recently, the British doctors declared
that they had been forced into the position where they must sue Beam Rays
Inc. because of the outright breaches of their deal and the company's
steadfast refusal to correct the matter - all incidentally Hoyland's doing.
Incredibly, as the overseas deal disintegrated, the company allowed Hoyland
to conduct their faltering affairs with the British through Sapiro. Sapiro
was directly counselling on the British question and his advice was that if
they kept Hutchinson and his company intact then the British had a good
chance at successful litigation - however if they all just followed "the
Plan" then Dr. Gonin would see reason, forget all about this lawsuit
nonsense, and renegotiate a new contract with the "New Corporation" as per
"the Plan." The British were saying that Beam Rays Inc. hadn't kept up their
end of the bargain. All along Hoyland sought to convince everyone that this
was untrue as far as technical matters were concerned. He believed the
British were stalling for time so as to delay payments and argued that their
company was not in breach on the technical matters that Gonin was
complaining about. But now, a new development had arisen from the smoking
ruins of the British deal. This development complicated the implementation
of Sapiro's plan, indeed it threatened to upset it entirely. Gonin had sent
a new contract in a last ditch effort to avoid proceeding with their
threatened lawsuit against Beam Ray Inc. Because the company appeared to be
unwilling to honour their previous contract and unwilling to coherently
discuss why - then a new contract was dispatched addressing all previous
concerns in the form of amendments to the old contract. This was to be
signed and honoured by Beam Ray Inc. and then they could continue doing
business as if all the unpleasantness hadn't happened. Gonin was supremely
embarrassed by all of this upset because of the other side of the coin - his
microscope deal with Rife. By now, Henry Siner and his wife were settling
into life in England. He had arrived with Rife's Number Four Microscope, on
loan to Gonin until Rife finished manufacturing his own scope (the Number
Five). Gonin and Siner were working together everyday tooling up the British
doctor's new lab in preparation for Rife's imminent arrival. Gonin had to
juggle his exhilaration with Rife and Siner against his exasperation with
Beam Rays Inc. and Philip Hoyland. In sending his new proposal when he did,
Gonin probably didn't know how perfect his timing was for upsetting Aaron
Sapiro's "plan" to smoothly replace one company with another back in San
Diego. Gonin gave those who doubted Hoyland something to latch onto as an
alternative to self-destruction. As it was, a new contract had arrived from
England that promised to solve most problems in the company. Wouldn't it be
better to sign the deal to avoid a lawsuit rather than commit suicide to
manage a lawsuit? Sapiro was adamant that they not sign the new British
deal. Hoyland was adamant that they not sign the new British deal. Everybody
else wanted to sign the new British deal. This was a problem for those
supporting "the Plan."
It is difficult to know what Hoyland's true position was on the British
deal. Were all the "problems" accidental, or were they by design? Did he, as
attorney Bert Comparet describes it, "sabotage" the machines he sent to
England, or were the broken machines just an accidental mistake? Was all the
confusion about "coded frequencies" a deliberate ploy, or was it Hoyland
strictly (and perhaps unfairly) adhering to the letter of the agreement? Was
Hoyland deliberately trying to compel the British to sue them so the
threatened lawsuit could appear to be the legitimate impetus for his action
against Beam Ray Inc. and Hutchinson, or not? It is possible that Hoyland
was planning to compel Gonin to sue them for a while - maybe right back to
before he shipped the broken machines to England. This might have been
Hoyland's "end game" all along. His reasoning behind this alleged "sabotage"
may have involved Khan and it may not have. Exactly when they became
involved is unknown. We have reason to doubt the accuracy of Hoyland's
version of these events (which implies a Hoyland/Khan association just prior
to the middle of December), but we also have reason to doubt Hutchinson's
version (which specifies a Hoyland/Kahn association as far back as April).
They are both demonstrably liars especially on matters of suspected
conspiracy. Kahn may have had nothing to do with Hoyland back at the
beginning - instead, the engineer's own greed may have been behind the
disaster the British deal had become. He may have seen a way he could
manipulate the British situation so as to personally get a better deal in
the end. As it was in January of 1939, impending British litigation was the
perfect catalyst for Hoyland's take-over bid. The scrambled affairs of their
company urgently needed to be sorted out to properly deal with the British
suit. Now it looked like the British situation might work itself out if
everybody behaved reasonably. But Hoyland was having none of that so it was
time for a tantrum. He argued: Regardless of the situation with the British
contract (not because of it) Hutchinson must be eliminated. Because of his
(supposed) illegal stock activity the company's very existence was rooted in
confusion, deception and unfairness. Hutchinson must be dealt with and the
company restructured. Sapiro, tag-teamed with Hoyland, argued that signing
under duress a new (and for them, bad) British deal would solve nothing
while remaining embroiled in Hutchinson's other bad business. Hoyland warned
that if they didn't act immediately against Hutchinson he was going to sue
them. He was going to hit the company hard if Hutchinson didn't sign off on
his demands. The company reiterated that Hutchinson would never concede the
things outlined in Hoyland's demands and would therefore never sign the
document. With that, Sapiro suggested that they all - individually and
simultaneously - file lawsuits against Hutchinson. If all shareholders,
Executive Officers, Directors, and Owners teamed up for a collective
assault, then "Hutchinson would just want to run." Sapiro argued that doing
this would compel Hutchinson to sign the document and adhere to the order
for his dismissal. Hoyland demanded (and Sapiro advised) that they all get
legal council so they may proceed with this strategy.
Then, Cullen and Edwards and others began to denounce the beloved "Plan."
None of them were going to follow Sapiro's advice to collectively sue
Hutchinson. The whole thing was looking more and more like a naked bid for
power by Hoyland. This is when Hoyland, sensing a mounting "stall," decided
to stay true to his word. Sapiro drew up documents that Hoyland delivered to
the Board of Beam Rays Inc. that essentially said - "If you do not denounce
Hutchinson and then dissolve the company so as to allow for its
restructuring in the face of this impending British litigation - then, as an
Owner of the invention and shareholder in the company, I will sue you for
mismanaging my affairs." This document, which also dissolves Hutchinson's
Ownership claim on the machine, became known as "Exhibit C" in the trial.
This was mailed to the Board on Jan. 13, 1939.
Aaron Sapiro, because he was involved in these events, was required to
give a deposition for the upcoming Beam Rays trial. In that deposition he
describes what happened immediately after Hoyland's letter was delivered to
Sapiro's deposition - "That thereafter, about January 16, 1939 Sapiro met
with four defendants, as the Board of Defendant corporation after Hoyland
had mailed to them on January 13, 1939 the notice attached to the complaint
as Exhibit "C" and Sapiro then explained the said notice to the said
directors and advised them expressly to retain to counsel because he had
been instructed by Hoyland to start legal action against them and the
defendant corporation if they failed to act properly thereon; and Sapiro
answered many questions from the said defendant directors thereon and told
them in detail the kind of action that would be filed against them if they
failed to follow in substance the legal demands that had been made upon
them, and Sapiro prepared an answer to the threatening cable which had been
received from the British lawyers and sent it over to Edwards for his use as
Secretary of the corporation, and throughout all the discussions there was
not one word to suggest that all the defendants present did not know that
Sapiro represented Hoyland and had prepared the very notice which had been
sent to them, Exhibit "C" of the complaint."
Beam Ray Inc., who by now were all individually and collectively sick of
Hoyland, Sapiro and Khan, decided to ignore them. It was concluded that this
was Hoyland's game and if he really wanted to play then it was up to him to
make the next move. Hutchinson was also ignoring Hoyland and his gang. They
got no response to their demands. Unable to take being ignored for more than
a few days, a sanctimonious Philip Hoyland officially filed his lawsuit.
Finally then, Beam Rays Inc. engaged its attorney, Eugene Glenn, who
prepared to answer Hoyland's litigation. Hoyland gave them about a week
before he filed a complaint regarding the company's choice of lawyer. With
Sapiro arguing for him, Hoyland charged that attorney Glenn be disqualified
as Beam Rays' lawyer. Apparently Glenn had been attorney for Beam Rays Inc.
while Hoyland was a Director and was thus subject to a conflict of interest.
Hoyland charged that retaining Glenn as council gave the company an unfair
advantage in the suit. Judge Mundo of the Superior Court of Southern
California agreed. Beam Rays Inc. was ordered to find a different attorney
to handle the case for them. This is when trial lawyer Bertrand L. Comparet
entered the story.
To be continued
Next: Deconstructing The Beam Rays Trial: Searching for the AMA
Shawn Montgomery is a freelance writer, researcher and producer. His
video documentary series "The Rise and Fall of a Scientific Genius: The
Forgotten Story of Royal Raymond Rife" can be found at