"Reason
and documentation ... attest to the fact that anti-Jewish
hostility has not been (and is not)
constant and ubiquitous. If it
had been, the conclusion is obvious: Jews could not have survived
individually or collectively, religiously or ethnically."
Alan Edelstein
"Medieval Jewry, much
as it suffered from disabilities and contempt, still was a privileged minority
in every country in which it was tolerated at all."
Salo
Baron, p. 259, 1972
"If Judaism is
fundamentally altruistic in an evolutionarily meaningful sense, it would be expected
that Jews [through history] would characteristically engage in
self-sacrificing behavior on behalf of gentiles -- a thesis for which
there is absolutely no evidence." Kevin
MacDonald, p. 64
"Indeed, the more
religiously conservative a Jew is today, the less likely he or she is to
identify with universalistic ideologies or with the non-Jewish 'poor and
downtrodden.'"
Stanley Rothman
and S. Robert Lichter,
1982,
p. 112
"My God," she gasped
with grief. "Who died?" "Don't worry for nothing," Max assured
her. "It's nobody. They're burying a man called Blenholt today. He's not
a Jew."
Daniel
Fuchs, fiction, "Homage to Blenholt
[in
BERSHTEL, p.113]
In order to understand the present
and prospects for the future, something must be understood about the
past. Jews claim their origins to a seminal patriarch, Abraham, in the
land of Ur (today part of Iraq) 4,000 years ago. Abraham was not a
farmer or village member of a settled community. He was likely one of
the "wandering" tribes of his time, a citizenship less, "outsider"
social class known as the "Apiru," or "Habiru" (Hebrews) who were
scattered across a wide area of the Middle East, from Syria to Egypt.
[ANDERSON, p. 33] According to traditional Jewish religious belief, God
is reputed to have singled out 75-year old Abraham among all people on
earth and struck an arrangement with him, providing his progeny the
consummate family inheritance: "If Abraham will follow the commandments
of God, then He, in His turn, will make the descendants of Abraham His
Chosen People and place them under His protection ... God at this time
stipulates only one commandment, and makes only one promise." [DIMONT,
p. 29] The initial agreement, by modern standards, seems extraordinarily
peculiar. God's commandment was that all males by the eighth day of
birth must have the foreskin of their penises cut off, a painfully
literal branding of Jewish distinction around the male procreative
organ:
"God ... said to Abraham
... You shall circumcise the flesh of
the foreskin and that
shall be the Covenant between Me
and you." GENESIS:
17:9-13
With this physical marking, notes
Barnet Litvinoff, “no male child born of Jewish parentage is ever
allowed to forget he is a Jew ... it reminds him of the doctrine of the
chosen people.” [LITVINOFF, p. 5] "As a sign of this sacred bond, of
being special seed, Chosen," note Herbert Russcol and Margarlit Banai,
"The Lord of the Universe commands Abraham" to circumcize "every man
child among you." And as the Torah states it: "I will establish my
covenant between Me and thee and thy seed after thee in their
generations for an everlasting covenant." [RUSSCOL/BANAI, 1970, p. 173]
Is this alleged commandment by God to the Abrahamic "seed" in Jewish
tradition not racial?
"Circumcision," says Lawrence
Hoffman, "has thus remained the sine qua non of Jewish identity
throughout time. Jews came to believe that it warded off danger, and
even saved Jews from damnation, that the sign of circumcision was
tantamount to carrying God's ineffable name carved in the flesh, that it
was a means of attaining mystical unity with the creator, and that it
brought about visionary experience." [HOFFMAN, p. 11] It also
symbolized, on the male genitals, special attention to the genetic
continuance of the progeny of Abraham, that -- if they obeyed the laws
and demands of God -- they would someday be as "numerous as the stars."
“By the very sexual act itself,” says
Philip Sigal, in explaining traditional thinking, “the circumcized
mystically transmits the covenant to the foetus.” [SIGAL, p. 20] Until
the 20th century, it was normal that during the mezizah phase of
the circumcision ritual, the mohel (the expert who performed the
circumcision) took the infant's "circumcized member into his mouth and
with two or three draughts sucks the blood out of the wounded part. He
then takes a mouthful of wine from a goblet and spurts it, in two or
three intervals, on the wound." [ROMBERG, p. 45] Today, notes Rabbi
Immanuel Jacobovits, "the original method of sucking by mouth tends to
be increasingly confined to the most orthodox circles only."
[JACOBOVITS, p. 196]
In exchange for circumcision and
following God's orders, the Jews were promised the land of Canaan (the
land mass of today's Israel, more or less), a place that was already
inhabited. [DIMONT, p. 29] This land for circumcision exchange is the
root of Jewish tradition, from which centuries of rules, regulations,
dictates, interpretations and other additions have followed. God's
spiritual link to Jews is understood to have originated, of all things,
around a piece of real estate commonly understood to be part of the
"Covenant,” which, says Alfred Jospe, “is the agreement between God and
Israel by which Israel accepts the Torah [Old Testament] .... The
concept of covenant signifies the consciousness of what the truth is.”
[JOSPE, p. 15] “The covenant,” adds Will Herberg, “is an objective
supernatural fact; it is God’s act of creating and maintaining Israel
for his purposes in history.” [EISENSTEIN, p. 274] "The covenant made
for all time means that all future generations are included in the
covenant," notes Monford Harris,
"Being born into this covenental people make one a member of the
covenant.
Berith is election. This is very difficult for moderns to
understand, let alone
accept. It is our modern orientation that sees every human being as
an
'accidental collocation of atoms,' the birth of every person as
purely
adventitious. From the classical Jewish perspective, being born to
a Jewish
mother is a divine act of election." [HARRIS, M., 1965, p. 90-91]
"For Israel," notes Edward
Greenstein, "God's immanence found expression in the perception of God
as a super-person." [GREENSTEIN, E., 1984, p. 89] The idea that God was
some kind of tradesman, and that he was a distinctly dialectical Other
to humanity, as a Lord, King, Patriarch, Commander, and even Warlord of
a worldly provenance has -- with the religious commentaries and
meta-commentaries that evolved from His commands in Judaism -- provided
fuel for modern scholarly debate about Jewish (and linked strands of
Christian) creations in the world of secular affairs, most particularly
in their materialist, rationalist, and patriarchal flavors. The result,
in today's Orthodox Judaism, says Evelyn Kaye, is a "community [that]
has developed an insular, single-minded approach which is completely
intolerant of any views that differ from its own." [KAYE, p. 23]
Whatever else they believed, Jews
have traditionally understood themselves to be -- by hereditary line --
special, intrinsically better than other people: they were divinely
esteemed. The Old Testament stated it plainly:
"For you are people consecrated to
the Lord your God: of all the
peoples on earth the Lord your God
chose you to be His
treasured people."
[DEUTERONOMY 7:6]
The notion that Jews -- originally
defined racially as the Israelite progeny of Abraham (and a special
lineage through his son Isaac, then Jacob, and so on) -- are the "Chosen
People" of God is the bedrock of Jewish self-conception and it resonates
deeply in some form to Jewish self-identity to this day. What exactly
such a mantle of greatness confers has, for most, changed drastically
over (particularly recent) centuries, and is still a delicate source for
self-reflection and debate, ranging from traditional racist theories
against non-Jews (still entertained by many Orthodox Jews, and most of
Zionism) to more modern, liberalizing, and even secular notions that
Jews are destined to lead humankind to some kind of redemptive glory.
The extraordinary self-perpetuating
ethnocentric premises of traditional Judaism have been remarked upon by
many modern scholars. Likewise, they have often addressed the
drastically different ethical and spiritual views of Judaism and
Oriental religious faiths (such as Hinduism and Buddhism). Such a gap is
poignantly illustrated in this story by the great popular folklorist,
Joseph Campbell:
"A young Hindu gentleman
came to see me, and a very pious
man he proved to be: a
worshipper of Vishnu, employed as a
clerk or secretary of one
of the Indian delegations at the UN.
He had been reading the
works of Heinrich Zimmer on Indian
art, philosophy and
religion, works that I had edited many years
before, and which he
wanted to discuss. But there was
something else he wanted
to talk about too.
"You know, " he
said after we had begun to feel at home
with each other, "when I
visit a foreign country I like to acquaint
myself with its religion;
so I have bought myself a Bible and for
some months now have been
reading it from the beginning; but
you know" ... and here he
paused, to regard me uncertainly, then
said, "I can't find any
religion in it!"
... Now I had of
course been brought up on the Bible and I
had also studied
Hinduism, so I thought I might be of some
help. " Well," I said, "I
can see how that might be, if you had
not been given to know
that a reading of the imagined history of
the Jewish race is here
regarded as a religious exercise. There
would then, I can see, be
very little for you of religion in the
greater part of the
Bible."
I thought that
later I should perhaps have referred him to
the Psalms; but when I
then turned to a fresh reading of these
with Hinduism in mind, I
was glad that I had not done so; for
almost invariably the
leading theme is either the virtue of the
singer, protected by his
God, who will "smite his enemies on
the cheek" and "break the
teeth of the wicked;" or, on the other
hand, of complaint that
God has not yet given due aid to his
righteous servant: all of
which is just about diametrically opposed
to what an instructed
Hindu would have been taught to regard as
religious sentiment.
In the Orient the
ultimate divine mystery is sought beyond
all human categories of
thought and feeling, beyond names and
forms, and absolutely
beyond any such concept as of a merciful
or wrathful personality,
chooser of one people over another,
comforter of folk who
pray, and destroyer of those who do not.
Such anthropomorphic
attributions of human sentiment is -- from
the point of view of
Indian thought -- a style of religion for
children." [CAMPBELL,
Myths, pp. 93-94]
"If you will obey my voice," God
tells Jews in their seminal religious text, the Torah, "and keep my
Covenant, you shall become my own possession among all people, for all
the earth is mine." [EXODUS 19:5] This anthropomorphized model of the
Israelite God is someone profoundly concerned with ownership,
allegiance, and control -- key values in the self-promotive tenets of
classical Judaism and their practical application in history. After all,
the seminal Jewish religious text -- the Torah (in Christian tradition
the first five books of the Old Testament) -- was created as a kind of
Jewish family album, an ancient listing of Israelite genealogies and
pedigrees that codifies sacred recipes for group solidarity,
self-aggrandizement (land conquest, et al), and self-preservation for
those with direct ancestral linkage to Abraham.
"The biblical faith [of the Old
Testament]," writes scholar Bernhard Anderson, "to the bewilderment of
many philosophers, is fundamentally historical in character. It is
concerned with events and historical relationships, not abstract values
and ideas existing in a timeless realm." [ANDERSON, p. 12] "The
halakah [Jewish religious law] does not aspire to a heavenly
transcendence," notes influential modern rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik, "nor
does it aspire to soar upon the wings of some abstract, mysterious
spirituality. It fixes its gaze on the concrete, empirical reality and
does not let its attention be diverted from it." [SOLOVEITCHIK, p. 92]
"There is no Valhalla [afterlife Paradise] in Judaism," notes Chaim
Bermant,
"and no Garden of the Houris, and while there was paradise and
hell, both were to
be experienced mainly on earth ... Neither heaven with all its
joys, nor hell with all
its torments (which, as described in the Talmud, are akin to those
of Tantalus)
have a central place in the Jewish faith, Judaism is of this world
and in so far
as it believes in the Kingdom of Heaven at all it is as somethng
which will become
manifest on earth." [BERMANT, C., 1977, p. 16]
Beyond Israelite genealogies, the
Torah (the Old Testament) includes an ancient compilation of rules and
regulations, elaborated upon in meta-commentaries by later Judaic
religious texts, especially the Talmud, which codifies correct behavior
for all the minutia of daily living. In Jewish tradition, “the whole
keynote of being,” says sociologist Talcott Parsons, “starting with the
creation, was action, the accomplishment of things.” [PARSONS, p. 103]
(And one of the "keys to Jewish success," says Jewish business author
Steven Silbiger, is to "be psychologically driven to prove something.")
[SILBIGER, S., 2000, p. 9]
“Judaism is not a revealed religion,”
wrote the great German-Jewish philosopher Moses Mendelssohn, “but
revealed legislation. Its first precept is not ‘thou shalt believe’ or
not believe, but thou shalt do or abstain from doing.” [GOLDSTEIN, D.,
p. 43, in Jerusalem] "A constant motif of post-Enlightenment
ethics," says rabbi Jonathan Sacks, "is the rejection of religious
authority as an external command to which one submits. For this reason
[philosopher] Hegel is sharply critical of the Jewish structure of law.
'Of spirit,' he writes of Judaism, 'nothing remained save pride in
slavish obedience.' Much of Nietzsche’s work is a deepening set of
variations on this theme. Judaism, he says, introduced 'a God who
demands.' The autonomous self, central to modern ethics, is
radically incompatible with the structures of Jewish spirituality, built
as they are on the concept of mitzvah, command." [SACKS, J., p.
100-101]
The all-encompassing and
dictatorial manner of Jewish Orthodoxy in the Talmudic (and other)
interpretations of the Old Testament is reflected in this observation by
Gerson Cohen:
"The Torah encompasses and seeks
to regulate every moment of
life ... Nothing human is beyond
the scope of judgment and its
program of prescription. It is
for this reason that Torah is often
called a way of life, for its
purpose is to teach the Jew how to act,
think, and even feel." [COHEN,
in KLEINE, p. 92]
The obsessive nature of even modern
Jewish Orthodoxy within a tight web of restrictive daily dictates, and
the surrender to what Israeli scholar Israel Shahak calls its innate
"totalitarianism," [SHAHAK, p. 15] is reflected in this comment by Egon
Mayer:
"What are the first words that one
should utter upon awakening? There
is a rule. How many steps may one
take from one's bed before washing
at least the tips of one's fingers.
There is a rule." [MAYER, Suburb]
Michael Govrin notes that
"A Jew is born into an already articulated biography. In the
traditional
context of Halacha -- the Jewish Law (which until two hundred years
ago was the only way a Jews could define him or herself) -- a Jew's
life is codified to a unique extent. From rising in the morning to
the moment
of falling asleep at night, from birth to death and burial, the
myriad
of gestures, thoughts, and intentions is pre-articulated, forming a
specific
mold into which the life is poured. The private life in a given
historical
moment is a personal variation on that generic mold; always
seemingly
only a re-enactment -- not an 'invention' -- of a preexisting role
in an ongoing
plot that started with the first Jews, and is still unfolding."
[GOVRIN, M.,
2001]
Charles Liebman and Steven Cohen
note that the "halakaha [Jewish religious law] commands that
before eating bread a Jew must recite a blessing, and before this
blessing the hands must be washed and a blessing recited over the hand
washing. Even the manner in which the hands are washed is prescribed:
the kind of utensil used, the order in which the hands are washed, the
number of times each hand is washed." [LIEBMAN/COHEN, p. 125]
"It is a commonplace," adds Eunice
Lipton, "that an abiding and secularized aspect of Jewish tradition is
its valuing of sensual satisfaction. Jewish law acknowledges appetite;
one is even is told how often one should make love ... One might say
that Jewish validation of the senses results from the emphasis on human
life in the present as opposed to any interest in any afterlife."
[LIPTON, p. 289] Evelyn Kaye, who grew up in an Orthodox community,
notes that "Orthodox Judaism plans to regulate every minute, every
action and every thought of life ... [KAYE, p. 126] ... The code of
Jewish law dictates a range of regulations for sexual intercourse,
including when and where it may be experienced, as well as what to think
about during the act." [KAYE, p. 125] "It is forbidden," says the
Code of Jewish Law, "to discharge semen in vain. This is a graver
sin than any other mentioned in the Torah ... It is equivalent to
killing a person ... A man should be extremely careful to avoid an
erection. Therefore, he should not sleep on his back with his face
upward, or on his belly with his face downward, but sleep on his side,
in order to avoid it." [GANZFRIED, p.17] "There are even rules," says
Kaye, "about what you may think about while you sit on the toilet."
[KAYE, p. 17]
Israel Shahak underscores Orthodox
Judaism's complex honing of regulations to the point of hairsplitting
for even purely theoretical concerns that appear to be extraordinarily
esoteric in a modern context:
"During the existence of the Temple,
the High Priest was only allowed
to marry a virgin. Although during
virtually the whole of the talmudic
period there was no longer a Temple
or High Priest, the Talmud devoted
one of its more involved (and
bizarre) discussions to the precise
definition of the term 'virgin' fit
to marry a High priest. What about a
woman whose hymen had been broken by
accident? Does it make any
difference whether the accident
occurred before or after the age of three?
By the impact of metal or wood? Was
she climbing a tree? And if so,
was she climbing up or down?"
[SHAHAK, p. 41]
One of the most profoundly important dimensions of traditional
Judaism (one that has had enormous repercussions for Jewish relations
throughout history with their non-Jewish neighbors) is its injunction to
fellow members that Jews must -- conceptually, and through most of
history, physically -- live “apart,” “separate,” distinct from other
human beings. Jewish self-conception, from its early days, was
antithetical and antagonistic to other peoples. "Separation of Israel
from the nations [non-Jews]," says Moshe Greenberg, "in order to be
consecrated by God took the extreme form of condemning to death any who
worshipped or tempted others to worship alien gods." [GREENBERG, p. 28]
In later years, throughout the Jewish
diaspora, this developed into the Jewish self-conception as a "nation
apart" -- physically as well as conceptually distanced from all other
peoples. "In their determined efforts to prevent assimilation and loss
of identity as a small minority in the midst of a hostile majority,"
notes the Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion, "the rabbis
deliberately set up barriers for the explicit purpose of preventing
social interaction with gentiles [non-Jews], and decrees were enacted to
erect barriers against this danger. The partaking of meals with gentiles
was forbidden ... food cooked by gentiles was banned." [WERBLOWSKY, p.
269] "The underside to this sense of chosenness [per the Chosen People
idea]," says Rabbi Isar Schorsch, "is an inclination to dichotomize the
world between 'them' and 'us. Categories of people are set apart by the
fact that God has assigned them far fewer mitzvot [commandments]
to keep. Three of those 100 blessings [Orthodox Jews must recite each
day] praise God for 'not having made me a gentile,' 'for not having made
me a woman,' and 'for not having made me a slave.'" [SCHORSCH, I.,
4-30-99] Even in a 1988 survey, "more than a third of Reform rabbis --
traditionally the most 'integrated' and 'outreaching' of the major
Jewish denominations -- endorsed the proposition that 'ideally, one ought
not to have any contact with non-Jews.'" [NOVICK, P., 1999, p. 181]
Such a "nation apart" admonition is
part of classical Jewish religious (and related to secular Zionist)
belief to the present day. Jewish author Alfred Jospe notes that
“when a male Jew is called to the
Torah, he recites the traditional
blessing, asher bahar banu
mi’kol ha’amim, praising God ‘who
has chosen us from among all
other nations.’ When Jews recite their
daily morning prayer they say
the benediction, she’lo assani goy,
thanking God ‘that he has not
made [us] gentiles.’ When they
pronounce the benediction over
the Sabbath [Saturday] wine, they
declare that God has chosen and
sanctified Jews from all other
peoples in the same way which he
has distinguished between Sabbath
and weekday. When Jews make
Havdalah on Saturday night, they
recite the traditional
ha-mavdil, glorifying God for setting Jews apart
from all other peoples just as
He set apart the sacred from the profane
and light from darkness.”
[JOSPE, p. 10-11]
"Unlike many religions," notes Steven Silbiger,
"Judaism is more than simply a belief system that anyone can adopt.
To
become Jewish means enlisting in a tribe. The relationship or
covenant
is between God and the Jewish people, rather than between God and
individual Jews. Judaism is a religion with a strong ancestral
component."
[SILBIGER, S., 2000, p. 11]
In the ancient Greek and Roman
worlds people were polytheists, and relatively tolerant of each other’s
theology. Judaism, however, was expressed throughout their diaspora as
an elitist, confrontational faith, engendering ill will everywhere. "It
was not sensible," says Jasper Griffin, "nor was it good manners [in the
ancient world] to allege that other peoples' gods did not exist. Only a
madman makes fun of other peoples' religious practices, says the
historian Herodutus in the fifth century BCE ... The response of the
Jews [to other religions] was felt to be shocking and uncouth, as well
as dangerous for everybody." Jewish rejection of the religions and
communities in which they lived "placed an inseparable barrier between
them and full acceptance into the classical world; as later on, even
more acutely, it did with Christians." [GRIFFIN, p. 58]
The seminal source of Jewish
history and sacred law is recorded in the Torah (the Old Testament of
the Bible in Christian tradition, consisting of Genesis, Exodus,
Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy). Biblical scholars tend to believe
that the Old Testament (which sometimes cites conflicting facts in
various places) was essentially four different written narratives
eventually combined together, each section originally written between
800 to 1600 years after the events described allegedly occurred. Within
these texts we read that Abraham and the early Israelites settled
tentatively in the land of the Canaanites, but that famine eventually
drove them towards Egypt. The ancient Hebrews were reportedly enslaved
in Egypt, (a period of momentous impact even in current Jewish
collective memory), but were ultimately led back to Canaan -- the
Promised Land -- by Moses in a 40-year trek across the desert in the
thirteenth century BCE. Moses became instrumental in mediating God's
demands to the Hebrew people and instituting laws of behavior and belief
for them, known today as the Mosaic code.
Eventually the Israelites forcibly
reestablished themselves in the land of Canaan and over the following
centuries divided into sub-clans, fighting and warring among themselves,
and against others. The most drastic intra-Jewish schism was the
establishment of two conflicting monarchies -- Israel, in the northern
areas, and Judah, in the south. When ancient Israel joined a coalition
of non-Jewish states in threatening the southern Jewish kingdom, Judah
joined the powerful Assyrian kingdom which destroyed Israel in about 723
BCE. Judah was destroyed, in turn, in 586 BCE, by Babylonian invasion,
concluding the first Jewish expulsion from their proclaimed homeland.
Jews were allowed to return in 538 BCE under the sovereignty of the
Persian monarch, Cyrus; the Romans were masters of the Palestine area by
about 100 BCE. The Jews were ultimately expelled en masse again, this
time by the Romans, when Israelites repeatedly revolted against Roman
rule. By the third century CE most Jews were scattered all across the
Roman Empire, from India to Spain. In Jewish lore, this is the
solidification of the Jewish "galut" (a term meaning exile, with
derogatory connotations) in non-Jewish lands, i.e., the Diaspora
(dispersion).
It is necessary to again underscore,
against the grain of modern popular (and largely secular) Jewish
opinion, that the Old Testament is a compilation of stories,
genealogies, and Godly dictates that were intended by its Jewish authors
to be purely intra-Jewish in scope. The ten commandments of Moses --
"Love your neighbor, "Thou shalt not kill," and all the rest of it --
did not represent in origin for Jews a universalistic creed. "Love your
neighbor” meant love your fellow Israelite. "Thou shalt not kill" meant
don't kill those of your own people. "[Jewish] tradition," says Charles
Liebman, "argued that the essence of Torah is the obligation to love
one's neighbor as oneself, with the term 'neighbor' implying only
'Jew.'" [LIEBMAN, Rel Tre, p. 313] John Hartung notes that
careful inspection of the Torah/Old Testament "Love Thy Neighbor"
commandment make this clear, for example, in Leviticus 19:18:
"Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any
grudge against the children
of thy people but thou shalt love thy
neighbor as thyself." [Jewish
Publication Society translation:
other translations include the
same qualifier; HARTUNG, 1995]
As Louis Jacobs observes:
"Among both Jews and Christians the injunction is read simply as
'love
thy neighbour as thyself' ... [but] in the original context the
[Love Thy
Neighbor] verse means: even when someone has behaved badly
towards you, try to overcome your desires for
revenge but rather
behave lovingly towards him because, after all, he, too, is a human
being and a member of the covenant people as you are and
therefore entitled to be treated as you yourself wish to be treated
...
The golden rule to love the neighbour applies only to the neighbour
who is a Jew." [JACOBS, L., 1995, p. 323, 324]
As Menachem Gerlitz explains the "neighbor" passage:
'And you shall love your neighbor like your own self' -- this is an
important
rule of the Torah. Every Jew must love his fellow Jew with all his
heart. The
Baal Shem Tov [founder of the ultra-Orthodox Hassidim] used to
explain
this as follows: Our Torah teaches us to 'love Hashem your G-d with
all
your heart.' How can we prove to ourselves that we are really
fulfilling
this commandment? Only through the commandment of loving our fellow
Jew like our own selves. Only by truly loving each and every Jew,
every
son of the Chosen People which Hashem selected from all other
nations
to love, just like a person loves the son of a dear friend."
[GERLITZ, M.,
1983, p. 195]
Judeocentrism, not human
universalism, is the core of traditional Jewish understanding of the Old
Testament. The influential medieval Jewish theologian, Maimonides,
advised that “It is incumbent on everyone to love each individual
Israelite as himself as it is said, ‘Thou shalt love thy neighbor as
thyself.’” [MANKIN, p. 37] Although there were some Jewish apologetics
with this notion as early as Philo, it was Christian and Enlightenment
influences that universalized the Ten Commandments, and liberalizing
Jews, mainly since the eighteenth century, began to follow suit, bending
and broadening the tenets of Judaism (carefully selecting from
contradictory religious references) to encompass a humanistic concern
for non-Jews in step with modern universalist-oriented values.
Mosaic law or not, the only time--
till the modern state of Israel -- that Jews have had the opportunity
to practice Moses' commandments and the rest of their beliefs (towards
themselves or anybody) from a position of complete empowerment was, even
by their own ancient religious standards, a disaster. The pinnacle of
ancient Jewish history was a series of monarchial regimes that
represented a turbulent time of failures in living up to Covenantal
laws, incessant quarreling, fratricide, genocide, wars of conquest with
non-Jewish neighbors, repeated intra-Jewish civil wars, and other
struggles for power and control, rife with continuous bloodletting, as
violent as any in human history. Most of this is codified as part of the
Jewish religious faith/history in the Torah.
The well-known historian, Will Durrant,
describes the Israelites' seizure (after the Mosaic moral
code was accepted) of the Holy Land from the Canaanites who lived there,
like this:
"The conquest of Canaan was
but one more instance of a
hungry nomad horde falling
upon a settled community. The
conquerors killed as many as
they could find, and married the
rest. Slaughter was
unconfined, and (to follow the text) was
divinely ordained and
enjoyed. Gideon, in capturing two cities,
slew 120,000 men; only in
the annals of the Assyrians do we
meet again with such hearty
killing. [DURRANT, p. 302]
Even in the Book of Exodus, when
Moses (deliverer of the admonition "Thou Shalt Not Kill" and all the
rest of it) discovered his own people weakening, "out of control” with
idolatrous dancing, naked, before a "Golden Calf," he directed the
Levites, the priest caste, to slay three thousand of them. [EXODUS
33:27-28]
Considerable portions of the Bible
revolve around violent struggles amongst Israelites for power. Both King
David and Solomon -- among the most beloved of the Israelite ancients in
the myths of modern Jewry -- had half-brothers with rival claims to the
Israelite monarchy murdered. Solomon, for example, arranged for Adonijah
to be slain as well as another threat to the throne, Joab, who was even
murdered in the Holy Tabernacle. (Both David and Solomon even had forced
labor gangs of their own Israelite people). Likewise, Ambimelich, the
son of Gideon, (who like most powerful Israelite rulers had a harem of
wives and concubines) murdered 70 of his brothers to guarantee the
throne for himself. Jeru too, in a fit of ruthlessness, killed the King
of Israel, Joram, and then murdered Ahaziah, of the Israelite kingdom of
Judah, as well as his two brothers. Then he had all 70 sons of King Ahab
decapitated, clearing the way for his own leadership.
In King David's family, notes Joel
Rosenberg,
"David's adultery with Bathsheba and
murder of Uriah is balanced
by the sexual violation of David's
daughter Tamar by David's son
Amnon, the murder of Amnon by his
half-brother Absalom, the
appropriation of David's concubines
and kingdom by Absalom,
and the slaying of Absalom by David's
own servant Joab."
[ROSENBERG, J., 1984, p. 47]
There is too the story of Gibeah
(Judges 19:21). An Israelite, enraged by the rape-murder of his
concubine by Jews of another tribe, hacked the corpse into pieces and
sent a section to each of the twelve Israelite tribes to make an
embittered point about solidarity. A confederation of tribes joined
together to exact revenge on the perpetrators of the crime. The ensuing
Israelite battle against each other took over 60,000 lives (Judges
20:21). The victorious confederation then marched on Jabesh-gilead, a
group who had declined to join the coalition against the destroyed
Benjaminites. 12,000 soldiers were sent to "smite the inhabitants of
Jabed-gilead with the edge of the sword, with the women and children."
(Judges 21) Only female virgins were spared.
Going further along in Jewish
religious history, there is the murder of Simon by his son-in-law,
Hyrcanus, in another bid for the monarchy, and his son, Aristobulus I,
who killed his mother and brother, and imprisoned the rest of his
family. After him came his brother, Alexander Jannaeus, to the throne, a
"despotic, violent ruler" who reigned during the civil war between
warring pro-Greek Israelites (Sadducees) and anti-Greek Israelites
(Pharisees). Jannaeus' bloody revenge upon the Pharisees was "as bloody
as any in history." [DIMONT, p.89, 90] There was Antipater, "one of
history's most unsavory characters," whose family had been "forcibly
converted to Judaism" [GOLDBERG, M., 1976, p. 32] and his son, Herod,
who murdered a few sons, one of his wives, and range of others including
45 Israelite religious leaders. [DIMONT, p. 95-96] The Torah tells us
that the Israelite prophet Elijah slew 450 prophets of the rival deity
Baal (I Kings 18) and military commander Jeru killed "all the prophets
of Baal, all his worshippers and priests." (I Kings 10:18-27) [LANG, B.,
1989, p. 120]
Under the ruler Mannasseh there was
the reintroduction of pagan cults, child sacrifices and "systematic
murders" in the southern Israelite kingdom of Judah; this kingdom itself
had a rivalry with the northern Israelite kingdom, Israel, and -- as
noted -- it eventually aligned with Assyrian invaders against its
Israelite brethren, ultimately to ancient Israel's complete destruction.
The chaos, internecine warring and
corruption, the straying from the “Covenant,” the worship of idols and
the fraying of the moral codes of Israelite solidarity resulted in a
central Jewish belief that took form in later centuries, that Jews had
been scattered in a Diaspora (dispersion) throughout the earth in
galut (exile) from the land God gave them, Israel. But 2,000 years
of exile experience, notes Alfred Jospe, “could not shatter the image
Jews had of themselves. Destruction and exile were a national disaster
but not completely unforeseen. They were part of the divine plan ... The
Jew was persecuted not because God had abandoned or rejected him; [The
Jew] suffered because he was not equal to his moral task. In the words
of the prayer book, ‘because of our sins, we were exiled from our land’
... Suffering was defined as punishment and punishment in turn was a
call to duty. Exile was God’s call to return to the faithfulness
inherent in Israel’s role as the ‘chosen people.’ The acceptance of
punishment opened the gate to redemption and return to the land.”
[JOSPE, p. 17] Such a view of human suffering by Judaism, argues Richard
Rubenstein, was "a colossal, megalomaniacal and grandiose misreading of
a pathetic and defeated community's historical predicament. To this day
Jews can be found who delude themselves with the notion that somehow
Jewish suffering and powerlessness have redemptive significance for
mankind." [KREFETZ, p. 182]
The key to the Israelite future of
divine favoritism, and its special covenantal “mission,” was eventually
linked to a Messiah who would triumphantly come to lead His people into
a glorious future. Originally the Messiah was understood to be merely a
nationalist savior, a great and literal king of the Israelite people;
later He was reconfigured as an expression of the one God of the
Universe who would lord -- physically and spiritually -- over the earth,
not in an after-life, but in the here-and-now. [JOSPE, p. 22-23]
"Judaism," notes Stephen Whitfield, "in all its forms and
manifestations, has always maintained a concept of redemption as an
event which takes place on the stage of history and within the
community. It is an occurrence which takes place in the visible world,
unlike Christianity, which conceives of redemption as an event in the
spiritual and unseen realm, an event which is reflected in the soul."
[WHITFIELD, American, p. 33]
Over
the centuries the Messiah was not quick in coming, and not all
answers to questions about changing times were clearly indicated in the
seminal Torah, so a written tradition of commentary, argument, and
interpretation by respected Jewish religious leaders evolved and became
codified in a second religious text called the Talmud. Many argue that
it is not the Torah but actually the Talmud -- this later legalese and
folklore about the seminal Torah -- that is the crucial
source for day-to-day Orthodox Jewish decision making about religious
and secular issues. "The Talmud," observes Jacob Neusner, "is the single
most influential document in the history of Judaism." [BORAZ, p. 5]
"Historically speaking," says Adin Steinsaltz, "the Talmud is the
central pillar of Jewish culture." [STEINSALTZ, 1976, p. 266] "The
Talmud," adds Robert Goldenberg, "provided the means of determining how
God wants all Jews to live, in all places, at all times. Even if the
details of the law had to be altered to suit newly arisen conditions,
the proper way to perform such adaptation could itself be learned from
the Talmud and its commentaries." [GOLDENBERG, R., 1984, p. 166]
This many volumed tome, consisting of
Judaism's "legal literature," is really two distinct books merged
together, the Mishna (the "oral law," originally written in Hebrew -- a
language considerably different than modern Hebrew) and the Gemara
(largely commentaries about the Mishna), written mostly in Aramaic three
hundred years apart. The Talmud is so difficult to read and so
unwieldly that only lifelong experts even think to tackle the original
texts. Hence, the Talmud that explains and interprets the Torah has
needed plenty of other vast textual explanations to deal with
itself; such influential metacommentaries through history
include those of Maimonides (including his Mishneh Torah), Joseph
Caro (particularly his Shukan Arukh, which has never appeared
unabridged in English), [GOLDENBERG, R, 1984, p. 174] and others. Many
of such works, too, are so large that they are further distilled into
more reasonably digestible abridgements. Rashi's 39 volumes of
explanation, for example, are much larger than the talmudic texts it
addresses. (Rashi's comments are usually printed as part of the text in
Talmudic editions printed since the early Middle Ages). [GOLDENBERG, R.,
p. 139] It was not until 1920 that the Talmud was translated into
another language (German) for the first time. In 1935 it first appeared
in English.
Edwin Boraz notes that "the study of
the Talmud may be so formidable, challenging, and complex ... [that] one
may ask, for what purpose? ... [BORAZ, p. 1] ... [Aside from the
'mishnaic' Hebrew and Aramaic of the original texts] the classic
commentaries to the Talmud are written in 'medieval rabbinic Hebrew,'
which is a blend of both Hebrew and Arabic. The language barrier alone
is arduous." [BORAZ, p. 13] The Talmud also lacks "an inner order ...
[it] shift[s] from one subject to another in ways that are not readily
apparent. Often, the pronominal references are unclear ... In short, a
talmudic passage seems scattered and diffused, rather than a
well-reasoned dialectic inquiry." [BORAZ, p. 13-14]
To complicate matters even further,
there are even two versions of the Talmud, of Babylonian and Palestinian
origin. The latter (called the Yerushalmi), however, is rarely used,
even in religious circles. Jacob Neusner notes that "it fills hundreds
of pages with barely intelligible writing. [It is] famous for its
incomprehensibility ... The Yerushalmi has suffered an odious but
deserved reputation for the difficulty in making sense of its
discourse." [NEUSNER, 1993, p. x]
A fundamental current of Talmudic
discourse, however, is noted by Herman Wouk: "Talmudic political
judgment often shows the bitterness of a people trodden by wave after
wave of oppressors." [WOUK, p. 201] And what of its legal and moral
direction which shifted in emphases so much over the centuries as was
politically expedient? This from Wouk again, a devout Jew: "Since the
Talmud reports the sayings of hundreds of savants over many centuries,
it abounds in contradictory maxims, in conflicting metaphysical guesses,
in baffling switches from cynicism to poetry, from misanthropy to
charity, from dislike of women to praise for them .... In a word, one
can say almost anything about this recording of the talk of wise men
through seven centuries, and then find a passage to support it." [WOUK,
p. 201]
"For any maxim of the haggada,"
says Leon Poliakov, "one can be found that states precisely the
contrary." The haggada are "non-legal teachings, speculations,
stories, legends, and prayers" in the Talmud. (The halakah is
its "legal" contents.) "The ancient rabbinic sage used two kinds of
speech," says Rabbi Samuel Karff, "halacha and agada
[i.e., haggada]. Halacha is the language of Jewish law. It
asks and answers the question: 'What must a Jew do to fulfill the
covenant?' Agada was the language of the Jewish faith. It tells
the story of God's relation to man through his relation to the people of
Israel ... Agada remains not only the language of worship, but
the language of preaching." [KARFF, S., 1979, p. 8, 11-12]
"The Jewish tradition is so rich in
the diversity of its sacred texts," adds Alan Dershowitz, "that one can
find an antidote to virtually any unacceptable statement." [DERSHOWITZ,
p. 132] The "antidotes" to every troubling statement in the Talmud
suggest a chameleon-like capacity, a religious faith that has the
ability to change colors in different milieu, and readily adapt to
pressures around it. This capacity is based upon "pilpul" (pepper), a
"dialectical technique of reconciling apparently contradictory concepts
in the Talmud's texts, often by straining original meanings through the
needle's eye ... [It later] degenerated into little more than
sophistry." [SACHAR, p. 65] "Talmudic dialectics," notes the Jewish
Encyclopedia, "became developed and endowed the Jews who stood
beneath the spell of the Talmud with peculiar characteristics,
especially imbuing them with a love of hair-splitting which afterwards
deteriorated into sophistic subtlety." [GOLDSTEIN, D, p. 133, v. 5, p.
726] The Talmud, notes Robert Goldenberg, has a reputation for
"overcomplicated, 'hairsplitting' dialectic." [GOLDENBERG, R., 1984, p.
139] "One of the thirteen rules for interpreting the Torah," says
influential modern rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik, "is the contradiction
between two verses and their harmonization by a third verse."
[SOLOVEITCHIK, p. 143] In interpreting the seminal Torah, notes Mark
Zborowski and Elizabeth Hertog, "each word in the Torah has, according
to esoteric tradition, four kinds of meanings: the direct, the
interpretive, the allusive, the secret." [ZBOROWSKI/HERTOG, p. 119]
Canadian Jewish theatre mogul Garth Drabinsky once noted this
tradition's influence upon his own personality:
"Jewish scholars have their own version of the Socratic method:
they dissect,
analyse, interpret, and argue over everything. Today, partly as a
result of this
training, I refuse to take anything at face value, which makes me
hard to please.
No wonder I've been called one of Canada's toughest bosses. What
people
don't realize is that I have a problem pleasing myself. It wasn't
until I went to
Jerusalem for the first time -- and that wasn't until I was
thirty-seven -- that I
really understood my own background. Jerusalem was a buzz-saw of
argument.
You can't survive in Israel unless you're willing to argue -- about
everything.
I felt absolutely at home." [DRABINSKY, G., 1995, p. 26]
Leon Poliakov uses the following
story to explain the nature of Talmudic reasoning:
"A goy [non-Jew] insisted
that a Talmudist explain to him what the
Talmud was. The sage finally
consented and asked the goy the
following question:
- 'Two men climb down a
chimney. When they come to the bottom,
one has his face covered with
soot, the other is spotless. Which of
the two will wash himself?
- 'The one who is dirty,'
answered the goy.
- 'No, for the one who's dirty
sees the others' clean face and believes
he is clean too. The one
who's clean sees a dirty face and believes
his is dirty too.'
- 'I understand!' the goy
exclaimed. 'I'm beginning to understand
what the Talmud is.'
- 'No, you have understood
nothing at all, the rabbi interrupted, for
how could two men have come
down the same chimney, one dirty
and the other clean?'
[POLIAKOV, p. 253]
Although Talmudic reasoning considers
a variety of argument, Israeli lawyer Uri Huppert explains the
fundamental underlining of its "intolerant" discourse:
"It is beyond any doubt that the
halachic-Talmudic reasoning is
reached by considering a variety of
opinions, hence the sophisticated
rabbinical 'responsa' --
questions and answers -- are regarded as the
very essence of halachic
Judaism. But by the same token, this Judaism
cruelly rejects, prohibits, and
excommunicates any step or expression
that collides with the
legalistic-dogmatic concept of Orthodox Judaism,
which is xenophobic and intolerant by
definition, as expressed by the
[modern] Orthodox rabbinical
establishment." [HUPPERT, U., 1988,
p. 197]
The Talmud is full of anecdotes,
advice, folk wisdom, and material that, by modern standards, affects the
non-Jew with feelings of incredulity (but sometimes insult and
indignation as we will see later). It is not hard to imagine why so many
Jews flocked from the rabbinically controlled ghettos in the European
Enlightenment era. Many modern, secularized Jews have looked with dismay
upon the wisdom of their ancient sages. We learn in the Talmud, for
example, that:
"One who eats an ant is flogged
five times forty stripes save one."
[HARRIS, p. 71]
"Demons ... have wings like angels
... [and] they know the future."
[HARRIS, p. 76]
"A dog in a strange place does not
bark for seven years." [HARRIS, p.
84]
"For night-blindedness, let a man
take a hair-rope and bind one end of it
to his own leg and the other to a
dog's, then let the children clatter a
potsherd after him, and call out,
"Old man! dog! fool! cock! ... "
[HARRIS, p. 191]
"The bald-headed, and dwarfed, and
the blear-eyed are ineligible for the
priesthood." [HARRIS, p. 88]
"Only kings ... eat roast meat with
mustard." [HARRIS, p. 88]
"The Rabbis have taught that a man
should not drink water on
Wednesdays and Saturdays after
night fall ... An evil spirit ... on
these evenings prowls around..."
[HARRIS, p. 92]
"These things cause hemorrhoids: --
eating cane leaves, the foliage and
tendrils of a vine, the palate of
cattle, the backbones of fish, half-cooked
salt fish, wine, lees, etc."
[HARRIS, p. 106]
"These things are detrimental to
study [including] walking between two
camels...; to pass under a bridge
beneath which no water has flowed
forty days; to drink water that
runs through a cemetery..." [HARRIS, p.
116]
"It is not right for a man to sleep
in the daytime any longer than a horse
sleeps. And how long is the sleep
of a horse? Sixty respirations."
[HARRIS, p. 157]
"The daughters of Israel burn
incense for [purposes of] sorcery."
[HARRIS, p. 188]
Jewish apologists like Alan
Dershowitz exclaim immediate indignation at anyone who dares to excerpt
such material, despite the fact that they very much represent -- in page
after page -- the "folk" flavor of the ancient Talmud. Cloaking himself
as protective defender of both Judaism and Christianity,
and going back one generation from the interpretive Talmud to the Torah
itself, he argues that
"A classic technique of both
anti-Semitism and anti-Christianity has
been to cull from Old and New
Testament biblical prescriptions that
when taken out of context seem
bizarrely out of place in contemporary
life." [DERSHOWITZ, p. 332]
What, one wonders, do
Dershowitz-like commentators have in mind for the correct "context" for
understanding Talmudic admonitions, from which
anti-Semites have always found a treasure trove of disturbing material?
They are just as bizarre when left in their original context, probably
more so since hundreds, if not thousands, of the same sorts of archaic
perspectives re-inform each other, and those who are doing the "culling"
are usually the religiously pious. Such "bizarre cullings" as above are
not Talmudic aberrations but are part of a common tone of an interwoven
multi-rabbinical catalogue, from the very particular perspective of
"being Jewish" hundreds of years ago. Such expressions of "folk wisdom"
are not just that, they are explication of a distinct religion,
and are argued about over and over, debated to this very day in Orthodox
circles not towards discard, but towards (in their essential meanings,
however they are conjured) use.
When confronted with the details of Talmudic guidance and logic,
some liberal-minded Jews can't actually stomach what they find. Jane
Rachel Litman notes that, when faced with the teachings of the ancient
rabbis, some Jews respond with abject denial: i.e., arguing, on
modern terms, that the old rabbinical sages couldn't have possibly meant
what they wrote:
"The background sound in the small library is muted but intense.
Pairs of scholars
lean over their talmudic texts whispering energetically, trying to
puzzle out the
meaning of the particular sugya, passage. The teacher directs them
back toward
the group and asks for questions. One student raises a hand: 'I
don't understand
verse 5:4 of the tractate Niddah. What does the phrase 'it is like
a finger in
eye' mean? The teacher responds, 'This refers to the hymen of a
girl younger
than three years old. The Sages believed that in the case of
toddler rape, the
hymen would fully grow back by the time the girl reached adulthood
and married.
Therefore, though violated, she would still technically be counted
as a virgin
and could marry a priest. It's an analogy: poling your finger in
the eye is
uncomfortable, but causes no lasting harm.
There is a collective gasp of breath among students. Their
dismay is palpable.
They do not like this particular talmudic text or the men behind
it. But its
authors, the talmudic rabbis, hardly wrote it with this particular
group of
students in mind -- mostly thirty- and forty-year old women in
suburban
Philadelphia taking a four-week class titled 'Women in Jewish Law'
at their
Reform synagogue.
The questioner persists. 'I don't understand. Are you saying
this refers to the
rape of a three year-old girl?'
"Or younger,' the teacher responds dryly.
'I don't see how it says anything about rape and hymens. You
must be
mistaken. I don't believe the rabbis are talking about rape at all.
I think this
statement has nothing to do with the rest of the passage.'
The teacher (I'll admit now that it was me, a second-year
rabbinic student)
responds, 'Well, that's the common understanding. What do you think
it means?'
The woman is clearly agitated, 'I don't know, but I do know that it
couldn't
be about child rape.' This is week three of the class. The woman
does not
return for week four. Denial." [LITMAN, R., SEPT 2000]
Litman, the rabbinic student, then confesses that "I find [Elizabeth
Kubler] Ross's model helpful when addressing sacred Jewish texts that
are violent or xenophobic, that speak of child abuse, human slavery, or
homophobia with gross insensitivity. Like so many of my colleagues and
students, I often drift confusedly through denial, anger, grief,
rationalization (a form of bargaining); sometimes reaching acceptance,
sometimes not." [LITMAN, R., SEPT 2000]
Another Jewish religion teacher, Deena Copeland Klepper, notes that
"there are many passages in the Bible that make us squirm." She cites
Pslam 137 from the Torah, where Israelites are enjoined to dash innocent
Babylonian babies against the rocks. "I have read Psalm 137 with adults
in Jewish history classes many times," Klepper says, "it is the best way
I know to communicate the anguish of the Israelites in exile from their
homeland. And yet reading the text also elicits a horrified reaction in
my students. Against the familiarity of the first part of the psalm,
that final vengeful outburst against innocent children shocks; it
violates my students' modern sensibilities." [KLEPPER, D., APRIL 2001]
Despite such moral problems with
ancient texts, says Edward Boaz, "To be sure, the Talmud was written in
a historical context vastly different from the world we live in. Its
solutions may not be entirely appropriate to ours. But to its credit,
the Talmud is not an abstract religious work. It grows out of the needs
of people in all walks of life. The authors have created for us a
valuable paradigm that may be utilized for meeting the challenges that
confront our children." [BORAZ, p. 3]
For all such Talmudic injunctions,
the enduring capacity for the Talmud (and other Jewish religious
meta-commentaries) to be entirely malleable as an authoritative work to
fit the occasion at hand is noted by Jacob Katz; of seven Talmudic
commentators expressing an opinion about a seminal religious dictate
concerning apostasy, "three succeeded in twisting the meaning of the
sentence into the opposite of its obvious intention." [KATZ, Ex,
p. 81]
To hold the Jewish community tightly
together against other peoples, rabbinical arguments can even be
consciously used to subvert the original meanings of the seminal
Torah itself. Rabbi Jonathan Sacks notes that
"One of the most famous passages in
the entire rabbinical literature
[is] the argument between Rabbi
Eliezer ben Hyrcanus and [other
rabbinical] sages [of his era] on the
ritual cleanliness of a broken
and reconstituted oven. Rabbi Eliezer
declared it clean; the sages
ruled against him. He 'brought all
the proofs in the world' for his
view but none was accepted. After
invoking several miracles, he
finally appealed to Heaven itself,
'whereupon a Heavenly voice was
heard saying: Why do you dispute with
Rabbi Eliezer, seeing that
in all matters the halakhah
agrees with him?' This proof too was
rejected, on the grounds that 'It
[the Torah] is not in heaven.'"
[SACKS, J., p. 164]
Here, even though Rabbi Eliezer was,
according to Jewish law, clearly correct in his opinion about the broken
oven, "the assertion of [communal rabbinical] authority [over God] is
necessary 'so that disputes should not multiply in Israel.'"] [SACKS,
J., p. 165]
Lothar Kahn notes prominent secular Jewish author Arthur Koestler's
views about such Talmudic reasoning:
"The survival of a brand of scholasticism in today's Talmudic
schools was
an intellectual shock [to Koestler]. The acrobatics in logic in
which it indulged
appeared to aim at the same intellectual and moral evasions as the
practices
relating to Sabbath and Pesach. Interpretations of Mosaic Law,
specifically
devised to evade the original law, struck him as a form of mental
corruption."
[KAHN, L., 1961, p. 151]
The Talmud has always functioned as
a flexible apparatus to shift and adapt the Jewish faith over the
centuries to current needs and political expediencies. There is enough
conflicting argument in the Talmud to prove or disprove virtually
anything, resolve from the shelf any theological -- or practical --
emergency, depending on which way contemporary winds blow. In the
Talmud, for example, (Sanhedrin 59a) one old sage, Johanan, opins that
"A Gentile who takes up the Torah [Old Testament] is deserving of
death." This, to say the least, can be rather disconcerting to find,
especially for all the millions of non-Jews who have dared to read the
Old Testament, but the admonition to kill is there in seminal Jewish
religious literature. Of course, on the same page another rabbi, Meir,
takes an opposite stance and claims it is meritorious for anyone to
absorb the Bible. (UNIV JEW EN, v. 3, p. 4] Both opinions are there,
both are legitimate, both religiously sanctioning what a devout Jew
essentially chooses to believe, based upon his or her evaluation --
generally within current convention of a maze of interpretations and
emphases -- of conflicting rabbinical arguments.
Despite the extremely malleable
capacities intrinsic to the Talmud, one of its historical standards to
our own day -- in the Orthodox context (which is what all Jews were till
the Enlightenment) -- is religiously sanctioned racism, rooted in the
Chosen People ethos and the notion that Jews were superior to all others
and destined to remain "apart" from them. "The Talmudic mind," says
Norman Cantor, "is hostile to ethnic equality and to universalism. It is
very anxious to enforce an ideal of communal purity. All possible
contacts with Gentiles are to be avoided." [CANTOR, p. 206] “It is the
Talmudic mentality and customs,” wrote David Goldstein, a Jewish
apostate, in 1940, “that are largely responsible for the enmity of
non-Jews towards Jews. This enmity also exists among Jews themselves,
for revolt is the keynote of modern Jews, revolt against Rabbinism,
Orthodox Judaism, which is Talmudism.” [GOLDSTEIN, p. 130] "Learning the
classic Jewish texts in the yeshivot (religious schools) of both
western and eastern Europe," notes Edwin Boraz, "involved generations of
traditions. The Talmud became part of the genetic code of our people."
[BORAZ, p. 3]
And what is included in this "genetic code?" "Sadly," says Rabbi
Isar Schorsch,
"a low estimate of non-Jews pervades much of Talmudic liteature.
The Mishna
admonishes Jews not to leave their animals unattended at the inn of
a gentile,
because gentiles are suspected of engaging in
bestiality. Gentiles
are described
also as liable to rape and murder, so that a lonely Jew should
avoid their
company ... [T]reatment of the 'other' remains a problem for
Judaism. In
a divided world, we are entitled to take whatever measures will
advance
our narrow interests. And it is such a world, in which holiness and
hatred
are intertwined, that [jailed American fraudster] Rabbi Frankel
inhabits."
[SCHORSCH, I., 4-30-99]
Flagrant religious directives, in
classical Judaism, for racist positions (and worse) against all
non-Jews, however, are difficult for the non-Jew to research for many
reasons. Relatively few Jews, for instance, are inclined to address such
a subject in detail (for fear of fueling "anti-Semitism") in English
publications. (Non-Jews who address the Talmud critically are routinely
dismissed as anti-Semitic). It is usually addressed more safely,
"privately," in Hebrew. An example of this may be gleaned from an
English summary in Religious and Theological Abstracts of a 1994
article in Hebrew by Elliot Horowitz. His subject is Purim -- the annual
Jewish festival that celebrates the destruction of the Jews' arch-enemy,
Haman -- usually by hanging him in effigy. Horowitz's article
“deals with the character of
Purim over the centuries as a day
combining ritual reversal, joys
and hostility -- especially towards
Christians and its symbols, as
well as with 19th and 20th century
historiographical attempts to
come to grips with the troubling
evidence concerning the
activities of the Jews as part of the holiday’s
carnivalesque character. The
problematic character of much
historiography concerning Purim
can be seen in the case of H. Graetz
who wrote that it had been the
custom to burn Haman upon a gallows
which had the form of a cross.
It was difficult for Jewish historians to
speak their minds honestly about
what Purim had been like in the past,
for fear it would reflect upon
European Jewry in the present. [The
article] stresses the tenacity
of anti-Christian Purim practices,
especially among European Jewry,
in medieval and modern times.”
[REL&THEO, 1995, 38, p. 851]
Meanwhile, for popular, public
Gentile consumption in English, Hayyim Schuass's book about Jewish
festivals is typical in its reframing of historical fact into merely the
fantasies of Christian anti-Semitic fanatics, i.e., the reconstruction
of Jewish culpability into Jewish innocense, an attitude systematically
manifest throughout Jewish polemic. Schauss writes that:
"As far back as the fifth century
the charge was made against Jews that
they burned a cross and a figure of
Jesus on Purim. This slander often
led to attacks upon Jews by their
Christian neighbors. In time, under
pressure of the Christians, the
custom [of burning an effigy of Haman]
disappeared in Christian lands."
[SCHAUSS, p. 268]
The Israeli social critic, Israel
Shahak, addresses another example of this systematic deceit and
dissimulation about Jewish history by noting the 1968 English-language
volume, The Joys of Yiddish, by Leon Rosten. Shahak notes that
the book
"is a kind of glossary of Yiddish
[the Jewish traditional language of
central and eastern Europe]
[with].... an etymology stating ... the
language from which the word came
into Yiddish and its meaning in
that language ... The entry
shaygets - whose main meaning is 'a Gentile
boy or young man' -- is an
exception: there the etymology cryptically
states, 'Hebrew origin,' without
giving the form or meaning of the original
Hebrew word. However, under the
entry shiksa -- the feminine form of
shaygets -- the author does
give the original Hebrew word, shegetz (or, in
his transliteration, shegues)
and defines its Hebrew meaning as 'blemish.'
This is a bold-faced lie as every
speaker of Hebrew knows. The
Megiddo Modern Hebrew-English
Dictionary, published in Israel,
correctly defines shegetz as
follows: 'unclean animal': loathsome
creature, abomination ... wretch,
unruly youngster; Gentile youngster."
[SHAHAK, p. 26]
Edwin Freeland notes that:
"The etymological history of the
word shiksa itself is instructive ... The
Hebrew word shakaytz means
to abominate, to utterly detest. In the
Bible there are constant
admonitions not to eat or take the shikutz
(masculine noun form), literally, the
abominated thing, into one's
house." [FREEDLAND, E., 1982, p.
508]
For popular consumption in English,
however, the word shiksa is usually carefully censored. In A
Dictionary of Yiddish Slang and Idioms, for example, "shikseh"
is simply defined as "Non-Jewish girl (also used to imply an impious or
wild Jewish girl)." [KOGOS, p. 70]
But most Jews know better. Yossi
Klein Halevi, who grew up in an American Orthodox community, notes that
the word "shiksa" means "a gentile woman, that nasty Yiddish word
implying 'slut.'" [HALEVI, MEMOIRS, p. 224] When Israeli Ze'ev Chafets
married a non-Jewish woman in 1997, he had to face more firmly the
institutionalized Jewish racism (and moral double standards) against his
new wife:
"Jews who would rather cut off their
tongue than say 'nigger ' or 'spic'
and consider 'kike' and 'Hymie'
fighting words talk about 'goyim' and
'shiksas' with blithe indifference.
They assume that we can't be guilty of
prejudice because we are all victims
... But terms like 'shiksa' ... no
longer sound like charming
Yiddishisms to me; they seem like slurs."
[BROWNFELD, p. 85]
A minority of non-Orthodox Jews who
haven't studied their own traditional literature, or Yiddish and Hebrew,
in detail, may not even be aware of the range of such objectionable (by
modern moral standards) material in seminal Jewish religious texts. Nor
do informed Jews invite an examination of the full context of
Jewish-Gentile relations through history. In the last few decades
whenever such material is brought to public attention, however rarely,
its exposure is attacked by Jewish organizations as "anti-Semitic
canards," distorted and misrepresented excerpts from their original
contexts. Throughout history it has usually taken apostate Jews to
reveal them to the non-Jewish community.
"Among the first generation or two
of Dominican friars [in the Middle Ages]," says Norman Cantor, "... were
a remarkable number of Jewish converts. The reason that the friars ...
could engage in a lengthy debate with the rabbis in their public
disputations in France and Spain was that these debating friars were
almost invariably former rabbis or rabbinical students, or sons of
rabbis." [CANTOR, p. 179] "Most often," notes Leon Poliakov, "by making
the conversion of the Jews and the denunciation of Jews their chief
vocation [Jewish apostates] constituted a true scourge for the Jewish
communities.... [POLIAKOV, p. 167] ... The role of the renegade Jew ...
has always been of prime importance during the persecutions of the
Jews." [POLIAKOV, p. 69]
In the year 1236, for example,
Nicholas Donin, a Jewish convert to Christianity, "approached Pope
Gregory IX with a list of charges against rabbinic Judaism." [COHEN, J.,
1982, p. 60] According to Donin, notes Jeremy Cohen, "the rabbis [of the
Talmud] allegedly instructed the Jews to kill Christians and ruled that
the Jew may blamelessly cheat and deceive Christians in any way possible
... The Talmud, claimed Donin, licensed murder, theft, and religious
intolerance, and it included strictures against trusting Gentiles,
honoring them, or even returning a lost piece of property to them. The
worst outrage for Donin was the prayers in the Jews' daily liturgy
uttered against Christians and apostates." [COHEN, J., 1982, p. 68, 71]
A compilation was also made, "probably in large part by converts from
Judaism," [COHEN, J., 1982, p. 65] which resulted in "a collection of
objectionable excerpts from the Talmud and Jewish liturgy according to
topic, over one hundred folios listing the passages in the order of
their appearance in the Talmud." [COHEN, J., 1982, p. 65] The result of
a Papal investigation of the Talmud resulted in its public burning.
Another such disputation in
Barcelona, Spain, occurred in 1262 between Rabbi Moses ben Nahman and
Friar Pablo Christiani. Christiani was born Jewish and "he had studied
Jewish literature under the direction of Rabbi Eliezer ben Emmanuel of
Tarascon and Jacob ben Elijah Lattes of Venice." [COHEN, J., 1982, p.
108] Elsewhere, "Juan Perez de Montalvian, a Marrano [secret Jew],"
notes M. H. Goldberg, "was a priest and notary of the Inquisition. The
Society of Jesus founded by Saint Ignatius had numerous monks of Jewish
descent. When Saint Ignatius chose a successor to lead the order, he
appointed Diego Lainez, who had been born a Jew." [GOLDBERG, M. H.,
1976, p. 109-110]
In the 15th century, notes Bernard
Lazare,
"Peter Schwartz and Hans Boyd, both
converted Jews, instigated the
inhabitants to sack the [Jewish]
Ghetto; in Spain, Paul de Santa-Maria
[formerly Solomon Levi] instigated
Henry III of Castille to take
measures against the Jews ...
[Santa-Maria] is generally found the
instigator in all the persecutions
which befell the Jews of his time, and
he hunted the synagogue with a
ferocious hatred ... The Talmud
was the great antagonist of the
converts, and one that had to withstand
most of their wrath. They
constantly denounced it before the inquisitors,
the king, the emperor, and the Pope
... The theologians followed the
example of the converts, most
frequently they had about the Talmud no
other notions beyond those given them by
the converts." [LAZARE, p.
88]
"In the sixteenth century," adds M.
Hirsch Goldberg, "a butcher named Pfefferkorn tried to have the German
emperor destroy all rabbinic writings and Hebrew books except the
Bible." [GOLDBERG, M., 1976, p. 214] Pfefferkorn too was a Jewish
convert to Christianity, as was, in the eighteenth century, Jacob Frank
(1726-1791). "Frank and his closest followers adopted Catholicism,"
notes Jewish apologist Milton Aron,
"and, in vengeful activities against
their opponents within Jewry, heaped
various false accusations against
the Jews and their teachings, leading
to the burning of the Talmud."
[ARON, M., 1969, p. 30]
Then there is the case of "Michael
the Neophyte, an eighteenth century Jewish convert to Christianity, who
not only swore that Judaism commanded the ritual killing of Gentile
children, but provided gory details of his own participation in those
murders." [PIPES, D., 1997, p. 32]
In Germany, notes Nachum Gidal, "one
of the most influential opponents of political equality for the Jews was
the baptised Jew Freidrich Julius Stahl (1802-1861) who was the founder
of Prussian conservatism, leader of the Conservative Party, House of
Lords, and member of the Upper House of Prussian Parliament." [GIDAL, p.
17] In Russia, in 1869, "the infamous Book of the Kahal, ...
written by the Jewish apostate Jacob Brafman, made its appearance and
seemed to document the already well-known accusation that the Jews
constituted a 'state within a state' whose main aim was to subjugate and
exploit the non-Jewish population." [ARONSON, p. 42] (Louis Rapoport
even argues that Jewish oppression of Jews was even pre-eminent in the
Russian communist revolution: "The Jewish Bolsheviks were the most
fanatical advocates of suppressing Jewish parties.") [RAPOPORT, L.,
1990, p. 29] Even recently, in Croatia,
"in July 1997, Mladen Schwartz, an individual of Jewish origin and
an ultra-nationalist
agitator, promoted his book 'Protocols, Jews and Adolf Hitler' in
Zagreb's main
square. In the book Schwartz poses such questions as 'Why should
the Croatian
state be in the service of Judeo-lobbyists?'" [INSTITUTE OF JEWISH
POLICY
RESEARCH, 2001]
Over the centuries, inflammatory
Talmudic passages were "exposed" to the Christian public more and more
by non-Jewish authors; in 1700, for example, the German, Johann
Eisenmenger, wrote Judaism Uncovered and August Rohling, a
professor of Semitic languages in Prague, penned Talmud Jew in
1871. These two works were among the most sensational charges against
Jewish tradition and belief; modern Jewish scholarship (and even more
so, Jewish popular opinion) generally portrays such texts as fabrication
or misinterpretation -- in either case, “anti-Semitic.” "The Talmud,"
says George Mosse, "was said to be full of exhortations to cheat,
lustfulness, usury, and hatred of Christians ... The Talmud had come to
symbolize the secret of the 'perverted' religion of the Jews." Rohling
decided that it was a "program for domination of the world by the chosen
people." [MOSSE, p. 139]
In Eisenmenger's case, his
"anti-Jewish sallies," writes Jacob Katz, "were on the whole not his own
inventions. He collected anti-Jewish ornaments from the Christian
tradition, systematized them, and attempted to prove their truth by
reading them into the Talmudic literature with which he was well
acquainted." [KATZ, Jew Dig, p. 6] Nazis and others have, of
course, recognized such materials' value in enflaming anti-Jewish
hostility and appropriated them for presentation for their own purposes.
Eisenmenger’s anti-Jewish work, the
argumentative basis for many books critical of Jews that were written
later, is particularly noteworthy and bears greater scrutiny. As a
dedicated Christian, Eisenmenger's writings were framed as a polemic
that impugned Jewish belief and tradition. His opus, Judaism
Uncovered (Endecktes Judenthum), was a two-volume set of over
2100 pages, quoting from 200 mostly Jewish sources and was the result of
twenty years of research. The author was a respected scholar and well
read in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic. "In short," says Jacob Katz (a
well-known Jewish scholar who Israeli critic Israel Shahak singles out
as being particularly apologetic when it comes to Jewish religious
texts), [SHAHAK, p. 114] "Eisenmenger was acquainted with all the
literature a Jewish scholar of standing would have known ... [He]
surpassed his [non-Jewish] predecessors in his mastery of the sources
and his ability to interpret them tendentiously. Contrary to accusations
that have been made against him, he does not falsify his sources."
[KATZ, From, p. 14]
Katz refers here to the likes of
Bernard Lewis, another Jewish scholar, whose reaction to Eisenmenger's
work is much more typical:
"Eisenmenger was a professor of
Oriental languages ... By careful
selection, occasional invention, and
sweeping misinterpretation, due
sometimes to ignorance and sometimes
to malice, he presents the
Talmud as a corpus of anti-Christian
and indeed anti-human doctrine...
Eisenmenger's book, though disproved
again and again by both
Christian and Jewish scholars, became
a classic of anti-Semitic
literature, and has remained a source
book for anti-Semitic accusations
to the present day." [LEWIS, B.,
1986, p. 105]
Influential Jews of the Royal Court
in Eisenmenger's locale and era (Samson Wertheimer and Samuel
Oppenheimer, among them) managed to have the book banned by the Hapsburg
Emperor; Eisenmenger appealed, and "litigation continued for decades."
The author never lived to see the censorship of his book about Jews
lifted. [KATZ, p. 14] "The powerful supplier of the Austrian armies,
Samuel Oppenheimer," notes Leon Poliakov, "actually succeeded, for a
consideration, in having the work banned. Its 2,000 copies were
confiscated as soon as they were printed, and the author died,
apparently of grief." [POLIAKOV, p. 243]
Conceding that Eisenmenger's
voluminously footnoted citations from Jewish law and religious
literature do indeed exist as he says, Jacob Katz argues (as do many
Jewish apologists) that just because these citations are undeniably part
of Judaism's religious tradition doesn't mean the rules and laws were
actually practiced (or, at least, practiced any longer). Katz asserts
that such odious directives from Jewish sages must be understood in
terms of the climate of their creation. "Eisenmenger," says Katz,
"consciously ignored whatever later [Jewish] generations read into
earlier sources ... [he was] seeking only the original meaning intended
by the writers." [KATZ, p. 17]
Katz proclaims what he calls the
"historical approach" (i.e., trying to understand "the original meanings
intended by the writers") to be fallacious. The correct way to view
Jewish seminal thinking, he argues, is by the "exegetical-homiletical
method" (i.e., what Jews were supposed to believe and what they
practiced were eventually two different things -- they adjusted to
changes around them). This, for Katz, negates the "original meanings."
One of Eisenmenger's principal
attacks was upon codified Jewish opinion for treatment of non-Jews and
their religions. Eisenmenger cited textual evidence that Jewish
religious tradition forbids robbery, deceit, and even murder only
within their own community, non-Jews were categorically exempt from
moral protection. If Jews were raised with such beliefs, argued
Eisenmenger, it is not hard to believe that they would be inclined to
defame Christianity at every chance, as well as rob, swindle, and even
murder those not of their own community.
"The nature of the Jewish tradition,"
writes Katz of such Eisenmenger charges, "its earliest strata reflecting
the conditions of the ancient world, enabled Eisenmenger to prove such
theses. The legal and ethical systems of the ancient world were
dualistic ... In the period of the Mishnah and Talmud, the question of
whether the property of non-Jews was protected by law was still under
dispute. Certain individuals who were considered subversive -- idol
worshippers and the like -- remained outside the absolute protection of
the [Jewish] law even in matters of life and death." [KATZ, From,
p. 18]
Katz goes on to argue that those
rabbinical opinions that asserted, for instance, "that one should
actively work towards ["sectarians' and "infidels'"] deaths became
merely "theoretical material." [KATZ, p. 18] Or as another apologetic
Jewish scholar, Louis Jacobs, puts the Eisenmenger issue:
"There is no doubt that the Talmudic Rabbis,
living among pagans,
had a poor opinion of the Gentile world around them even while
admiring some of its features. At times some of the Rabbis gave
vent to the harshest feelings, as in the notorious statement
'Kill
the best of the goyyim.' Johann Andreas Eisenmenger (1654-1704)
in his Endecktes Judenthum (Judaism Unmasked) collected such
adverse passages in order to prove to his satisfaction that the
Jews
hate all Gentiles. It became an important aspect of Jewish
apologetic to demonstrate that Eisenmenger had either
misunderstood many of the passages he quotes or had taken
them out of context." [JACOBS, L., 1995, p. 184-185]
Ultimately, Eisenmenger aligned
evidence from Jewish religious law to exhibit an alleged foundation
which suggests that, when the Messiah comes, non-Jews would be
destroyed. But not only that. Based on the citational evidence he could
piece together, Eisenmenger thought "it stood to reason that [Jews]
would carry out the commandment of destruction even in the present on
those whom it was within their reach to injure and harm." [KATZ, p. 19]
In fact, this theme of vengeful Jewish destruction of non-Jews was
addressed in a volume by professor Abraham Grossman in Hebrew, in 1994,
specifically investigating Ashkenazi (European Jewish) religious
society. A summary of his conclusions in Religious and Theological
Abstracts states that
“[The] Ashkenazi believed in the
conversion of the Gentiles as part of
the redemptive era, following the
stage of vengeance ... The idea that
a link exists between vengeance to
be carried out against the enemies
of Israel and the redemption, and
that vengeance is a forerunner to
redemption, can be found in the
Bible, the Talmud, and in
apocalyptic literature, and should
not be viewed as uniquely
Ashkenazi.” [REL&THEO, 38:1, 859]
As renowned sociologist Max Weber
once noted:
"In the mind of the pious Jew the
moralism of the law was inevitably
combined with the aforementioned
hope for revenge, which suffused
practically all the exile and
post-exilic sacred scriptures. Moreover,
through two and a half millennium
this hope appeared in virtually every
divine service of the Jewish people,
characterized by a firm grip upon
two indestructible claims --
religiously sanctified segregation from the
other peoples of the world, and
divine promises relating to this world
... When one compares Judaism with
other salvation religions, one
finds that in Judaism the doctrine
of religious resentment has an
idiosyncratic quality and plays a
unique role not found among
the disprivileged classes of any
other religion." [NEWMAN, A.,
1998, p. 163])
Yet, concludes professor Katz, "To
anyone who is knowledgeable of Jewish literature, Eisenmenger's
interpretations [of central Jewish religious texts] read like a parody
of both the legal and homiletic literature ... It is otherwise, of
course, for the reader who is unfamiliar with the literature: he may
fall for Eisenmenger's conclusions, not knowing that they are no more
than the very assumptions that preceded the writer's examination of the
material [i.e., anti-Jewish Christian prejudice]." [KATZ, J, From,
p. 20]
Unfortunately, this "parody" reading
of seminal Jewish religious literature, and its “theoretical theses,” as
we will soon see, has many Jewish adherents even today, as it always
has, and -- with renewed interest in it in the Jewish world today -- is
causing moral consternation for the more universalistic, enlightened
members of the Jewish politic.
"Eisenmenger neither forged his
sources nor pulled his accusations out of thin air," says Katz, "There
was a nucleus of truth in all of his claims: the Jews lived in a world
of legendary or mythical concepts, of ethical duality -- following
different standards of morality in their internal and external
relationships -- and they dreamed with imaginative speculation of their
future in the time of the Messiah." [KATZ, p. 21] That admitted, Katz
turns to debunk Eisenmenger's volumes of evidence by claiming that the
German scholar found only what he wished to find. In other words, the
most relevant facts of Eisenmenger's argument, to Katz, are not to be
found in the evidence of Jewish religious law and literature, but,
rather, in Eisenmenger's underlying paradigm of anti-Semitism.
Is Katz's view true? Is all this
anti-Gentile animosity irrefutably found in Jewish religious literature
“obsolete,” and did Eisenmenger just piece various facts together to
form a false whole? Or, rather, is it just that pious believers in
talmudic Judaism have really never had the political empowerment --
until the creation of modern Israel -- to surface the most disturbing
elements of the faith?
Let's turn to Moshe Greenberg for
the beginning of an answer to all this, a scholar described by the
periodical Conservative Judaism as "one of the leading scholars
of Hebrew scripture in the world," formerly the Chair of the Department
of Bible Studies at Hebrew University in Israel. As a young man,
Greenberg's first introduction to the racist foundation of Jewish
religious literature was in Sefer Hatanya, the central works of
Habad hasidim [one of today's ultra-Orthodox groups, also spelled
"Chabad"]. Greenberg noted in 1996 that
"What emerged for me, from the
study of the first chapters of the book
and their antecedents was the
discovery that the main stream of Jewish
thought is permeated by the
genetic spiritual superiority of Jews over
Gentiles, disconcertingly
reminiscent of racist notions of our time.
Living in Israel for the past
twenty years in a Jewish majority that is no
more sensitive to the feelings of
minorities within it than Gentile
majorities are.... [with] Jews in
their midst, I have come to realize the
vitality of Jewish racist notions,
and I am more than ever convinced that
the hold Judaism will have on this
and future generations will be gravely
impaired unless these notions are
neutralized by an internal reordering of
traditional values." [GREENBERG,
p. 33]
Such traditional values may be found
in the memoirs of Yossi Klein Halevi (an American Jew who eventually
moved to Israel) and what he was taught as a youth at Brooklyn's
Talmudic Academy:
"Jews and goyim [non-Jews]
were locked in eternal struggle. For now the
goyim prevailed. But when the
Messiah came, we would triumph. Twenty
goyim would cling to each
thread of our prayer shawls, pleading to serve
us as protection against divine
judgment." [HALEVI, p. 68]
One Talmudic Academy teacher taught
that "Jews were the center of the world ... Anything extraneous to Jews
was of no real interest to us, or, by implication, God himself."
[HALEVI, p. 68]
Today's Orthodox Lubavitcher movement
(famous for its yearly Chabad telethon to raise money for its projects)
also reflects the principles of Jewish racial uniqueness, for example,
in its Sefer Hama'Amarim, by Rabbi Yosef Yitzchok Schneersohn:
"The Jewish people were granted the
unique ability to draw down all
Divine effluences through their
performance of Torah and mitzvos
[the fulfillment of religious
commandments] ... [Jews] become vessels for
G-dliness ... The reason why only
Jews possess this unique quality
is because of their power of
mesirus nefsh, total self-sacrifice...
[SCHNEERSOHN, Y., 1986, p. 2] ... The
Talmud comments that
Jews possess three innate character
traits: they are bashful, merciful
and benevolent. These traits are not
only meritorious in and of
themselves, but also reveal the
greatness of the Jewish people. Every
Jew inherently possesses these
beautiful traits. [SCHNEERSOHN, Y.,
1986, p. 11] ... G-d's conduct with
the Jewish people transcends the
bounds of nature. When a Jew submits
all his natural matters to G-d's
service, the Almighty then helps him
in a supranatural manner."
Some in today’s Jewish community
recognize a growing problem with what Jacob Katz disregarded as the
“original meanings” of Jewish religious tenets, particularly when
reinvigorated by Jewish Orthodoxy and fused to modern Zionism, wherein
“theoretical” status is revived as practical actions in the real world.
In a 1994 issue of Tradition magazine, published by the
Rabbinical Council of America, four questions were posed to a panel of
scholars, including this one:
“Has Religious Zionism been guilty
of cultivating a negative stance
towards Gentiles? How can Israel’s
chosenness (behirat Yisrael) be
so formulated as to avoid its being
misinterpreted as either another
form of secular nationalism, or an
endorsement of negative attitudes
towards Gentiles? [FELDMAN, p. 5]
The simple fact that such questions
need to be asked, in-house, in a Jewish rabbinical magazine, is
revealing. Of the various responses, Gerald Blidstein, Professor of
Jewish Law at Ben Gurion University in Israel, had the most disturbing
one:
“Unfortunately -- from my point of
view and, it would seem, from
the perspective from which this
symposium is mounted -- the number
of followers of Meir Kahane [the
profoundly racist and, some say, even
fascist, American-Israeli leader]
within the Orthodox movement is not
tiny, nor has his militant
doctrine found a positive response among
small sections of our community.
On the contrary: central aspects
of his worldview, or at least his
basic attitudes, are shared by large
segments of observant Jewry in
both Israel and America ... Kahane
is merely an unmasked version of
what Zionism always was -- racist,
brutal, rapacious ... The modern
Orthodox community ... exploits...
democratic, humanistic modes of
behavior ... for its own benefit.
Exploiting values cynically,
benefiting from them but not committing
oneself to them or internalizing
them, ought to be unacceptable.”
[BLIDSTEIN, p. 11, 14]
("A confidential [1970] survey by the American Jewish Congress, the
most liberal of the leading Jewish organizations, revealed that more
than a third of its members said they approved the tactics of the JDL"
[the Jewish Defense League -- the party Meir Kahane founded.]) [NOVICK,
P., 1999, p. 174]
The 1995 assassination of Israeli
prime minister Yitzak Rabin by a zealous Orthodox student, Yigal Amir
(whose yeshiva had military training as part of its curriculum), was an
event of tragically profound importance to Jews; it brought into ominous
focus a very real and very lethal expression of traditional talmudism,
underscoring a widening gap between a-religious Jews and growing numbers
who have revived religious fundamentalism based upon ancient talmudic
intolerance, and who now celebrate -- thanks to the creation of the
modern state of Israel -- the power to express the angry
dreams of their ancestors. Amir publicly professed his act of murder to
be a religious deed (Rabin's willingness to surrender
occupied land in peace talks with Arabs was understood to be traitorous
to Jewish messianism). Even in America, four months before Rabin was
assassinated, a Brooklyn rabbi, Abraham Hecht, publicly called for the
death of any Israeli public official who ceded land to Arabs in peace
agreements with them. [JEWISH WEEK, 3-27-98, p. 20]
A year before Rabin's murder, the
prime minister spoke to a Jewish audience about (American-born) Israeli
doctor Baruch Goldstein, the man who had recently burst into a Hebron
mosque with an automatic weapon and slaughtered nearly 30 Muslims at
prayer until he himself was beaten to death:
"The level of support for a murderous
lunatic and the identification
with [Goldstein] among some sectors
of the public have been greater
than I'd estimated at first. I see in
this the danger of an Israeli racism,
or to be more precise, a Jewish
racism." [DERFNER, L, 4-1-94,. 2]
As the Jewish Bulletin noted
in 1994, "since the Hebron murders, Israeli teachers have devoted
lessons to explaining why Goldstein's deed was an abomination. But at
one highly rated Jerusalem school, the Hebrew Gymnasium, about half the
students of an 11th grade class gathered off campus after one of the
anti-Goldstein lessons, and chanted 'Death to the Arabs,' and 'Goldstein
tzaddik,' or righteous man ... Probably the most disturbing
finding came from one of the largest high school in Beersheva. A teacher
there polled the class and found that 60 percent of the students
supported the massacre." [DERFNER, L., 4-1-94, p. 2]
Based upon literal interpretations of
some parts of the Talmud, even Jewish religious opponents understood how
religious texts could be interpreted to sanction Rabin's murder.
As a troubled Israeli rabbi, David Hartmann, observed:
"The rabbis under radically
different conditions prevailing during the
third century AD ... encouraged ...
hate and destruction. [Rabin's
assassin] was no aberration. He
was wholly within the normative
tradition that has survived frozen
through the ages to our own time ...
There are sufficient other
resources in the tradition -- humane and
pacifist ones -- to counteract the
dogmatism. The tragedy is that a
group of fanatical and political
rabbis has become dominant over all
other voices in Israel." [ELON, p.
42]
Gershom Scholem, a professor at
Hebrew University and an author on Jewish mysticism, was outraged when a
dozen kabbalists (Jewish mystics) camped outside Prime Minister Rabin's
house a few weeks before his murder publicly calling upon "angels of
destruction," and prayed for Rabin to die. This occurred, notes Scholem,
"in the heart of Jerusalem, in fairly normal times. No one in the
religious world cried out to protest. Nobody said it's all nonsense. In
other words, they believe (these invocations to black magic) actually
work." [ELON, p. 46]
In 1988 another Israeli rabbi, David
Ben-Haim, this one a member of the "radical right" messianic religious
movement in Israel, dipped into Talmudic texts and other seminal Judaic
literature to evidence profoundly disturbing material. "In a thirty page
study that examined all Halakhic authorities on the subject,"
says professor Ehud Sprinzak of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem,
"Ben-Haim proves that according to the vast majority, the Torah, when
speaking about Adam (a human being), never includes Gentiles in this
category. He points out that ten recognized Halakhic authorities
repeatedly proposed that Gentiles are more beast than human and that
they should be treated accordingly; only two authorities recognize
non-Jews as full human beings created in the image of God." [SPRINZAK,
p. 273]
"What comes of all this," wrote Rabbi
Ben-Haim, "is that according to the prophets, and also according to our
sages, the Gentiles are seen as beasts ... It is possible that one may
see these injunctions as racism; another may call it hatred of Gentiles,
whoever he is; but as far as the Jew who adheres to the statement of the
Torah of Israel is concerned, this is reality and a way of life which
were set for the people of Israel by G-d." [SPRINZAK, p. 274]
"Hardly anyone speaks of Jewish
fundamentalism," worries Israel Shahak, "which is growing in Israel and
the United States even more." [SHAHAK, Ideology, p. 80]
Evelyn Kaye, a woman raised in an
Orthodox Jewish community in New York, wrote in 1987 an indicting volume
about her life within it and the religiously enforced racism of the
ancient sages that still holds firm in Jewish communities to our present
day. The foundation of "being Jewish" against the rest of humanity is
manifest in the fundamentally hostile attitudes towards non-Jews. Kaye
writes that
"The mark of a truly devout
Hasidic or Orthodox Jew, as well as
many other Jews, is an
unquestioned hatred of non-Jews. This is the
foundation of ultra-Orthodox
and Hasidic philosophy. It is as
tenacious, unreasoned, and
impossible as anti-Semitism, racism, and
sexism. And as intractable...
There is a complete litany
of all the terrible things about non-Jews
which apply to every single
one and which are believed implicitly by
the Orthodox.
These include:
-- all Goyim drink
alcohol and are always drunk;
-- all Goyim are on
drugs;
-- all goyim hate Jews
even when they seem friendly;
-- all Goyim are
anti-semites, no matter what they say and do;
-- all goyim have a
terrible family life and mistreat their wives
and children'
-- all Goyim eat pork
all the time;
-- Goyim are never as
clever, as kind, as wise or as honest as
Jews;
-- you can never ever
trust Goyim.
There's much more. But the
essence of anti-Goyimism is passed to
Jewish children with their
mother's milk, and then nurtured, fed and
watered carefully into a
full-blown phobia throughout their lives.
In order to avoid being
contaminated by these terrible creatures,
the Ultra-Orthodox go out of
their way to avoid them ... Children ...
manage to grow up without
seeing one of these dangerous people
close up. Their attitudes are
then perfectly formed. They know
whom to hate." [KAYE, p. 113]
In the 1980s, Samuel Heilman watched
an ultra-Orthodox teacher lecture his young students, and noted that
"Already at this age, these children
knew that goyim represented the
absolute other of Yidn [Jews] -- the
counterworld. The relation
between the two was clear: 'No ideas
or institutions that held in the
one were valid in the other.'"
[HEILMAN, S., 1992, p. 192]
Yossi Klein Halevi (whose grandfather
was a millionaire in Europe) also grew up in a New York Hasidic
neighborhood, in Borough Park. In 1995 he wrote that:
"Aside from watching them on TV,
goyim were alien to me as they were
to the Hasidic children. Naturally,
I had no non-Jewish friends. An Italian
family lived on our block. If I saw
one of the Italians at a distance, I'd
cross the street to avoid the
awkwardness of saying hello ... I did master
[my father's] crucial lesson: to see
myself as a stranger in a hostile world,
a member of a people only formally
to humanity -- in effect, a separate
species." [HALEVI, p. 15]
"Sadly," noted Orthodox rabbi Mayer
Schiller in 1996, "it is ... the granting of humanity to the Gentile
either as an individual or as a people ... that is so often lacking in
Orthodox circles. Suffering from a kind of moral blindness, we find it
difficult to see the non-Jew as anything more than a bit player in our
own drama." [MACDONALD, p. 5]
The origin for such beliefs are
largely to be found in traditional Jewish religious literature, then
secularly reinforced by a litany of Jewish complaints about alleged
Gentile persecution throughout history. The ambivalent nature of some of
today's translated Jewish religious texts themselves (per their
traditional intent) often reflects the fact that various
offending words and passages attracted censorship throughout past
centuries by offended Christian authorities (who were initially
appraised of the remarks by Jewish apostates) and Jewish publishers (who
feared dangerous consequences from Christian hostility). As Adin
Steinsaltz notes, "When the Christian church adopted a more severe
attitude toward enemies within its own ranks, it also began to examine
Jewish literature and, to a large extent, the Talmud. Much of the
responsibility for this attitude rests with various Jewish converts to
Christianity ... Several European rulers and Church dignitaries were
convinced that the Talmud contained anti-Christian material and, on the
basis of informers' charges, they ordered that all anti-Christian
statements and libel against Christ be erased from the books."
[STEINSALTZ, 1976, p. 81-82]
Jewish publishers eventually became
self-censors; offending passages were excised or spaces were left blank
on pages for Jewish readers to fill in by oral tradition and memory. The
word "Gentile," or the pejorative "goy," (both meaning any non-Jew), for
example, was often replaced with the word "other," "Egyptian,"
"Kushite," "stranger," or other dissimulatives for non-Jewish
consumption. In one case, for example, a Jewish scribe's definition of
"goyim" as "followers of Jesus Christ" became "those who do not believe
in the law of Moses." [POPPER, p. 28] As Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz notes,
"most present day editions [of the Talmud] still contain a considerable
number of changes and omissions introduced by censorship. Indeed, almost
every passage dealing with non-Jews must be suspected of having
undergone some change." [STEINSALTZ, p. 50] "Much Talmudic discussion of
early Christianity," notes Robert Goldenberg, "was censored out in the
course of the Middle Ages and must now be recovered from scattered
manuscripts." [GOLDENBERG, R., 1984, p. 170] Jewish religious leaders,
scholars and general readers usually knew and understood the subterfuge
through history, however, many knowing well the original meanings.
The Encyclopedia Judaica notes
that
"In rabbinical literature the
distinction between gentile (goy, akkum)
and Christian (Nazeri) has
frequently been obscured by textual
alterations necessitated by the
vigilance of censors. Thus 'Egyptian,'
'Amalekite,' 'Zadokite
(Sadducee),' and 'Kuti' (Samaritan) often
stands in place of the original
Nazeri, as well as goy, akkum, etc.
Probably when Resh Lakish stated
that a gentile (akkum, etc. in
existing texts) who observed the
Sabbath [Saturday rites] is punishable
by death (Sanhedrin, 58b), he had
in mind Christians ... Numerous anti-
Christian polemic passages only
make real sense after Nazeri has been
restored in place of the spurious
Kuti or Zedokite." [ENCY JUD, v. 7,
p. 411]
"Whole paragraphs have been
deleted," says Morris Goldstein, "words have been expunged or
substituted, spellings have been changed, thoughts mutilated, and
manuscripts seized and burned." [GOLDSTEIN, p. 3]
M. Herbert Danzger writes that
"Jewish modernists" (seeking to reframe and redirect morally
objectionable passages against non-Jews in Jewish religious literature),
argue "that these laws referred not to Gentiles generally but to 'star
worshippers,' a precise legal category meaning those who deny the
existence of deity, who practice no law and no justice, whose ways are
cruel and murderous." [DANZGER, p. 295] Even if the 'star worshippers'
interpretation had credence, who exactly in history ever believed in 'no
deity, no law, no justice,' and wallowed in cruelty and murder?
Certainly any society anywhere conceives of itself as framed within
concepts of some kind of deity, law, and justice, and attributes their
lack to its enemies, as does the rabbinical literature. According to the
Encyclopedia Judaica, after the fall of the second Temple in 70
CE, the
"world was regarded as divided, by
rabbinical opinion ... into the Jewish
people and the 'nations of the
world,' and insofar as individuals were
concerned, into the 'Jew' and the
'idolater,' with the Hebrew equivalent
of 'idolater' usually abbreviated
to 'akkum,' literally a 'worshipper of
the stars and planets." [EN JUD, p.
410]
Michael Asheri, a Jewish American
immigrant to Israel, notes modern Jewish apologetics and dissimulation
about the subject of idolaters:
"Once we get out of the area of
friendship and business [with non-Jews],
... it is obvious that to the Jewish
way of thinking, many of today's
Gentiles are still worshippers of
idols. The use of devotionals
in Christian churches is ingeniously
explained away by orthodox Jewish
thinkers, but Jews are still
stringently prohibited from entering churches
in which such images are displayed. (Shulchan
Aruch, Yoreh Deah
142:14) Certainly the practices of
present day Hindus and Buddhists
must be considered idol worship or
the term has no meaning at all.
In addition, the prohibition of
yayin nesech, wine made by Gentiles,
is based entirely on avoidance of
avoda zara [worship of strange Gods].
If some of the Gentiles are not idol
worshippers, why does this
prohibition continue to be obligatory
for all observant Jews?" [ASHERI,
M., 1983, p. 332-333]
Asheri next addresses the reason for
Jewish secrecy about this delicate subject: the fear of anti-Jewish
hostility as a response to the Jewish anti-Gentile tradition. There is,
says Asheri,
"an important reason for not making
apparent our attitude in this
respect and that is darchet
shalom, keeping the peace, between
the Jews and the peoples of the
world, among whom they live."
[ASHERI, M., 1983, p. 333]
There are other things about Jewish
identity that are best not discussed too publicly. One of the principles
of traditional Jewish law, notes the Israeli social critic Israel
Shahak, is that a Gentile's life must not be saved. He cites a line in
the Talmud (Tractate Avodah Zarah, 26b): "Gentiles are neither to be
lifted (out of a well) nor hauled down (into it)," i.e., if a non-Jew
falls into a well a Jew is religiously forbidden from saving his/or her
life. The highly respected Jewish theologian Maimonides takes this
example to comment that "it is forbidden to save [non-Jews] if they are
at the point of death; if, for example, one of them is seen falling into
the sea, he should not be rescued." [SHAHAK, p. 80] (In this context of
Jewish religious tradition, Shahak sardonically notes the extremely
uncompromising position many outraged Jews can find themselves in when
they so vociferously complain that so many countries "stood by and did
nothing" to help Jews during the Jewish Holocaust.)
As far as Maimonides is concerned,
we will refer to him heavily here. His opinions are highly relevant in
our own day. Maimonides is neither obscure to modern Orthodox Judaism,
nor obsolete. He is an integral part of modern Orthodox discourse;
according to the New Encyclopedia Brittanica (1993), Maimonides
is recognized "as a pillar of Orthodox faith -- his creed became part of
the Orthodox liturgy [and he is known] as the greatest of Jewish
philosophers." [NEW ENCY BRIT, 7, p. 708]
Israeli professor Michael Harsegor
explains another angle to Jewish self-absorption, in the tale of the
"Good Samaritan" from the Christian New Testament tradition (Luke
10:33-34.) Two Jews, a Cohen and a Levite, pass a non-Jewish man who had
been physically attacked and left behind for dead by robbers. Per
traditional Jewish religious conviction, the passing Jews do not stop to
aid the injured man. Eventually a Samaritan passes and stops to help the
fellow in distress. As Harsegor notes, in explaining this parable of
pan-human Christian teachings,
"It is wrong to cling to the Torah,
like the Cohen and Levite, and do
nothing more. You have to be humane,
like the Samaritan, who
is not a religious Jew." [COUSSIN,
1999]
Conversely, rabbi Yitzhak Ginsburgh,
an immigrant from the United States to Israel, has commented that
"If you saw two people drowning, a
Jew and a non-Jew, the Torah
says you save the Jewish life first.
If every simple cell in a Jewish
body entails divinity, is a part of
God, then every strand of DNA
is part of God. Therefore, something
is special about Jewish
DNA ... If a Jew needs a liver, can
you take the liver of an innocent
non-Jew passing by to save him? The
Torah would probably
permit that. Jewish life has
infinite value." [BROWNFELD, A.,
MARCH 2000, p. 105-106]
It is critically important today, of
course, for Jewish apologists to find more humane perspectives on the
subject of non-Jews in traditional literature. "Moses Rivkes, a
seventeenth century [Jewish] Lithuanian authority, "notes Jacob Katz,
"drew the conclusion that, regarding the obligation to save life, no
discrimination should be made between Jews and Christians; the same
degree was attached to saving either." Rivkes, of course, represents
only one man's view and reflects the views he sought to counter. His
opinion, note Charles Liebman and Steven Cohen, "only demonstrates the
depth of historic Jewish hostility toward the non-Jew and the
legitimization that this hostility received within the religious
tradition." [LIEBMAN/COHEN, p. 38]
Other disturbing views from Jewish
religious literature and tradition include:
"When we withhold mercy from others
[it] is equal to that for doing
(merciful deeds) to members of our
own people." [SHAHAK, p. 96]
"If the ox of a Jew gores the ox of
Gentile, the Jew is not required to pay
damages, but if the ox of a Gentile
... gores the ox of a Jew, the Gentile
is required to pay full damages."
[MISHNAH, BABA KAMA 4:3]
If after taking a purification bath,
a Jewish woman sees a dog, pig, donkey, horse, leper, or a non-Jew
("heathen") before she "meets a friend," she has to take the bath over
again. [GANZFRIED, p. 42] "One should not be alone with a heathen
belonging to one of the seven peoples [the Biblical tribes of Canaan
from which non-Jews are traditionally understood to have descended],
because they are apt to commit homicide." [GANZFIELD, p. 52] Likewise,
"cattle should not be kept in the barns of heathen-owned inns, out of
suspicion that they may practice sodomy with them." [LIPMAN, E., 1974,
p. 235]
"The Talmud is in disagreement over
whether Jews may rob Gentiles," says Jewish scholar Gordon Lafar, "but
even the liberal authority Rabbi Menachem HaMeiri agrees that a Jew who
finds something that was inadvertently lost by a Gentile is not obliged
to return it." [LAFAR, p. 189-190] In this regard, for example, in 1980
Brooklyn rabbi Dovid Katz wrote a book about the 613 mitzvot
(i.e., commandments; singular: mitvah) that a good Othodox Jew is
expected to fulfill. (Katz notes them as "divine decrees"). [KATZ, D.,
1980, untitled preface page] Among those is Mitzvah 69: "It is a
positive commandment to return a lost object to a Jew, as the posuk
says (Vayikra 22), 'You should return to your brother.'" Of
interesting note here are some of the detailed explanations of this:
Katz highlights the Jewish religious "law" as stated by an old -- and
obviously still influential -- Talmudic expert, Rambam [i.e.,
Maimonides]:
"3. One is allowed to keep a lost object of a gentile and he who
returns it commits
a sin because he is supporting the wicked people of the world. But
if he returns
it to sanctify G-d's name, by their saying that the Jews are
honest people,
it is allowed an praiseworthy to return it. Where there will be a
profaning of
G-d's name one is forbidden to keep the lost object and must
return it ...
4. In a city that has Jews and gentiles living together and
half are Jews and
half are gentiles, if one found a lost object he should take the
lost object
and announce it. If a Jew comes and gives a sign, that the object
is his,
he is obligated to return it to him.
5. If the majority of the city are gentiles, and one finds it
in a place where most
people there are Jews, he must make an announcement. But if it is
in a
place that is mostly gentile, the lost article belongs to the
finder and even
if a Jews gives a sign we do not give it to him. We say he gave up
since
there are mostly gentiles and they would take it for themselves.
Still
the right way is to return it even then to the Jew who gave the
sign."
[KATZ, D., 1980, p. 211-212]
In traditional law, Jewish physicians
may break the Sabbath (i.e., the rest day) and work in order to help
seriously sick Jewish patients. But there are conflicting opinions in
religious texts about helping non-Jews, and the allowance to aid ill
Gentiles on the Sabbath is not as clear. Apologetic rabbi Immanuel
Jacobovitz notes that
"the special sanction to disregard
religious laws in the face of
danger to life originally operated
only in regard to Jewish lives,
an attitude still upheld, in theory
at least, by the Shulkan 'Arukh ...
Evidently the problem [of what to do
about helping non-Jews]
was not very acute until the 17th
century, when many responsa
[opinions] began to be devoted to
it. In principle the more rigorous
view of the Talmud and the codes was
generally maintained, but in
practice it was admitted that Jewish
doctors and midwives -- even
the most religious among them --
often violated the Sabbath in their
attendance of non-Jews, however
legally indefensible their action might
be." [JACOBOVITS, p. 63]
An Israeli commentator, Uri Hupperet,
is more blunt about the traditional reasons why Orthodox Jewish doctors
might help Gentiles on the Sabbath:
"Saving a Gentile's life is also
subject to pragmatic reasoning. A
Gentile who is in immediate danger of
losing his or her life can
be saved even on the Sabbath; not
based on the philosophy of
'loving thy neighbor,' but motivated
by netivey shalom (preserving
peace with neighboring Gentiles), or
by darkey eivah (avoiding
atrocities of Gentiles against Jews).
It is not the human dimension
that motivates the command to save a
life in this respect, but a
dimension beneficial to the
ethnocentric community that will
remove ammunition from antagonists of
Orthodox Judaism."
[HUPPERT, U., 1988, p. 95]
Peter Novick notes the "psychological and rhetorical" tensions, as
he calls them, which traditional Jewish law provided for Jewish American
soldiers in World War II:
"Jewish American GIs were expected -- always in principle and
sometimes in
practice -- to crawl out under enemy fire to bring in wounded Irish
Americans
or Italian Americans, as the later were expected to do for them.
Members of the
older [Jewish] immigrant generation surely tested much higher for
feelings of
of international Jewish peoplehood. At the same time, and not
unconnected with
this, they were closer to a tradition that made it in principle
impermissible to
violate the laws of Sabbath observance to save the life of a
gentile, let alone
risk one's own life." [NOVICK, P., 1999, p. 34]
In the Middle Ages it became
customary to spit (usually three times) at a Christian cross (one
European king had the word “God” in Hebrew etched on the cross to
alleviate the insult). Pious Jews are also traditionally enjoined to
curse when passing a non-Jewish cemetery or building inhabited by
Gentiles. [SHAHAK, p. 93] To this day, in some traditionally religious
communities good Jew ritually curses if he passes a crowd of non-Jews,
but utters a blessing when a group is Jewish. [SHAHAK, p. 93]
“According to the Talmud,” confirms Reuven Kitelman, “a blessing is to
be offered upon seeing a multitude of Jews.” [KITELMAN, p. 147]
In 1996 Yossi Klein Halevi wrote that
during his youth in an Orthodox Jewish neighborhood in Brooklyn, "some
Borough Park children said it was a mitzvah, a religious commandment, to
spit when you passed a church. An alternative opinion held that it was
forbidden to even walk within spitting distance of a church." [HALEVI,
p. 17] "An Orthodox Jew learns from his earliest youth, as part of his
sacred studies,” says Israel Shahak, “that Gentiles are compared to
dogs, that it is a sin to praise them." [SHAHAK, p. 96] Institutionally,
says Shahak, "The Book of Education, written in the 14th century,
is currently a popular book for Israeli schoolchildren, its publication
subsidized by the government. Its texts includes material such as 'The
Jewish people are the best of the human species ... and worthy to have
slaves to serve them. We are commanded to possess them for our
service.'" [SHAHAK, p. 95]
In our own time the occasional
exhuming of such anti-Gentile passages from seminal Orthodox Jewish
literature for public discourse has garnered storms of Jewish wrath and
protest; apologists vehemently argue that such texts are obsolete,
misunderstood, ambiguous, or representative of a minority rabbinical
opinion among others who took opposing views.
Those Jews who are familiar with such
passages (particularly -- but not only -- the Orthodox) realize that
such texts are guaranteed fuel for anti-Jewish hostility; hence,
apologetic Jewish scholars inevitably step forward at the first inkling
of these texts gaining any kind of non-Jewish audience, seeking -- at
all costs -- damage control. The fact is that such material was, and is,
often very much, part of Jewish Orthodoxy and is seminal to traditional
Jewish thought about "others." Such material is not what the apologetic
Jewish community wants known and circulated about them beyond Jewish
circles. Nor does it fit modern secular Jewry’s universalistic myths
about themselves, that liberal universalism originated in the Jewish
religion. "Jews would be pretty embarrassed if some of our own
triumphalist literature were better known," Leah Orlowick, a
Conservative rabbi told a Jewish interviewer inquiring about
Christianity, "I can show you texts where Jews declare themselves
inherently on a higher spiritual level than all non-Jews. And if you're
willing to wade through all the apologetics, the hemming and hawing, I
can bring you to Jews who still believe in natural superiority, so let's
not be hypocrites." [HALBERSTAM, p. 221] One of the best ways of
dissimulation by Jewish apologists is to turn the tables of complaint by
indignantly arguing that the public examination of such racist Jewish
doctrines is, in fact, unreasonable expressions of the investigators'
anti-Semitism.
Morris Adler's post-Holocaust (1958)
comments, sponsored by the B'nai B'rith Hillel Foundation, are typical:
"A distinguished group of Christian
scholars have studied the
Talmud and refuted the vile
allegations about it. They have treated
it as an important phase of historic
Judaism and interpreted its
true character. The most patent
absurdities are no longer repeated
except perhaps by some ranting bigot
whose very extremism
discredits him in the eyes of
reasonable people." [ADLER, M., 1958,
1963, 1974, p. 12]
One of the ways Jewish dissimulation
works is also like this:
"The Talmud is full of remarks
against idolatry and idolaters; but the
prevailing opinion of the rabbis is
that by idolaters are meant only those
in Palestine." [UNIVERSAL JEWISH
ENCYCLOPEDIA, v. 3, p. 4]
"Idolaters" is traditionally known by
Orthodox Jews to be one of the words that can signify, generically,
non-Jews anywhere. "The term idolatry," says E. E. Urbach, "was coined
by our sages and included everything connected with a god other than the
God of Israel ... in practice the laws dealing with idolatry cover all
relations between Jews and non-Jews." [HALBERSTAM, p. 157]
"The assumption that all Gentiles
are by definition idolaters," says David Novak, "led to a number of
important halakhic norms. And although the concept of Noahide,
that is, the non-idolatrous Gentile changed this assumption, many of the
norms based upon it remained, albeit in modified form in most cases."
[NOVAK, Image, p. 115]
"As far as Christians being
idolaters," says Ronald Modras, "the state of Jewish law on the matter
was confused. Medieval Jews generally regarded Christianity as an
idolatrous religion. But laws prohibiting interaction with idolaters
were not applied to Christians with any uniformity ... [Jews] often
regarded themselves as a civilized people living among barbarians."
[MODRAS, p. 193]
Jacob Minkin notes that “Maimonides
classed the Christian in the category of idol worshippers.” [MINKIN, p.
318] And “an Israelite who worships an idol,” says Maimonides, “is
regarded as an idolator in all respects ... the penalty for which is
death by stoning.” [MINKIN, p. 318] Maimonides also had this to say
about "idolators": "It is forbidden to show them mercy, as it was said,
'nor show no mercy unto them (Deut. 7:2) ... You [also] learn that it is
forbidden to heal idolators even for a fee. But if one is afraid of them
or apprehends that refusal might cause ill will, medical treatment may
be given for a fee but not gratuitously." [HARKABI, p. 157] "Maimonides
exempts the Muslims from the category of idolators," says former Israeli
army official Yehoshafat Harkabi, "but the Christians, by contrast, were
explicitly included ... [HARKABI, p. 157] ... The classification of
Christians as idolators has apparently become widespread and accepted in
religious literature [today]. This is not merely a theoretical matter,
since practical conclusions flow from it." [HARKABI, p. 159]
With the increasing rise of a "back
to the roots" Jewish nationalist Orthodoxy in Israel (and in
considerable degree in the United States), and irretrievably tainted by
the influence of modern western pan-human moralities, some Jews are
stirring with serious moral qualms about bygone eras' interpretation of
seminal Jewish religious literature returning to credibility. An Israeli
rabbi, Tzvi Marx, for example, has lamented the dangers of
traditionalist understanding of some talmudic, and even Torah, texts.
These includes the likening of Arabs to dogs and the notion that Jews
are human beings but "idolaters" are not. [from the Talmud, BT Yebamot
61a, also BT Baba Metzia 114b, MARX, p. 44] Elsewhere, Rabbi Marx
bemoans talmudic rabbi Shimon bar Yohai's "infamous teaching" and
"dehumanizing depiction" of non-Jews, stemming from the Torah line that
states: "And you [only you Jews] my sheep, the sheep of my pasture, are
men." [EZEK. 34:21]
"The difference between a Jewish soul
and souls of non-Jews," said influential rabbi Yitzhak Hacohen Kook
(spiritual leader of today's Gush Emunim messianic movement) in the
early 20th century, "-- all of them in all different levels -- is
greater and deeper than the difference between a human soul and the
souls of cattle." [BROWNFELD, A., MARCH 2000, p. 105-106]
How popularly widespread are such
brutal dehumanizations of non-Jews in traditional -- even secular --
Jewish culture? In a 1961 study of Jewish-Americans (not focusing solely
on the Orthodox), Judith Kramer and Seymour Leventman noted that
"Even in the Yiddish language [the
common language of immigrant Jews
from central and eastern Europe,
where more Jews lived, til Hitler, than
any other place in the world] ...
popular usage distinguished between
Jews and non-Jews by employing
different verbs to describe the
behavior. Reserved for gentiles
are words otherwise used in reference
to animals: e.g., Jews eat (essen),
but goyim eat like pigs (fressen);
Jews die (starben), but
goyim die like dogs (pagern); Jews take a drink
(trinken), but goyim
drink like sots (soifen)." [KRAMER, p. 107]
(For the people and their language
that is ever innocent, Jewish author Leo Wiener reflected a common
Jewish perception in 1899: "There is probably no other language in
existence on which so much opprobrium has been heaped as on Yiddish.
Such a bias can be explained only as a manifestation of a general
prejudice against everything Jewish." [ HERZ, J., 1954, p. 82] In 1999,
as part of widespread Jewish public relations efforts to veil the
essences of traditional Jewish identity, unsuspecting non-Jews in Poland
were invited to sit in on a brief "course" for them at the 9th Jewish
Culture Festival in Krakow. It was entitled, however incongruously,
Jezyk jidisz dla kazdego ("Yiddish for Everyone"). A Polish monthly
tourist magazine noted that the festival "plays a not insignificant role
in breaking down bad stereotypes in Polish-Jewish relations." [MIESAC w
KRAKOWIE, p. 3] )
"Every Jew is familiar with the works of Hillel," says Chaim
Bermant,
"and the precept of 'love they neighbor as thyself' is at the heart
of Judaism, yet
every student brought up on the Babylonian Talmud -- and it must
be remembered
that for many centuries, especially in Poland, the Jews studied
little else -- is
inculcated with a disdain for the gentile which has entered into
Jewish lore and into
the very expressions of the Yiddish language." [BERMAN, C., 1977,
p. 35]
This human/non-human kind of Yiddish
linguistic distinction between Jews and non-Jews has been transposed to
Hebrew and Jewish culture in modern day Israel. "The immediate referent
of the Israelis is a Jew," says Charles Liebman and Steven Cohen,
"Indeed the very term Jew is used colloquially as a synonym for person."
[LIEBMAN/COHEN, p. 166] This kind of degradation of the Gentile world is
also reflected in the Hebrew words for Jewish immigrants who come to
live in Israel from around the world, and, conversely, those who
leave the Jewish state. Those who come to Israel are olim,
which means to ascend. Those who leave Israel for non-Jewish
lands are yordim, "from the root meaning to 'descend,' but also
to 'decline' and to 'deteriorate.'" [AVRUCH, K., 1981, p. 56]
In a discussion concerning Jewish
perspectives on slavery (about which there is "no negative attitude" in
Biblical or rabbinical literature) Judah Rosenthal, Professor of
Biblical Exegesis at the College of Jewish Studies in Chicago, also
notes Rabbi Yohai's weighty opinion on the biblical sheep reference and
that, indeed, the old rabbi believed the "concept of man refers only to
Israel." A more tolerant opinion, in Rosenthal's view, was that of
another Talmudic contributor, Rabbi Akiba, who wrote that "Beloved is
the man that he was created in the image of God." However, adds
Rosenthal, Rabbi Akiba also believed that a citation from Leviticus
25:46 ("You should keep them [non-Jews] in slavery forever") was an
"obligation." [ROSENTHAL, p. 70-71] This echoes Maimonide's belief that
keeping a Gentile slave "forever" was a "normative commandment."
[ROSENTHAL, p. 71]
Maimonides also said this:
“A Gentile slave has to be enslaved
forever ... one of the main reasons
being that since the Jewish nation
is the elite of the human race ...
they deserve to have slaves serve
them.” [ROSENTHAL, p. 71]
and:
“A man may give his bondswoman
[female slave] to his [male] slave
or to his neighbor's slave ... since
they are regarded as cattle.”
[ROSENTHAL, p. 71]
("The Torah hardly abolishes
slavery," notes Edward Greenstein, "The Bible assumed slavery as a given
and gave it a role. A slave was an indentured servant who could repay
his debts through labor.") [GREENSTEIN, E., 1984, p. 96]
Along the same lines, Isaac
Abravenel (1437-1508), a prominent Jewish scholar of the Middle Ages,
"considered Israel to be superior to other nations and therefore, he
[Israel] is entitled to be their masters." [ROSENTHAL, p. 73] There are
also Jews who believe such things, quite literally, today. In a 1980
speech by Israeli rabbi Moshe Halevi Segal, he proclaimed that
"All nations should surrender to
us, to the King of Israel, to the Messiah
of G-d of Jacob, and should be
taught exclusively by us. They must
desert their false beliefs and
cultures, and the social system dangerous
to us, to leave this treacherous
democracy ... Democracy ... confuses
the truth and justice."
[SPRINZAK, p. 273]
The Orthodox "Chabad" movement is a
very popular, and activist, movement in America and Israel today,
seeking to pull wayward secular Jews back to the religious fold. For
decades this organization was headed by Rabbi Menachem Schneerson, who
died in the 1990s. "The difference between a Jewish and a non-Jewish
person," said Schneerson,
"stems from the common expression:
'Let us differentiate.' Thus, we do
not have a case of profound change
in which a person is merely on a
superior level. Rather, we have a
case of 'let us differentiate' between
totally different species. This is
what needs to be said about the body:
the body of a Jewish person is of a
totally different quality from the
body of [members] of all nations of
the world ... A non-Jew's entire
reality is only vanity. It is
written, 'And the strangers shall guard and
feed your flocks' (Isaiah 61:5).
The entire creation [of a non-Jew] exists
only for the sake of the Jews."
[BROWNFELD, A., MARCH 2000,
p. 105-106]
Some talmudic -- and other --
citations also dictate that only non-Jewish corpses are "unclean." This,
says Rabbi Tsvi Marx, has an "attitudinal impact [that] is far reaching
... and ethically devastating when taken literally." The idea, for
instance, that only Jews can have ritually "unclean" corpses can be, and
is, interpreted by many Orthodox Jews to mean that non-Jews are not
technically of the same essential material as Jews, and, thus less -- or
not at all -- human. "In the Talmudic tradition Jews are often depicted
as reflecting "the image of God," says Moshe Greenberg, "but not the
non-Jews. R [abbi] Yohanon, for instance, says Jews 'were purged of
their pollution; the Gentiles ... were not. R [abbi] Shmuel Edel is
among those who collaborated this view." [GREENBERG, p. 31-32]
Rabbi Marx adds that in the English
Soncino Talmud translation concerning tractate Yebamot (p. 405, footnote
2), readers are informed that Rabbi Simeon b. Yohait says that "only an
Israelite ... can be said to have been like Adam, created in the image
of God. Idol worshippers [i.e., non-Jews] hav[e] marred the Divine
image and forfeit all claim to this appellation." [MARX, p. 44] Marx
brings up the influential Maimonides again too, in another context.
According to Maimonides' interpretation of earlier rabbinical arguments,
Marx worries that in Jewish religious law the “murder of a gentile seems
not to be a punishable offense." [MARX, p. 45]
Again, Maimonides is no rabbinical
slouch, and is not obscure. His opinion on all matters is respected by
Orthodox Jews to this day. "Ignoring the weighty legal opinion of
Maimonides," says Eugene Korn, "is always a risky strategy." [KORN, p.
271] Of the Jewish sages, Maimonides was also "the most consistent
advocate of .... suzerainty over Gentiles." [NOVAK, The Image,
p. 114] In fact, Maimonides also wrote the following, referring to the
biblical figure Noah, who was not Jewish:
"Moses [commanded] on the authority
of God to compel all human
beings to accept the commandments
that were commanded to Noah,
and he who does not accept [them] is
killed." [KORN, p. 266]
"The context of [this]," says Eugene
Korn, "is [Maimonide's] description of an ideal polity under Jewish
sovereignty." [KORN, p. 266] Such a world view in traditional Jewish
thinking is usually swept under the rug in modern popular discourse. A
case in point is the complete lack of historical context
in which popular Jewish commentary condemns those non-Jews who readily
accepted (and still accept) the infamous Protocols of the Elders of
Zion, the best known anti-Jewish text in modern history.
(Originating in Eastern Europe, the Protocols claimed to be an
actual document from a secret Jewish cabal). "The Protocols of the
Elders of Zion," notes Richard Levy,
"one of the most important forgeries
of modern times, presents a
Jewish plot to take over the world
and to reduce non-Jews to slavery ...
The Protocols found a huge
audience, especially following the
turbulent times following World War I
... Why has the Protocols
of Elders of Zion, a shameless
fraud, seized the imagination and
informed the political judgment of
[anti-Semitic] men and women
throughout the twentieth century?"
[SEGEL, p. 3]
Like virtually all Jews who pose such
a question, they do not actively seek an answer from within their own
community -- i.e., they are really not interested in an honest answer.
Why would anyone fall for the idea of a Jewish plot to dominate the
world aimed at holding all others in subjugation? Maimonides, above, in
classical religious thinking, points to the beginning of an answer.
Orthodox conviction that God will favor Jews at the "end of days" to, in
some form, rule the world is yet another marker. The Torah/Old Testament
states expected Jewish domination clearly in a number of places -- for
example:
"The Gentile shall come to thy light,
and kings to the brightness
of thy rising ... the forces of the
Gentiles shall come unto thee ...
Therefore thy gates shall be open
continually; they shall not be
shut day nor night; that men may
bring unto thee the forces of the
Gentiles, and that their kings may be
brought. For the nation and kingdom
that will not serve thee shall
perish; yea, those nations shall be utterly
wasted." [ISAIAH 60, 1-12]
"Ask of me, and I shall give thee the
heathen for thine inheritance,
and the uttermost parts of the earth
for thy possession. Thou shalt
break them with a rod of iron; thou
shalt dash them in pieces like a
potter's vessel." [PSALMS 2: 8-9]
"Thus saith the Lord, 'The labor of
Egypt, and merchandise of
Ethiopia and of the Sabeans, men of
stature, shall come over unto
thee, and they shall be thine: they
shall come after thee, in chains they
shall come over, and they shall fall
down unto thee, they shall make
supplication unto thee, saying,
'Surely God is in thee; and there is none
else, there is no [other] God.'"
[ISAIAH 46: 14]
[See John Hartung's article about the
roots of the Israelites' war-based ethnocentrism and how it has been
popularly transformed in much of Christian tradition (and some reforming
strands of Judaism) into a benevolent "light of nations" scenario;
HARTUNG, 1995]
As Old Testament scholar John Allegro
has noted:
"The history of the Jews as revealed
in the Torah was thus in a sense
coextensive with the story of
mankind, and in Adam's supremacy of
the beasts of the field [GEN. 1:26]
could be seen figured from the
Creation the eventual dominion of the
Jew of the whole world ...
[ALLEGRO, J., 1971, p. 61] ... Yahweh
[the Israelite God] is not
just a tribal deity, but the God of
the Universe. His Chosen People
are not just another ethnos:
they are the Sons of God, destined to rule
the world." [ALLEGRO, p. 162]
"One of the basic tenets of the
Lurianic Cabbala [a strain of Jewish mysticism]," note Israel Shahak and
Norton Mezvinsky, "is the absolute superiority of the Jewish soul and
body over the non-Jewish soul and body. According to the Lurianic
Cabbala, the world was created solely for the sake of the Jews; the
existence of non-Jews was subsidiary." [BROWNFELD, A., MARCH 2000, p.
105-106] A(n ultra-Orthodox) Chabad-sponsored Internet website, geared
for non-Jews, frames this world view discretely:
"What is the key to salvation? Those who return to the Law (the
Seven
Commandments for the Children of Noah, according to the eternal
covenant
made with Noah in Genesis 9) and who assist the Jewish people
(Isaiah 60.
61, 66) will be saved and will participate in the miracles and
revelations,
including worshipping in the Third Temple, under the kingship of
the Messiah.
As described in many places, including Jeremiah 16:19-21 and
Zechariah 8:20-23,
all the old gentile religions of the world will disappear, and
their followers
will turn to Jews for spiritual leadership." [NOAH'S COVENANT
WEBSITE,
2001]
As prominent anti-Jewish critic Henry
Ford once said about his own publishing of an edition of the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion:
"You will find we at no time
guaranteed their authenticity. We have
merely stated what they contain and
have paralleled this with what
actually took place and are leaving
it to the mind of the public to
judge." [WARREN, D., 1996, p.
150-151]
In 1920, the London Times reviewed the Protocols, not
with condemnation, but with the uneasy sense that much of what the
Protocols proclaimed, forgery or not, was coming to pass on the world
scene:
"What are these 'Protocols?' ... Are they a forgery? If so, whence
comes the
uncanny note of prophecy, prophecy in parts fulfilled, in parts far
gone in
the way of fulfillment? Have we been struggling these tragic years
to blow up
and extirpate the secret organisation of German world dominion only
to find beneath
it another, more dangerous because more secret? Have we been
straining every
fibre of our national body, escaped of a 'Pax Germanica' only to
fall into a
'Pax Judaica?' The 'Elders of Zion' as represented in their
'Protocols' are by
no means kinder taskmasters than William II and his henchmen would
have
been." [BERMANT, C., 1977, p. 33]
We may seek further clues to Gentile
receptivity to the fictitious Protocols due to Jewish identity
itself and the inevitable expressions, in day-to-day life with the
goyim through history, of Jewish supremacy and domination.
"Throughout their history," says
Israeli Jay Gonen, "the Jews ... entertained feelings of superiority
over Gentiles ... It therefore became a prevalent notion among Jews that
they are supposed to use their heads while the Gentiles do the dirty
work." [GONEN, p. 137] "A Jewish servant or labourer is almost unknown
in Egypt," noted one "Mr. Samuel" in his late 19th century Jewish
Life in the East, "our people here as elsewhere being infected with
that dislike for manual labor and that preference for earning our living
with our heads which is at once the strength of our upper and the
destruction of our lower classes." [SMITH, G., 1881/1959, p. 18]
Israeli-born David Grossman notes
the expression of this elitist Jewish attitude in modern Israel. Much of
his 1988 volume, The Yellow Wind, explores Jewish exploitation of
its Arab underclass for menial labor. The following is an interchange
Grossman had with a small Arab child in a West Bank refugee camp. It is,
as Grossman consistently notes, far from an isolated example of how
young Palestinian experiences and world views about Jews are being
shaped by their overseers.
"[Grossman]: Do you know who the Jews
are?
[Boy:] The army.
Are there other Jews?
No.
What does your father do?
Sick.
And your mother?
She works in Jerusalem for the Jews.
Cleans their houses."
[GROSSMAN, D., 1988, p. 24]
In the same book, Grossman expands
upon this theme of socialized Jewish racism and exploitation of a menial
underclass, illustrated by an incident with one of his neighbors in
Jerusalem:
"An Arab woman cleans the stairwell
at the [Jewish] housing project
in which I live. Her name is Amuna,
and she lives in Ramallah [an
Arab town]. I talk to her from time
to time. A three-year-old
[Jewish] boy, the son of one of our
neighbors, used to seeing her
bent over a pail of water, heard us
talking and was surprised -- I
saw it on his face. He asked her name
and I told him. Afterwards,
he asked what we had talked about in
Arabic, and I explained. He
thought a minute and said: 'Amuna is
a little bit a person and a little
bit a dog, right?' I asked him why he
said that. He explained: 'She
is a little bit dog, because she
always walks on all fours. And she
is also a little bit of a person,
because she knows how to talk."
End of story." [GROSSMAN, D., 1988,
p. 214-215]
In 1911 the prominent Zionist A. D.
Gordon (an early pioneer to Palestine/Israel) surveyed his Jewish people
and culture -- Orthodox or not -- with concern, writing:
"We [Jews] have developed an attitude
of looking down on manual labor.
We must not deceive ourselves in
this regard, nor shut our eyes to our
grave deficiencies, not merely as
individuals but as a people. The well-
known Talmudic saying, that when the
Jews do God's will their labor is
done for them by others is
characteristic of our attitudes. This saying is
significant. It demonstrates how far
this attitude has become an
instinctive feeling within us, a
second nature." [GORDON, p. 679]
The "Labor Zionism" political
movement sought to readjust urban Jews to farm labor in the early years
of Zionism in Palestine/Israel. But Rosemary Reuther even notes the same
old Jewish propensity to function as overseers has come to the fore in
modern Israel:
"The sabra [native-born Jewish
Israeli], redeemed from Diaspora
weakness, with a gun in one hand
and a plow in the other, has
become a
military-political-industrial ruling elite. Many Jews no
longer work the land with their own
hands or do any kind of
manual labor. For many, such labor
is now seen as 'Arab work.'"
[ELLIS, M., 1990, p. 150]
Israeli Nimrod Tevlin recalled his
youth in Russia:
"After [the first year of college],
we [members of a Zionist organization]
decided to quit and spend full time
preparing to emigrate to
Palestine. Hardly any of us, however,
had backgrounds as workers --
heavy physical work like farming was
considered work for the
goyim." [GORKIN, M., 1971, p.
56]
The 1989 Russian census clearly evidences this traditional Jewish
proclivity to avoid manual labor. And why have so few Jews ever worked
in Russian factories? Jewish scholar Michael Paul Sacks, in a common
Jewish apologetic theme to be elaborated upon in depth in this book
later, has the stock answer: anti-Semitism among the working class.
"There was little to attract Jews to work in the factory," says Sacks,
"Surveys have shown greater levels of anti-Semitism among blue-collar
workers and those with lower levels of education ... There can be no
doubt that in comparison with professional or semi-professional
employment, Jews in blue-collar jobs were an especially small minority."
[SACKS, M., 1998. [p. 265]
Chone Shmeruk notes the practical
implications of such feeling in pre-war World War II Warsaw: "As far as
my district goes [where I lived in Warsaw] ... it was exclusively
Jewish. The only non-Jews there were the janitors, who usually had small
apartments near the entrance." [SHMERUK, p. 326] [See also later
discussions of American Jewry's propensity towards employing maids,
especially African-Americans, for menial labor [in the POPULAR CULTURE
chapter], as well as the traditional non-Jewish Saturday servant known
as the shabbes goy].
What are we to make of the disturbing implications of these words,
in 2001, from Michael Finkel, in a New York Times article? :
"Moshe lives in Israel, which happens to be one of the more active
nations in the
international organ-trafficking market. The market, which is
completely illegal, is
so complex and well organized that a single transaction often
crosses three
continents ... Israel also does not contribute much to the supply
side of the
equation. Organ donation is extremely low; an estimated 3 percent
of Israelis
have signed donor cards ... Paying for an organ has become so
routine in Israel
that there have been instances in which a patient has elected not
to accept the
offer of a kidney donation from a well-matched relative. 'Why risk
harm to
a family member?' one patient told me." [FINKEL, M., 5-27-01]
Early Zionist Arthur Ruppin notes
an incident in which he found a Gentile cutting wood for a Jew in
Eastern Europe. Ruppin suggested that there were Jews would might be
able to use the work, but the employer noted that "a Jew does not
undertake such work, even when he's starving; it is not suitable for a
Jew." [MACDONALD, p. 23]
During the California Gold Rush in the mid-19th century, many Jews
hurried to the mining areas, but not to labor for gold. Their demeanor
was noted by Hinton Rowan Helper, "whose tract, The Impending Crisis
of the South, would soon crystallize opinions concerning slavery ...
[Helper] ws as vociferous in his claims of Jewish laziness in the gold
rush as he was in condemnation of the southern slaveholder. With regards
to the Jews he wrote: 'Mining, the cultivation of the soil, in a word,
any occupation that requires exposure to weather, is too fatiguing and
intolerable for them. The law requiring man to get bread by the sweat of
his brow is an injunction with which they refuse to comply.'" [LEVINSON,
R., 1978, p. 13]
Another contemporary of the Gold Rush, J. D. Bothwick observed that
"In traveling through the mines from one end to the other, I never
saw a Jew lift
a pick or shovel to do a single stroke of work, or, in fact, occupy
himself in any
other way than in selling slops. while men of other classes and of
every nation
showed such versatility in betaking themselves to whatever business
or occupation
appeared at the time to be most advisable without reference to
their antecedents,
and, in a country where no man, to whatever class of society he
belonged, was
in the least degree ashamed to roll up his sleeves and dig in the
mines for gold,
or to engage in any other kind of manual labour, it was a
remarkable fact that the
Jews were the only people whom this was not observable." [LEVINSON,
R.,
1978, p. 13]
In his autobiography, well-known
Yiddish author Sholem Aleichem watched a ferryman in Eastern Europe
absorbed in the difficult physical task of pulling a boat across a
river. "Only a Goy could do work like that, not a Jew," he wrote, "The
Bible says of Esau [non-Jews], 'And thou shalt serve they brother.' It
is good that I am a descendant of Jacob [Jacob: Jews] and not of Esau."
[LINDEMANN, Esau's, p. 5] Albert Lindemann also notes the case of
"the eminent Jewish-American intellectual Sidney Hook [who] remembered
how, as a boy, he had asked his religion teacher about the injustice of
what Jacob did to Esau. The teacher responded, 'What kind of question is
that? Esau was an animal.'" [LINDEMANN, p. 5]
This Jacob-Esau division is another
deep source of enduring Jewish racism and elitism per their supposed
genius in outwitting others. The story of Jacob and Esau is from the
biblical Genesis. They were the two sons (twins) of Isaac (son of the
seminal Jewish patriarch Abraham) and Rebecca. Jacob, however, is
understood in Jewish lore as an early patriarch of the Jewish ancestral
lineage, Esau is not. Esau is an ancestor of Gentiles. And as the Torah
(Genesis 25.21-23) states it, God told the pregnant Rebecca that "two
nations are in thy womb, two nationalities will emerge from inside of
thee. And one people will be stronger than the other -- the elder will
serve the younger." The "younger" of course was Jacob, ancestor of the
Jews. "If you fail Jacob," notes traditional Yiddish folklore, "you aid
Esau." [KUMOVE, S., 1985, p. 81]
Albert Lindemann notes the later
development of this brother tale:
"In the biblical account, Jacob
conspires with his mother, Rebecca,
to trick Esau out of receiving the
blessing of their aged and blind
father, Isaac. Esau, the first-born,
had already foolishly given over
his birthright to Jacob in exchange
for a bowl of lentils. But Esau
remained Isaac's favorite ... Esau
was outraged when he discovered
that he and his father had been
duped, that Jacob had posed as his
older brother [to his blind father]
and had gained Isaac's blessing ...
Anti-Semites of various shapes have
drawn upon the Jacob-Esau tale
as proof of the incorrigible cunning
and moral corruption of the Jews
throughout history ... Even in the
1990s, the notion of a somehow
unbridgeable gap between Esau and
Jacob, Gentile and Jew, remains
central to traditional Jewish
perspectives ('Esau always hates Jacob,'
'The Messiah will not come until the
tears of Esau have been
exhausted.')" [LINDEMANN, Esau's,
p. 4-5]
"[Jacob's] deception," says
Shlomo Riskin, "was orchestrated by his mother, perhaps even ordained by
God, but his feeling of guilt never leaves him." [RISKIN, S., 1994, p.
5B] Esau, notes Nathan Ausubel, "surnamed 'the wicked' in Jewish
folklore, is portrayed as a fierce warrior and hunter, preoccupied with
fighting and the chase. Jacob, on the other hand, is depicted as a
gentle scholar, always found in the House of Study in pursuit of divine
instruction." [AUSUBEL, p. 28] Jacob, however, in the original
story, was the treacherous brother. One Jewish observer, Hugh
Blumenfeld, has noted with consternation that the brother who was
morally righteous, Esau, is so much condemned in Jewish lore. "It floors
me," Blumenfeld told a Jewish newspaper, "because he is the one who
forgives his brother, who tries to do right by the end of the story."
[KATZ-STONE, 1999, p. 47]
Rabbi Yisroel Yaaikov Klapholz notes
the traditional Talmudic views of the Esau (Gentiles) - Jacob (Jews)
dialectic:
"Rebekah became pregnant with twins
... Esau said to Jacob: 'If
you do not let me come out first, I
will kill my mother as I leave her
stomach.' Jacob said: 'That evildoer
is a murderer even before his
birth' ... One [son] will adorn
himself with Torah, the other will boast
of his sins. Both will be hated by
other nations and both will rule
the world. But in the end, the
descendants of your righteous son
shall reign supreme. After Esau's
rule, no other nation shall reign
but Israel. G-d [God] also revealed
to Rebekah that He loves Jacob
and despises Esau ... Rebekah called
one son Jacob, the other Esau.
Esau was born ruddy all over, like a
hairy mantle, his redness
indicating that he was of a murderous
nature ... Esau ... refused to
be circumcized for the rest of his
life. Jacob, on the other hand, was
born circumcized." [KLAPHOLZ, p.
14-16]
One of Rabbi Klapholz's chapters in a
book he authored is called "Jacob's Innocence and Esau's Cunning."
"People saw the deeds of the two youths," says Klapholz, "and said:
'Esau is a thorn-bush and Jacob a fragrant flower.' The cunning Esau was
always plotting to do evil." [KLAPHOLZ, p. 17]
Samuel Heilman, an anthropologist and
an Orthodox Jew, notes, from the usual Jewish martyrological view, the
Jacob-Esau subject in the Hasidic community:
"'Jacob and Esau are two opposites,'
as Rabbi Shlomo Halberstam
(1848-1906) of Bobov, Poland, put it
in commonly heard terms
that saw Jews and Gentiles symbolized
by the two Biblical brothers,
'and it is unthinkable that there
should be any connection between
them in any way.' If much of the two
thousand years of the diaspora
had led to Jewish persecution and
degradation, these Jews responded
by categorizing everyone who was not
a Jew as some inferior being."
[HEILMAN, S., 1992, p. 19]
Throughout Jewish tradition, the
origin of hatred of Jewish arch-enemies is the most primitive sort:
animosities are rooted in clan-based feuds. The despised are actually
blood-related with common, not so terribly distant, ancestors. As noted,
the Israelite patriarch Abraham had two sons: Isaac and Ishmael. Isaac
is considered by modern day Jews to represent the Jewish lineage;
Ishmael, even according to Islamic tradition, fathered the Arab line. In
the Jewish family tree, Isaac's sons were Jacob and Esau: Esau is a kind
of symbolic patriarch of all Gentiles. Only the children of Jacob are
considered to continue the Jewish line. Esau fathered Eliphaz, who in
turn fathered Amalek, the most-hated enemy in Jewish tradition. [More,
at length, about Amalek later. For purposes here, suffice it to note --
as startling as it may sound -- that the Old Testament commands Jews to
"blot out the memory" of him by exterminating all his descendants. To
read about Amalek now,
click here]
Amalek is, hence, actually not that terribly remote from the Jewish
bloodline: he was the great-great grandson of Abraham.
Joshua Cohen notes traditional Jewish
perspective of the Amalek story:
"The Talmudic sages tell us that the
Jewish fathers -- Abraham, Isaac
and Jacob -- rejected [Amalek's
mother's] offer to convert and that her
rejection resulted in Amalek's
hatred of Israel ... In a way then, this
[Talmudic] midrash tells the origin
of the prejudice that western tradition
would later call anti-Semitism ...
The Amalekites ... were the first enemies
of the Jews after their emergence
from Egypt as a full-fledged nation ...
Not only do Jews and Amalekites
share a common ancestry; Jewish
humanity and Amalekite bigotry were
encoded in the same seed."
[COHEN, J., p. 296-297]
The Israelites/Jews continued on
their separatist course thus conceptually armed, victims of senseless
bigotry, as they saw it, through history.
Before we move on, however, we must
yet mention again the influential sage Maimonides, whose pronouncements
still find widespread credibility in Jewish culture (particularly amidst
the Orthodox in our own day). According to Maimonides, notes Eugene
Korn:
"Only with the commission of grievous
sins do a small minority of Jews
lose their share in the world to
come. The reverse proposition appears
to be true for Gentiles: Immortality
for non-Jews would be the exception,
open to a small minority. Thus we
arrive at arbitrary inequality, the
essence of injustice." [KORN, p. 270]
Some modern, and influential, rabbis
like Rav Velvel Soloveitchik interpret such Maimonides opinions to their
most ominous degree. "Not only is the rational and autonomous moral
[non-Jewish] person denied wisdom and a share in the world to come,"
says Eugene Korn, " ... it robs all non-believers and their cultures of
any intellectual, religious, or even human value." [KORN, p. 281] "By
modern standards," observes Lenni Brenner, "Judaism is jarring in its
ethnic and religious chauvinism, and extreme and contradictory in its
social ethics, real and ideal." [BRENNER, p. 41]
Israel Shahak, both an Israeli
citizen and Holocaust survivor, underscores that racism, stemming from
the Jewish Chosen People concept, is intrinsic to the Orthodox Jewish
faith. "The rabbis," he writes, "and, even worse, the apologetic
'scholars of Judaism’ know this very well and for this reason they do
not try to argue against such views inside the Jewish community; and of
course they never mention them outside it. Inside, they vilify any Jew
who raises such matters within earshot of Gentiles, and they issue
deceitful denials in which the art of equivocation reaches its summit.
For example, they state, using general terms, the importance which
Judaism attaches to mercy; but what they forget to point out is that
according to the Halakhah [Jewish religious law] 'mercy' means
mercy towards Jews." [SHAHAK, p. 96]
Note, for example, the apologetics of
professor Robert Pois, who, like many, turns the usual dissimulatives
about a "selective interpretation" of the Talmud into the implication
that only Nazis and their kindred would, in overview, entertain negative
opinion about this important Jewish religious work:
"The selective mining of Talmudic
sources ... has been a traditional
approach of anti-Semites for some
time. Yes, there are nasty anti-heathen
(read anti-Christian) comments in the
Talmud. But ... the 63 sections of
this compendium of Jewish oral law
and folklore ... was not informed by
a systematic theology. Rather, it
was, literally, commentary. In a word,
it was a panoply of opinions of one
or the other religious and social
issues ... Obviously, if one wants to
depict the Talmud as being
consistently anti-Goy, great
selectivity is necessary. Such was revealed
in that tradition which informed the
writings of Houston Stewart
Chamberlain and Alfred Rosenberg."
[ROIS, R., 1998]
Chamberlain and Rosenberg, of
course, were prominent Nazi ideologues. Pois here infers that to
investigate assertions of Jewish racism in its sacred works can only be
the interest of a Nazi.
The origin of the chauvinist Jewish
worldview, which will surface many times in this volume, is, again, the
traditional Jewish notion of themselves as the "Chosen People" of God.
This idea, wrote J. O. Hertzler, is “literally and vividly maintained
... in a very decided Judeocentric view of history and the world.”
[HERTZLER, p. 70] It is often referred to as "chosenness," or
"election," as if there had been a divine vote cast somewhere to confirm
their self-perceived specialness. “The Jews may stand astride time and
eternity,” wrote Arthur A. Cohen, "... This is unavoidably an
aristocratic mission.” [EISENSTEIN, I. p. 275] "Alas," says Ze'ev Levy,
"the concept of chosenness entails ethnocentrism, for the better (in the
past) or the worse (today). Chosenness does not go with otherness, that
is, with unconditional respect of others." [LEVY, p. 104] This is an
understatement. "The concept of an eternal selection," says Moshe
Greenberg, "eventually merges with a doctrine of spiritual-racial
superiority, rooted, it seems, in the biblical term 'holy seed' ...
[According to the Old Testament/Torah, Ezra 9:2] holiness inheres in the
seed and is hereditary." [GREENBERG, p. 31]
"The word 'chosen' [per 'Chosen
People']," notes Arnold Eisen, "is used sparingly in the Bible, to
convey the passion of choosing. Its antonym is not 'considered
impartially' or 'ignored,' but 'despised.'" [EISEN, p. RHETORIC, p. 66]
"The Jewish religion," wrote Arthur Koestler, "unlike any other, is
racially discriminating, nationally segregative, and socially
tension-creating." [LINDEMANN, p. 20]
The continuing debate about this
within the Jewish community by liberal and secular thinkers is generally
framed euphemistically in the contrasting terms of "particularism and
universalism." While most Jews tend to be apologetic for this term,
particularism actually refers to the purely self-concern,
self-aggrandizement, racism, and ethnocentrism of traditional Jewish
thinking (to the systemic detriment of non-Jews) throughout the
centuries. This was consistently manifest by a Jewish segregated
lifestyle, tight knit community, different Jewish moral standards for
behavior towards Jews and non-Jews, racial and hereditary obsessions,
and condescending views of all non-Jews around them. Universalism, on
the other hand, refers to a shift in Jewish moral thinking (like
everyone else) beginning with the Enlightenment, exemplified in a
liberalizing Germany with the universalizing ideas of philosophers like
Immanuel Kant. Universalism embodies the notion that Jewish
particularism (or any other) is morally incorrect and obsolete and that
spiritual and secular laws should be the same for everyone,
all-inclusive. (As Israel Shahak notes, the Jews of Europe did not fight
for freedom and liberation from their own stagnant ghetto ideology of
particularism; emancipation was a gift of universalistic
benevolence from the surrounding non-Jewish community which opened the
doors for Jews to leave their distinctive ideological ghetto.) [SHAHAK,
p. 17]
Monford Harris calls tradition Jewish conception of its collective
self in our modern, post-Emancipation universalistic age "the scandal of
particularity." "The current definitions of Jewishness derive from
emancipation-era experiences," he noted in 1965,
"Until that time Jews knew very well what Jewishness was.
Emancipation-era
Jewishness was involved with understanding itself through
universally valid
categories, and in the process authentic Jewish understanding of
Jewishness
is rejected. The Jewish understanding of Jewishness had become too
particular
and parochial for modern premises." [HARRIS, M., 1965, p. 85]
Eventually recognizing that
complete acceptance of a universalistic ethic towards their fellow human
beings could only mean serious endangerment of the "particularist"
Jewish identity, liberalizing elements of world Jewry over past decades
have moved to proclaim two antithetical ideas as essential parts of
Jewish identity: both an allegiance to "Chosen People" Judeo-centrism
and pan-human universalism. This is managed by the enduring
Judeo-centric notion that distinctly Jewish hands must cling to the
steering wheel of humanity itself as some form of a Jewish leadership
"mission": in the pseudo-religious sphere, this is generally expressed
as some version of "We Jews are fated to lead all of humanity to its
destiny." In this new Chosen People construct, Jews can thereby still
take satisfaction in their presumed exceptionality, but it is now
(supposedly) morally adjusted to do some good for others in their wake.
"In the very emphasis upon the
particular," says Rabbi Hayim Halevy Donin, "this singular family [Jews]
reflected the noblest form of universalism." [DONIN, p. 8] "We Jews are
a narrow, nationalist, self-centered people, " observes Samuel Dresner,
"There is no point in denying it ... [Yet] in all of Judaism ...
particularism and universalism go hand in hand ... Particularism and
universalism, both are essentials of Judaism." [DRESNER, p. 50-51]
"Jewish pride, Jewish chauvinism, Jewish particularism," says Roger
Kamenetz, "-- the idea that we are a special chosen people -- seems to
contradict the very universalistic prophetic messages Judaism also
teaches." [KAMENETZ, R., 1994, p. 150]
Knowing the foundation of
Judeo-centric religious history, such Jewish proclamation is peculiar:
“We [Jews] are under no obligation
to forcefully convert non-Jews,”
says Reuven Bulka, “On the contrary,
we must carefully avoid any
coercive conversion practices.
However, it is another matter when the
issue is enlightening the world with
Judaic values.” [BULKA, p. 18]
“Why did God choose Israel?” asks
Alfred Jospe, “Because all other nations refused to accept Torah.
Originally, God had offered it to all nations of the world. But the
children of Esau [non-Jews] rejected it because they could not reconcile
themselves to the commandment ‘Thou shalt not kill.’ The Moabites
declined the offer because they felt they could not accept the
commandment ‘Thou shalt not commit adultery.’ The Ishamaelites
[traditional ancestors of today's Arabs] refused it because they could
not square their habits with the commandment, ‘Thou shalt not steal.’”
[JOSPE, p. 14]
This is of course yet another
manifestation of classical Jewish ethnocentrism, often arrogance, and
even today sometimes racism, false-fronted by an illusionary claim of
Jewish service to humanity, a service conceived to be more special than
any other. Jewish scholar Norman Cantor states the true essence of
traditional Jewish identity succinctly:
"The covenant idea is the polar
opposite of democracy, multiculturalism,
and ethnic equality." [CANTOR, p.
21]
"Jewish values," adds Charles
Liebman,
"... are folk-oriented rather than
universalist, ethnocentric rather than
cosmopolitan, and at least one major
strand in Jewish tradition expresses
indifference, fear, and even
hostility to the non-Jew." [LIEBMAN, C., p.
10]
"In Borough Park's language," says
Yossi Klein Halevi, referring to the Orthodox community where he was
raised, "'universalist' was a synonym for traitor ... Other people
might take their humanity for granted; but Jews, at least in Borough
Park, felt certain only of their Jewishness." [HALEVI, p. 75]
"Maintaining the bonds one Jew must feel with another Jew," notes Susan
Schneider, "is part of Judaism, along with the idea that being Jewish
may require maintaining the purity and/or unity of the Jewish people."
[SCHNEIDER, p. 323]
In an American context, Arnold Eisen
notes the modern Jewish liberals' resultant quandary in reframing the
Jewish worldview for Gentile consumption:
"The notion of the Jewish [special]
mission to [other peoples] was
problematic, because it presumed
that one people had the truth, and
all others could but wait patiently
to receive it. Such hierarchical ideas
did not seem to fit in a society
which espoused egalitarianism; if all
men were created equal, why did
other people need the Jews in order
to attain true knowledge of God? The
search for ways of reconciling
pluralism and election became a
pressing task of Jewish apologetic."
[EISEN, p. 21]
One of the ways convoluted apologetic
seeks to distance itself from racism and inevitable Gentile hostility is
to rhapsodize about special Jewish destiny, as does Reuven Bulka, who in
this case also obfuscates it:
"The notion of chosenness is ...
misleading and fraught with danger,
as if to imply some inherent
genetic or biological virtue that
is merely an accident of fate.
Being chosen is the end result of
chosingness, much the same way
that the bride's choice to agree
to the request of a groom to
marry her is predicated on the
presumption that she has already
been chosen, an assumption
inherent in the groom's
question-request entreaty." [BULKA, p. 17]
But as Jewish author Monford Harris notes about such notions of
Jewry as a "choosing" people:
"The idea of the Jews as 'chosen people' has been eclipsed. Yet it
is so central
to classical Jewish thought it could not be wholly surrendered. It
was, consequently,
reinterpreted ... [One] way of reinterpreting the idea of the
chosen people
is to say that the Jews are the 'choosing people.' Since the day of
the Nazi idea
of the master race it has been said that the idea of the 'chosen'
people is
ethically untenable, and that it is better to understand the Jews
as the choosing
people; i.e., the Jews were the only people in antiquity to
recognize the true God.
Precisely that which it tries to avoid is what this notion falls
prey to. To say the
Jews are the choosing people is to assert a position of such
arrogance as to
violate the canons of good manners, let alone ethical
considerations. To assert
that only our ancestors were wise enough, good enough, to
make the right
choice and that all other nations lacked either the wisdom or the
sincerity to
do so is on a par with Nazi racism." [HARRIS, M., 1965, p. 89]
In the apologetic realm, it is
interesting to note the noble moral currency afforded modern Judaism in
popular American culture by the presentation of the pan-human,
universalistic excerpt from Jewish religious sources that
supposedly says: "Whoever saves a single life, saves the world entire."
(This is the stated theme, for example, during a candle-lighting scene
to begin the fabulously popular Stephen Spielberg movie about Jews under
Nazi occupation, Schindler's List). Even taking this
"life-saving" statement at face value, however, it is subject to
interpretive manipulation. Some Jewish observers have noted that "this
Talmudic saying, taken literally, is the ideological basis for an amoral
survivalism," i.e., saving "a" life is merely self-survival.
[CHEYETTE, p. 233]
Yet this supposedly noble refrain is
clouded even further. In the talmudic Mishna, Sanhedrin 4:5, the
original really says this: "Whoever destroys a single Jewish life,
Scripture accounts it to him as though he had destroyed a whole world."
It is quite particularist in its scope, i.e., it only cares about Jews,
self-survival or not. Nonetheless, this literal fact does not hinder
many Jewish non-Orthodox apologists from universalizing this chauvinist
quote anyway. "Most Jews whose study of the Mishna," says Jacob
Petuchowski, "is confined to the standard edition continue to invest
this statement with a particularist limitation, while the few scholars
who deal with textual criticism are aware of the greater universalistic
breath of the original statement." [PETUCHOWKI, p. 8] When dropping the
adverb "Jewish" from the seminal source, insists the likes of
Petuchowski, one arrives at the "correct reading."
"The Talmudic epigraph of Stephen Spielberg's Schindler's List,"
adds Jewish scholar Peter Novick, "'Whoever saves one life saves the
world entire,' surely reflected the universalist values of liberal
Judaism as it had evolved in recent centuries. The observant knew that
the traditional version, the one taught in all Orthodox yeshivot
[religious schools], speaks of 'whoever saves the life of Israel.'"
[NOVICK, P., 1999, p. 182-183] Apologetic rabbi Isar Schorsch does a
little verbal gymastics to rearrange the timeline sequence of this
"regretful" Jewish racism:
"[Jewish] xenophobia contaminates one of the finest expressions of
universalism in the Mishna. Prior to testifying in a capital case,
witnesses
are warned of the consequences of their words. 'Anyone who saves a
single
person is credited with having saved the entire human race.'
(Mishna Sanhedrin
4:4) Regretfully, in some manuscripts and printed texts the word
'person'
is replaced by the word 'Jew.'" [SCORSCH, I., 4-30-99]
This kind of modern revisionism has
set the stage for a bitter -- and intensifying -- struggle in
international Jewry for the heart, and meaning, of Judaism between
Orthodox followers of traditional belief and liberalizing revisionists,
who largely suppress the historical facts of their own religious
history. In recent years a number of Orthodox groups have even declared
that their ideological rivals -- those Jews who at least pay lip service
to universalistic ideals -- are not even Jewish. "In debates within the
Jewish community," says Gordon Lafar, "both universalists and
chauvinists claim to be speaking in the name of traditional Jewish
values." [LAFAR, p. 180]
"In my youth," noted Meir Tamari in
1987, "Judaism was synonymous with socialism. There were religious
Orthodox trade unions and religious Orthodox socialist parties. In
Reform Judaism, this was a major issue. And we literally distorted
Jewish sources -- and I was guilty of that, misguiding many young people
in explaining to them that the Torah and socialism were synonymous."
[JEWISH WEEK, 5-15-87, p. 28] "After fifty some years of conscious
exploration," wrote professor Paul Laute, a 1960s-era Civil Rights
activist, "it has finally occurred to me that my identification of
Jewishness with progressive social action is as much a historical
construction as the messianic intolerance of [the racist Jewish
messianic movement] Gush Emunim." [LAUTER, p. 45]
Amnon Rubenstein, an Israeli scholar,
in noting the folly of claiming Judaism as a "universal" religion, cites
the following crucial Torah (Old Testament) passages about God's
favoritism towards the Jews:
"If ye will hearken unto My voice
indeed, and keep My covenant, then
ye shall be Mine own treasure from
among all peoples."
"Ye shall be holy unto Me, for I the
Lord am holy and have severed
you from other people that ye shall
me mine."
"These well known passages," he
observes, "explain why it is impossible from the traditional viewpoint,
to separate the idea of chosenness, of a 'treasure nation,' from the
concept of the covenant and the observance of Jewish religious law and
how false it is to relate these religious paradigms to secular values.
It is futile to transplant the biblical injunctions into a secular
context and support this by referring to the prophets' 'universal'
visions of social justice and peace among nations." [RUBENSTEIN, A., p.
34-35]
Rubenstein attributes the values of
"human equality" to "Christian monotheism" and the French revolution.
[RUBENSTEIN, A., p. 36]
Another Israeli, Bernard Avishai,
notes that left-wing Israelis "cringe when they hear the same people
["Jewish American intellectuals"] talk about 'Jewish ethical vocation'
or, worse, lecture Israelis about how Judaism mandates a peculiarly
open-spirited morality, a sense of history." [AVISHAI, B., p. 350] As
Stuart Svonkin notes:
"The work of Jewish historians clearly demonstrates that there are
few discernible
connections between the premodern Jewish tradition
and modern ideals of social
justice. The liberal universal precepts that [the likes of former
Anti-Defamation
League head Benjamin] Epstein enumerated bear little relation to
historical Judaism;
their provenance is much more recent ... These renovated, if
mythic, 'Jewish precepts'
-- clearly dehistoricized and largely secularized -- closely
corresponded with the basic
tenets of postwar American liberalism.
The ADL's intergroup relations program was
thus predicated on the assertion -- historically inaccurate but
rhetorically powerful
-- that the same 'concepts of democracy' informed both Judaism and
the 'American creed'
of liberty and equality." [SVONKIN, S., 1997,
p. 20]
In Israel, a society for Jews and
controlled by Jews, there is no need for universalizing apologetics over
the essence of traditional Judaism. Charles Liebman and Steven Cohen
note that
"Many leftist secularists see
Judaism as so inimical to liberal values that
they have severed their own ties
with it. Whereas their predecessors
held that one could be a humanist
socialist and be Jewishly committed
at the same time, intellectuals in
this new circle are in effect walking away
from the battle over the political
meaning of Judaism. They view Judaism
as so thoroughly conservative,
nationalistic and particularistic that it
cannot be reformed. In this view
the only hope for the Israeli liberal is
the disestablishment of Judaism."
[LIEBMAN/COHEN, p. 118]
In 1996 American-born Israeli Ze'ev
Chafets noted how troubled he was at what he discovered to be powerful
expressions of traditional Judaism in the Jewish state:
"Rabbi Meir Kahane began preaching
that Arabs are dogs and the
penalty for a Muslim man marrying a
Jewish woman should be
death," Rabbi Yitzhak Peretz "said
a schoolbus full of kids was
hit by a train because God was
angry that the movie theatre in their
town was open on Friday nights,"
the Lubavitcher Rebbe [rabbi]
"allowed his followers to declare
him the Messiah," Rabbi Yitzhak
Kadouri, "the world's greatest
kabbalist ... put a hex on a Jerusalem
office building that blocked his
view," Rabbi Dov Lior "declared it
kosher to kill gentile women and
children in wartime," Rabbi Nahum
Rabinovich "advocated scattering
land mines to prevent Israeli soldiers
from carrying out orders in the
West Bank," "20,000 yeshivah boys
gathered to stone and threaten
Israeli archeologists," Rabbi Moshe
Maya "arose in the Knesset and said
that the halakhic penalty for
homosexuality is death," Rabbi
Ovadiah Yosef, "universally considered
one of the great Torah sages of the
age, was quoted as ruling that
the faithful should refuse
transfusions from gentiles and nonobservant
Jews because they have dangerously
treif blood which might cause all
manner of un-Jewish behavior,"
Rabbi Mordechai Eliyahu believes
that "Jewish blood is inherently
pure and therefore incapable of defiling
Jewish recipients." [CHAFETS, Z.,
1996, p. 18]
"Real Torah Judaism," concludes
Chafets, with sarcasm for the Orthodox, "is a scientifically based
doctrine of racial purity. Jews have one, superior, kind of blood, the
rest of humanity has another ... [My rabbi in Michigan] was probably
ashamed to tell the truth." [CHAFETS, Z., 1996, p. 18]
The origin of this divide between
"particularist" and "universalist" Jews is to be found in the 19th
century, in the wake of the Enlightenment and the emergence of European
Jews from their isolationist ghettos. "Rationalism, modernism, and
emancipation," notes R. J. Zwi Wroblowsky, "made the notion of a chosen
people increasingly problematical." [WERBLOWSKY, p. 158] Religious
reformers in Germany sought to "redefine Judaism to fit Protestant
categories." This new Reform Judaism, says Charles Silberman,
"expurgated ... aspects of Judaism ... to make worship in the synagogue
resemble Protestant services as much as possible." [SILBERMAN, p. 38]
"In general, [Reform Judaism] gave Jewish religion a distinctly gentile
tinge." [PATAI, R., 1971, p. 304] "Orthodox Jews naturally expressed
their horror at the progressive Christianization of the synagogue," says
Walter Laqueur, "for this, not to mince words, is what it amounted to."
[LAQUEUR, p. 17] In 1884, Orthodox Jews even sued a Reform temple in
Charleston, South Carolina, for introducing an organ into the synagogue,
"a desecration of the Jewish ritual." [GOLDEN, H., 1973, p. 6] Theology
shifted in "Reform Judaism" too. In 1869, for example, a Philadelphia
conference of Reform-minded rabbis formally de-emphasized the more
literal aspects of the old chosen people concept, refocusing on "the
unity of all rational creatures." [LIPSET/RAAB, p. 59]
Even a strand of Orthodox Judaism in America -- commonly termed
"Modern Judaism" -- in earlier years did play down some of its
segregationist and anti-universalistic tenets. But, as Jack Wertheimer
noted in 1993,
"Few Orthodox spokesmen any longer articulate the undergirding
assumptions
of Modern Orthodoxy, namely, that a synthesis of traditional
Judaism and modern
Western culture is not only feasible but desirable. The thought of
the leading
ideologue of modern Orthodoxy in the nineteenth century, Rabbi
Samson
Hirsch, is now reinterpreted by his disciples as having urged
Torah im
Derekh Eretz, a synthesis of traditional Judaism and Western
culture, as
merely a temporary solution to the pressing needs of the
day; now, it is
argued, such a goal is no longer desirable ...[WERTHEIMER, J.,
1993, p. 127]
Virtually all contemporary gedolim (recognized rabbinical
authorities
within the Orthodox world) identify with right-wing Orthodoxy, and
their
views are rarely challenged." [WERTHEIMER, J., 1993, p. 128]
Jewish thinkers, particularly in the
Reform world, says Richard L. Rubenstein, sought "to assert the priority
of those elements of the Torah which seemed to remain relevant and
defensible in their own times. [T]hey tended to distinguish between the
spirit of the Torah and its frequently embarrassing letter by
emphasizing the abiding relevance of the moral elements of the Torah."
[RUBENSTEIN, p. 236] "The idea," says Michael Meyer, "that pure
religious faith is essentially moral rapidly became the theoretical
basis and practical operative principle of the Reform movement."
[RUBENSTEIN, p. 337]
With the Reform movement came Jewish
efforts to distance enlightened, modern Jewry from their rabbinically
archaic and cloistered pasts. Also came the appropriation of the
universalistic themes of Christian-based culture to make them "Jewish."
"Attempts have been made to link the Jewish propensity to identify with
political activism and social justice to Judaism," note David Desser and
Lester Friedman, "with specific exhortations in the Old Testament. Such
attempts try to isolate precepts and commandments favoring social
egalitarianism and universalism. This thesis ... has at best a tenuous
explanatory capacity. In fact, Christianity would more likely have
greater ties to secular liberalism ... Jewish cries for social justice
did not arise until the 19th century, and there were precious few major
political thinkers until this period." [DESSER, p.] "Some commentators,"
worry particularist Jewish scholars Seymour Lipset and Earl Raab, "want
to believe that an intrinsic aspect of Jewish life consists of such
universally benevolent 'Jewish social values' as equality, social
justice, and world peace' ... By taking on a public orientation similar
to Christian denominations, Judaism runs the danger of appearing more
Americanized and less particularistic." [LIPSET/RAAB, p. 54]
One of the most influential
propagators of the notion of a universalistic Judaism (the basis for the
popular western strain of Judaism called Reform) was Abraham Geiger.
Geiger, an early nineteenth century theologian, claimed that "Judaism
has proved itself a force outliving its peculiar nationality, and
therefore may lay claim to special consideration." This "special
consideration" is ultimately understood to be Jewish exceptionality in
pan-human affairs, especially in -- but not limited to -- matters of
morality and spirituality. But as modern scholar Joseph Blau observes
about Geiger's above proclamation, "let us reflect for a moment on the
paradoxical quality of this assertion. Geiger was saying that because
Judaism had eliminated its own claim to a special character, it was
entitled to a special character. Because particularism had been excised
from Jewish religion, Judaism had a right to special status. He seems to
be on the verge of replacing particularist Jewish nationalism by
particularist Jewish religion." [BLAU, p. 49] In other words, Geiger,
Reformed Judaism, and many of today's Jews (especially in America where
Reform is so popular) have been shamed by the democratic, egalitarian,
and universalistic impact of the Enlightenment and pan-human ideals of
Christianity to exchange Jewish chauvinism for ... Jewish chauvinism!
Modern Jewry simply lifts Christian universalistic tenets and
incongruously tacks them onto Jewish particularism, the particularism
that early Christians (rebelling Jews) left in the first place. "It is
curious to sit in a Reform or so-called Conservative American [Jewish]
congregation," says Norman Cantor, "and listen to the rabbi sermonize
about the equality between Jew and Christian, black and white. This is
actually the universalizing message not of the talmudic rabbi, but of
Rabbi Saul [St. Paul of New Testament fame] who was beaten up and
driven from the diaspora synagogues when he preached this leveling
message." [CANTOR, p. 106]
George L. Mosse notes the way
particularist Judaism was contorted to be somehow universalized
in turn-of-the-century Germany:
"In 1910, Rabbi Cossman Werner of
Munich castigated Jews
who had been baptized into
Christianity for committing a crime
not merely against Judaism but above
all against humanity itself.
Such Jews opposed equal rights and
hindered others in fighting
for justice, for 'to be a Jew means
to be human,' a statement
which was greeted with thunderous
applause. The argument
against baptism was based not on
Judaism as a revealed religion
but on the religion of humanity."
[MOSSE, G., 1985, p. 19]
This curious universalistic message,
heralded today in some form by so many modern Jews, is rendered
transparently hollow and fundamentally incongruous in a Jewish context.
As Eric Kahler phrases it, in Orwellian double-think: "The substance of
[Judaism's] particularism is universality." [KAHLER, E., 1967, p. 11]
"True universalism, according to [one Jewish] school of thought," wrote
Lothar Kahn, "can't occur without each human family contributing its
individuality to the whole race of men. The Jew can best become a
Frenchman or German -- a citizen of the world -- by perfecting the
Jewishness in him." [KAHN, L., 1961, p. 30] Or take Will Herberg's
typical Jewish view of it all:
"Jewish particularism, because it
transcends every national and cultural
boundary, becomes, strangely enough
a vehicle and witness to
universalism. [HERBERG, p. 276]
In other words, at root here,
Herberg simply asserts that because Jews extend their allegiance to each
other wherever they are in the world, this is "universalism." E.L.
Goldstein notes the Jewish reluctance to relinquish the racial
foundation of Jewish identity, even in the invention of a
"universalistic" Reform Judaism in the 19th century:
"It was not uncommon for a rabbi to
make bold pronouncements about
his desire for a universalistic
society and then, in moments of frustration
or doubt, revert to a racial
understanding of the Jews ... While willing
to stretch the definition of Judaism
to its limits, it was clear that most
Reformers were not willing to break
the historical continuity of the
Jewish 'race.' Even Solomon Schindler
... one of the most radical of
Reform rabbis, felt compelled to
acknowledge the racial aspect of
Jewish identity. Despite the high
universal task of Judaism, wrote
Schindler, 'it remains a fact that we
spring from a different branch of
humanity, that different blood flows
in our veins, that our temperament,
our tastes, our humor is different
from yours; that, in a word, we differ
in our views and in our modes of
thinking in many cases as much as
we differ in our features.'"
[MACDONALD, 1998, p. 157]
"The tension between the universal
and particular in Jewish life," observes Charles Liebman and Steven
Cohen about much Jewish commentary today, "is a favorite theme of Jewish
commentators, both scholarly and popular ... They in effect lead their
audiences in cheering the uniqueness of American Jewry, portraying it as
the one American religious or ethnic group that combines a passionate
concern for itself with an almost equally passionate concern for
others." [LIEBMAN/COHEN, p. 28] Louis Jacobs, in an apologetic, notes
the endemic Jewish universalist/particularist identity incompatability:
"The question of universalism in Judaism is, and is bound to be,
an extremely
complicated one. The God Jews worship is the Creator of the whole
world
and of all peoples yet Jews believe that they are the Chosen
People, however
the latter concept is understood. The balance between
universalism and
particularism has always been difficult for Jews to achieve ...
It is all
really a matter of where the emphasis is to be placed and there
have been
varying emphases in this matter throughout the history of
Judaism. Some
Jews have spoken as if God's chief, if not total, interest, so to
speak, is
with 'His' people. Others, especially in modern times, have gone
to the
opposite extreme, preferring to stress universalism to the extent
of
watering down the doctrine of particularism to render it a vague
notion
of loyalty to a tradition in which the universalism had first
emerged.
Few Jews will fail to admit that there are tensions between the
two
doctrines." [JACOBS, L., 1995, p. 576-577]
Popular Jewish author Cynthia Ozick
can, on one hand, claim that "Jewish universalism emphasizes that the
God of Israel is also the God of mankind-in-general" and yet conclude
the same article with an appeal to fellow Jews to be more self-absorbed
as Jews: "If we blow into the narrow end of the shofar [a ram horn, used
as an instrument to herald traditional religious practice] we will be
heard far. But if we choose to be Mankind rather than Jewish and blow
into the wider part, we will not be heard at all; for us America will
have been in vain." [OZICK, C., p. 34]
This implicit contradiction in a
"universalist"-"particularist" Judaism is not lost to some young Jews
who see through such illusory thinking. In a book about Jewish identity,
one Jewish interviewee notes that "Judaism is very insular, it doesn't
happily bring people in, so if you're supposed to be setting an example
yet you keep everyone out, that's contradictory." [KLEIN, E. p. 191]
And this thinly disguised attitude of
enduring Jewish superiority always leaves the ideological door ajar for
Jews to easily turn back to Jewish Orthodoxy and its seminal
"particularism" of religious antiquity, or simply convert it in secular
terms to modern Zionism. By the end of the twentieth century, with the
modern state of Israel, we are seeing this happening. Most of those who
call themselves Jews have a significant degree of loyalty to Israel. And
Jewish Orthodoxy is in fact growing in America and often entwining with
its secular Chosen People offshoot, Zionism. The idea of being divinely
endowed is a powerful attraction. One study notes that about a quarter
of all Orthodox Jews in America today were new (i.e., "returned") to
Orthodoxy. The current growth in Orthodox adherents is the first since
the eighteenth century Enlightenment. "The Haredim [ultra-orthodox],"
says Robert Wistrich, "are the fastest growing segment in contemporary
Jewry." [WISTRICH, TERMS, p. 5] "Institutionally and demographically,"
noted Jonathan Sacks in 1993, "the strongest and most rapidly growing
group in the contemporary Jewish world is Orthodox Jewry." [SACKS, J.,
p. 138]
How profoundly this paradoxical
"particularism" (i.e., chauvinism) is ingrained in the Jewish
consciousness is evidenced even in leftist political organizations that
are supposed to be founded upon notions of universality, egalitarianism,
and pan-human solidarity. In the years leading up to the Russian
communist revolution in the early twentieth century, the undying
obsession by most Russian Jews for themselves -- distinct from many
Russian leftists around them -- often manifest itself in ethnocentric
political expressions. Many Jews of Russia and Poland congregated
towards their own socialist movement called the Bund. Much to the
aggravation of communist party leader V. I. Lenin and his
universalistic Bolshevik movement, the Bund's version of leftism
insisted upon -- even within the context of the existing nation state of
Russia -- special Jewish national rights beyond those
civil. [AGUS, p. 164]
"It was not enough for the Bund,"
says Heinz-Dietrich Lowe, "to shift ... from Russian to Yiddish in its
agitational programme, it had to develop a fully fledged national
programme which demanded cultural autonomy for the Jews of the Russian
empire." [LOWE, p. 171] When non-Jews began rioting in Russia against
Jewish exclusionism and commercial exploitation in the late 1800s, "the
Bund ... used these pogroms as an opportunity to intensify its economic
activities and further its political aims." [LOWE, p. 171] "[The Bund's]
leaders," says Joseph Marcus, "consistently conducted a class-conscious
policy, ostensibly in the interests of the whole working class, but
actually confined to its Jewish members." [MARCUS, p. 211]
While the Bund had a large following
in Eastern Europe, notes Shmuel Ettinger,
"at the same time, the Zionist
Federation, which was also being formed
by Russian Jews, stimulated the
[Jewish] nationalist trends ... Among
Jewish political subgroups the
Socialist Zionist Party demanded that
a Jewish society, socialist in
principle, be established in a special
territory to be set aside for the
Jews; the Jewish Socialist Party, the
'Seymists,' demanded a superior
leadership institution, 'Sejm,' for
every one of the nations which
belonged to the Federation of Russia;
the 'Peoples' Party' (Folkspartey),
led by historian Simon Dubnov,
demanded a large measure of autonomy
for the Jews within the
framework of the Russian state ...
Many Jews also played a part
in organizing the general Russian
political parties." [ETTINGER, 1984,
p. 9]
Across time and culture, even in the
context of the supposed multiculturalist and egalitarian American New
Left movement of the 1960's, Jews collectively tended to perceive
themselves with special distinction. As Arthur Liebman noted:
"[Gentile intellectuals] really are
not totally accepted into even the
secularist humanist liberal company
of their quondam Jewish friends.
Jews continue to insist in indirect
and often inexplicable ways on their
own uniqueness. Jewish universalism
in relations between Jews and
non-Jews has an empty ring ...
Still, we have the anomaly of Jewish
secularists and atheists writing
their own prayer books. We find
Jewish political reformers ...
ostensibly pressing for universalist
political goals -- while organizing
their own political clubs which are
so Jewish in style and manner that
non-Jews often feel unwelcome."
[LIEBMAN, in MACDONALD, p. 158]
Jews have a long history of leftist
political advocacy, agitation against any status quo of Christian
empowerment, and profoundly disproportionate percentages of leadership
roles in groups that ostensibly espouse pan-human, universalist themes.
With massive Jewish escape from the working class in America, Nathan
Glazer and Patrick Moynihan noted in 1963 that "the unions are
increasingly less Jewish [but] Jewish labor leaders continue to
dominate, even though they deal for the most part with non-Jewish
workers." [GLAZER/MOYNIHAN, p. 144-145] "In America and Europe," says
Barry Rubin, "the left was so heavily Jewish as to be virtually a
communal activity in itself, especially in the 1930's ... Marxist
intellectuals in those years were heavily Jewish in composition and
profoundly Jewish in their thinking ... [Its pre-eminent leaders] were
all born into highly assimilated, wealthy families..." [RUBIN, B., p.
147] Reflecting on the collapse of the leftist movement in America,
Harold Cruse, an African-American intellectual and former communist,
complained that
"The Jews could not [Americanize
Marxism] with the nationalist-
aggressiveness emerging out of East
Side ghettoes to demonstrate
through Marxism their intellectual
superiority over the Anglo-Saxon
goyim. The Jews failed to
make Marxism applicable to anything in
America but their own national-group
ambition or individual self-
election." [LIEBMAN, A., p. 529]
In 1982 a Jewish author noted a
similar quote by a Gentile communist activist from Wisconsin:
"It became increasingly apparent to
most participants [at a communist
youth conference] that virtually all
the speakers were Jewish New
Yorkers. Speakers with thick New
York accents would identify
themselves as 'the delegate from the
Lower East Side' or 'the comrade
from Brownsville.' Finally the
national leadership called a recess to
discuss what was becoming an
embarassment. How could a
supposedly national student
organization be so totally dominated by
New York Jews? ... The convention
was held in Wisconsin." [in
MACDONALD, 1998, p. 72]
"The problem arose," says Arthur Liebman,
"to the means to accomplish the objective of Americanizing what was
an essentially
Jewish and European socialist movement ... [LIEBMAN, A., 1986, p.
340] ...
The disproportionate presence of Jews and the foreign born
generally in
the socialist movement coupled with the relative absence of
non-Jews and
native Americans troubled many of its leaders, Jews and non-Jews
alike.
The Communist party, for example, in the 1920s was made up almost
entirely of Jews and foreign born, most of whom were in foreign
language
federations. The Jews alone in the 1930s and 1940s accounted for
approximately
40 to 50 percent of the membership of the Communist party."
[LIEBMAN, A.,|
1986, p. 339]
Nathaniel Weyl notes that:
"Although Communist leaders were
normally taciturn about the extent
to which Party membership was Jewish,
Jack Stachel complained in
The Communist for April 1929
that in Los Angeles 'practically 90 per
cent of the membership is Jewish.' In
1945, John Williamson, another
national leader of the American
Communist Party, observed that, while
a seventh of Party membership was
concentrated in Brooklyn, it
was not the working-class districts,
but in Brownsville, Williamsburg,
Coney Island and Bensonhurst, which
he characterized 'as primarily
Jewish American communities.' In
1951, the same complaint about
Brooklyn was reiterated. A 1938
breakdown of Communist educational
directors on a district level
reported that 17 out of 34 were Jewish and
only nine 'American' ... Based on
scrutiny of surnames, Glazer concluded
that all of the 'Rank and File'
(Communist) teachers placed on trial by
the Teachers Union in 1932 were
Jewish." [WEYL, N., 1968, p. 118-119]
"The popular association of Jews with Communism," notes Peter
Novick, "dated from the Bolshevik Revolution. Most of the 'alien
agitators' deported from the United States during the Red Scare after
World War I had been Jews." [NOVICK, P., 1999, p. 92] Major American
twentieth century court trials included those of Charles Schenck,
general secretary of the Socialist Party, who was arrested for sedition
in 1919: "The case marked the first time the Supreme Court ruled on the
extent to which the U.S. government may limit speech." [KNAPPMAN, E.,
1995, p. 61, 60] Likewise, in 1927 the Supreme Court "upheld the
conviction of Socialist Benjamin Gitlow under a New York state law for
advocating criminal anarchy." [KNAPPMAN, E., 1995, p. 63]
Peter Pulzer once noted that, in the
German socialist ranks of the early 20th century, "Their [Jews']
disproportionately bourgeois origins and their tendency to derive their
views from first principles rather than empirical experience, led them
into a dominating position [in] the party's debates." [WEISBERGER, A.,
1997, p. 93] Arthur Liebman notes the background to the Morris
Hillquit's election to the American Socialist party chairmanship in
1932:
"Hilquit, in turn, brought the unmentionable to the center
stage in an emotional
speech, declaring, 'I apologize for having been born abroad, for
being a Jew, and
living in New York City.'
Hilquit's oblique reference to anti-Semitism assured him of
victory. As Thomas
[Hilquit's opponent for the chairmanship] later commented, 'Once
the anti-
Semitic issue was raised, even though unjustly, I was inclined to
think it
best that Hillquit won.' The Socialist party did not want to risk
being labeled
anti-Semitic." [LIEBMAN, A., 1986, p. 341]
Some estimates suggest that 60% of
the leadership for the 60s-era radical SDS (Students for a Democratic
Society) were Jews (well-known radicals included Kathy Boudin, Bettina
Aptheker, among many others). [PRAGER, p. 61] From 1960 to 1970, five
of the nine changing presidents of the organization were Jewish males
(Al Haber, Todd Gitlin, and the last three for the decade: Mike Spiegel,
Mike Klonsky, and Mark Rudd). [SALE, K., 1973, p. 663] "Perhaps fully 50
percent of the revolutionary Students for a Democratic Society," says
Milton Plesur, "and as many as 50 to 75 percent of those in campus
radical activities in the late 1960s were Jewish." [PLESUR, M., 1982, p.
137] As Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter note:
"The early SDS was heavily Jewish in both its leadership and
its activist cadres.
Key SDS leaders included Richard Flacks, who played an important
role
in its formation and growth, as well as Al Haber, Robb Ross, Steve
Max,
Mike Spiegel, Mike Klonsky, Todd Gitlin, Mark Rudd, and others.
Indeed,
for the first few years, SDS was largely funded by the League for
Industrial Democracy, a heavily Jewish socialist (but
anti-communist)
organization.
SDS's early successes were at elite universities containing
substantial
numbers of Jewish students and sympathetic Jewish faculty,
including
the University of Wisconsin at Madison, Brandeis, Oberlin, and the
University of California. At Berkeley SDS leaders were not unaware
of their roots. As Robb Ross put it, describing the situation at
the
Unversity of Wisconsin in the early 1960s, '... my impression is
that the left at Madison is not just a new left, but a revival of
the old ...
with all the problems that entails. I am struck by the lack of
Wisconsin-born people [in the Madison-area left] and the massive
preponderance of New York Jews. The situation at the University
of Minnesota is similar' ... [Researcher] Berns and his associates
found that 83 percent of a small radical activist sample studied at
the University of California in the early 1970s were of Jewish
background." [ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p. 61]
Susan Stern was among those to turn to the violent Weatherman
underground organization. Ted Gold, another Weatherman member, died when
a bomb he was making exploded in his hands. [ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p.
61] In an iconic 1970 incident, three of the four students shot and
killed by National Guardsmen at a famous Kent State University
demonstration were Jewish. [BYARD, K., 5-5-00]
A study by Joseph Adelson at
the University of Michigan, one of the American hotbeds of 1960s-era
activism, suggested that 90% of those defined as politically "radical
students" at that school were Jews. [PRAGER, p. 61, 66] And, "when, for
instance, the Queens College SDS held a sit-in at an induction center
several years ago," wrote Gabriel Ende, "they chose to sing Christmas
carols to dramatize their activity, although the chairman and almost all
of the members were Jewish." [ENDE, G., 1971, p. 61]
Ronald Radosh notes that
"In elite institutions like the University of Chicago, a large 63
percent of student
radicals were Jewish; Tom Hayden may have been the most famous name
in
the University of Michigan SDS, but '90 percent of the student left
[in that school]
came from jewish backgrounds;' and nationally, 60 percent of SDS
members
were Jewish. As my once-friend Paul Breines wrote about my own
alma
mater the University of Wisconsin, 'the real yeast in the whole
scene had been
the New York Jewish students in Wisconsin' ... As late as 1946,
one-third
of America's Jews held a favorable view of the Soviet Union."
[RADOSH, R.,
6-5-01]
Decades earlier, note Rothman and Lichter:
"The American Student Union, the most prominent radical student
group
during the 1930s, was heavily concentrated in New York colleges and
universities with large Jewish enrollments. And on other campuses,
such as the University of Illinois, substantial portions of its
limited
membership were students of Jewish background from New York
City." [ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p. 101]
In communist organizations that
supposedly idealized a classless society for all people, it inevitably
grated with enduring Jewish self-perception: Jews often tended to
configure as a special caste of controllers of -- not a religious, but
now -- a secular messianism. As Jeff Schatz notes about pre-World
War II Poland: "Despite the fact that [communist] party authorities
consciously strove to promote classically proletarian and ethnically
Polish members to the cadres of leaders and functionaries, Jewish
communists formed 54 percent of the field leadership of the KPP [Polish
Communist Party] in 1935. Moreover, Jews constituted a total of 75
percent of the party's technica, the apparatus for production and
distribution of propaganda material. Finally, communists of Jewish
origin occupied most of the seats of the Central Committee of the of the
KPPP [Communists Workers Party of Poland] and the KPP." [SCHATZ, p. 97]
Jews were at this time 10% of the Polish population.
In Russia, notes Shmuel Ettinger,
"when the Russian Social Democratic
Party split into two factions --
Bolsheviks and Mensheviks -- both
factions had many Jews in
their leaderships (such as Boris
Axelrod, Yuly Martov, Lev Trotsky,
Grigory Zinoviev, and Lev Kamenov)
and among their most active
party members. Many Jews also played
a part in the foundations and
leadership of the party ... For
example, Mikhail Gots was one of the
party's main thereoticians and
Grigory Gershuni was the leader of
its fighting organization, which
carried out terrorist acts against the
Tsarist regime." [ETTINGER, p. 9]
Earlier in Russia, notes Leon
Schapiro, "a particularly important part was played by [Jewish
revolutionary Aaron] Zundelovich, who in 1872 had formed a revolutionary
circle mainly among students at the state-sponsored rabbinical school,
at Vilna." [SCHAPIRO, L., 1961, p. 153]
Also, notes Albert Lindemann, "it
seems beyond serious debate that in the first twenty years of the
Bolshevik Party the top ten to twenty leaders included close to a
majority of Jews. Of the seven 'major figures' listed in The Makers
of the Russian Revolution, four are of Jewish origin." [LINDEMANN,
p. 429-430] Among the most important Jewish communists were the
aforementioned Trotsky (originally Lev Davidovich Bronstein) and Grigori
Yevseyevich Zinoviev ("Lenin's closest associate in the war years"). Lev
Borisovich Kamenev (Rosenfeld) headed the party newspaper, Pravda.
Adolf Yoffe was head of the Revolutionary Military Committee of the
Petrograd Bolshevik Party in 1917-18. Moisei Solomonovich, head of the
secret police in Petrograd, was known by some as the epitome of "Jewish
terror against the Russian people." [LINDEMANN, p. 431]
In Hungary, notes Jewish scholar
Howard Sachar, "for 135 days [in 1919], Hungary was ruled by a Communist
dictatorship. Its party boss, Bela Kun, was a Jew. So were 31 of the 49
commissars in Kun's regime." [SACHAR, H., 1985, p. 339]
During that time, note Jewish scholars
Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter, Jews also represented
"most managers of the forty-eight People's Commissars in his
revolutionary government. Most managers of the new state farms were
Jewish, as were the bureau chiefs of the Central Administration and
the
leading police officers. Overall, of 202 high officials in the Kun
government,
161 were Jewish. Jews remained active in the Communist party during
the Horthy regime of 1920-44, dominating its leadership. Again,
most were from established, middle-class (or, at worst,
lower-middle-
class) backgrounds. Hardly any were proletarians or peasants. Most
of the Hungarian Jewish community was massacred during World
War II ... Nonetheless, the leading cadres of the Communist party
in
the postwar period were Jews, who completely dominated the regime
until
1952-53 ... The wags of Budapest explained the presence of a lone
gentile in the party leadership on the grounds that a 'goy' was
needed to turn on the lights on Saturday." [ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982,
p. 89]
"In Lithuania," add Rothman and Lichter,
"about 54 percent of the [Communist] party cadres were Jewish.
Salonika
Jewry played a major role in the foundation of Greek Communist
party and
remained prominent until the early 1940s. Similar patterns
prevailed in Rumania and
Czechoslovakia. Jews played quite
prominent roles in the top and second echelon
leadership of the
communist regimes in all of these countries in the immediate
postwar period. They were often associated with Stalinist policies
and were
strongly represented in the secret police. In Poland, for example,
three of the
five members of the original Politburo were Jewish. A fourth,
Wladyslaw Gomulka,
was married to a woman of Jewish background. In both Rumania and
Czechoslovakia,
at least two of the four key figures in the Communist party were
of Jewish background."
[ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p. 90]
In Canada, in the 1940s, the Jewish
head of the Communist Party in Montreal, Harry Binder, estimated that
70% of the Communist Party membership in his city were Jewish. In
Toronto, from a Jewish population of 50,000, about 30% of the formal
members of the local Communist community were believed to be Jews, not
including those who had looser ties to the organization. [PARIS, E.,
1980, p. 145]
David Biale notes Jewish pre-eminence
among the communists of South Africa:
"The fact that they were outsiders to
the main elements of white South
African society -- British and
Afrikaner -- undoubtedly made them more
likely to rebel against the existing
order. It was the explosive combination
of Communist ideology as a kind of
substitute for religion and the Jews'
marginal status that probably turned
these Jews into such a prevalent
presence on the South African left."
[BIALE, D., MARCH/APRIL 2000,
p. 63-64]
"Jews of Polish background played an important role in the founding
of the Cuban communist party," note Rothman and Lichter, "and there are
scattered indications of their significance in left-wing parties and
groups in other Latin American countries. Jews were also prominent in
the formation of Communist parties in various North African countries."
[ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p. 90-91]
Even in 1930's pre-Nazi Germany, the
Communist Party's top two leaders -- Rosa Luxemburg and Paul Levi --
were Jewish. (Hannah Arendt notes that Luxemburg was a member of a
"Polish-Jewish 'peer group,'" which was a "carefully hidden attachment
to the Polish party which sprang from it.") [ARENDT, 1968, p. 40]
Earlier, in the wake of World War I, another Jewish radical, Kurt
Eisner, proclaimed a socialist republic in Bavaria. Upon his
assassination, Eisner's government was replaced by another socialist one
-- that of president Ernst Toller (also Jewish). Erich Muehsam and
Gustav Landauer were other Jews in high positions in the government.
[PAYNE, p. 124-125] Next came a Communist coup to oust the socialist
regime. As John Cornwell describes it, "After a week or two of
outlandish misrule, on April 12 [1919] a reign of terror ensued under
the red revolutionary trio of Max Levien, Eugen Levine, and Tonja
Axelrod [also all Jewish] to hasten the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The new regime kidnapped 'middle-class' hostages, throwing them into
Stadelheim Prison. They shut down schools, imposed censorship, and
requisitioned peoples' homes and possessions." [CORNWELL, p. 74] In
Austria, in 1920, repeating the theme, "the socialist government was led
by Friedrich Adler, Otto Bauer, Karl Seitz, Julius Deutsch and Hugo
Breitner." [GROLLMAN, E., 1965, p. 117] "The Austrian Social Democrat
party was founded by Victor Adler, a deracinated Jew from a well-known
Prague Jewish family, and the party paper was edited by Friedrich
Austerlitz, a Moravian Jew. Other prominent Jews in the party leadership
included Wilhelm Ellenbogen, Otto Bauer, Robert Dannenberg, and Max
Adler." [ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p. 88]
'The list of leading socialists [in
Germany] of Jewish origin is long and illustrious," adds Adam
Weisberger, "-- Eduard Bernstein, Rosa Luxemburg, Gustav Landauer, Kurt
Eisner, Paul Singer, Hugo Haase -- to mention some of the most prominent
among them." [WEISBERG, A., 1997, p. 2]
As George Mosse notes:
"Jews were highly visible in many of
the postwar [World War I]
revolutions, not only in Bolshevik
Russia but also in Budapest,
Munich, and Berlin. During the
postwar crisis, belief in Jewish
conspiracies and subversive activity
was not just a curious notion
held by professed haters of Jews; in
1918, even Winston Churchill
associated Jews with the Bolshevik
conspiracy." [MOSSE, G., 1985,
For those who even know about such a
past, Jewish historiography these days tends to assert that communist
and socialist Jews, in Russia and everywhere else, did not have any
interest in a Jewish identity. This position asserts that such Jewish
communist involvement was an investment in a secular universalism that
leaves behind the traditional Jewish collectivist identity. In
explaining away why so many Jews were secret police terrorists under the
communist regime in Eastern Europe [see above links], Jewish author
Michael Checinski writes that
"They were, for better or worse,
considered less susceptible to the
lures of 'Polish nationalism,' to
which even impeccable Polish Communists
were not thought immune. It should be
remembered that these Jews
were of a particular type: there were
few veteran Communists among
them, as their victims would be former
KPP members and other
left-wingers, and Moscow was taking no
chances with sentimental
ties of comradeship cramping their
style as guardians of political
'purity.' Many of them had not only
sadistic inclinations but also
various grudges against their future
victims, both Polish and Jewish.
Indeed, it is significant that there
were no traces of 'Jewish
solidarity' among the staff of the
Tenth Department. On the
contrary, they represented a distorted
conception of 'internationalism,'
which could be described as 'Jewish
anti-Semitism.'" [CHECINSKI,
M., 1982, p. 71-72]
This is a common Jewish apologetic
tact today, to explain away the Jewish identities of so many communist
terrorists by proclaiming that they had no connective identity with
others in their work circles. Even here, Jewish consensus proclaims,
even as Jews murdered others, Jews remain victims of
anti-Semitism. [Much more about this in future chapters]
But as Kevin MacDonald suggests,
"surface declarations of a lack of Jewish identity may be highly
misleading ... There is good evidence for widespread self-deception
about Jewish identity among Jewish radicals ... [Bolshevism] was a
government that aggressively attempted to destroy all vestiges of
Christianity as a socially unifying force within the Soviet Union while
at the same time it established a secular Jewish subculture."
[MACDONALD, 1998, p. 60]
Arthur Liebman notes this phenomenon in "the flood of
Yiddish-speaking Jews" to America in the early years of the twentieth
century:
"These new Jews were too large a constituency to be kept separate
from the
Socialist party for the length of time ncessary to accept the
arguments of the
sophisticated Marxist cosmopolitan Jews. If these masses of Jews
who valued
their Jewish identity and language would come to socialism through
a special
Jewish organization, then the Socialists decided they would have
it. The Jewish
Socialist Federation was officially recognized by the Socialist
party in 1912."
[LIEBMAN, A., 1986, p. 339]
As Jewish author John Sack notes
about the many officials of Jewish origin in Poland after World War II
who headed the repressive communist secret police system:
"I'd interviewed twenty-three Jews
who'd been in the Office [of State
Security], and one, just one, had
considered himself a communist in
1945. He and the others had gone to
Jewish schools, studied the
Torah, had been bar-mitzvahed,
sometimes wore payes ... By whose
definition weren't they Jews? Not by
the Talmud's, certainly not by
the government of Israel's or the
government of Nazi Germany's."
[PIOTROWSKI, p. 63]
Melanie Kaye-Kantrowitz puts her
Jewish identity in a socialist context this way:
"Out of nowhere pops a question,
'If you don't care about being
Jewish, how come all your friends are
Jews?'
Vivian ... thinks about being
Jewish on the toilet and in her
sleep, as well as every other moment
of the day or night.
'I live in New York,' I snap, and
we both burst out laughing.
Mentally I flip through my friends
for a non-Jew. Nothing.
She shakes her head. 'You're such
a Jew. How come you
don't know this about yourself?'
... My parents never thought about
it either, it was who they
were. In Vilna they were Jews and
socialists, and when they came
here they were still Jews and
socialists. They lived among other
Jews. Everyone spoke Jewish. What was
there to think? It was
like air, they breathed it. There was
Jewish everything. My parents
would argue who you could trust less,
communists or Democrats,
anarchists they never worried about.
All Jewish. Orthodox,
secular. Owners, bosses, workers.
Doctors, teachers, salesclerks,
writers, dancers, peddlers, you name
it. All Jewish. Movies. Gossip
columns. Like I said, you breathed
it." [KAYE-KANTROWITZ,
1990, p. 188]
Jewish author Anne Rolphe, today an
ardent supporter of Israel, addresses the same theme:
"I can say I was a Marxist before I
was old enough to know history,
and afterward a liberal, a Leftist,
a woman of the people with the people,
but finally I must own to the
hypocrisy. I see certain unwelcome
contradictions." [ROLPHE, 1981, p.
113]
Rolphe's first hypocrisy was that she
was born to wealth: "I am the product of the [economic] wits of my
grandfather." [ROLPHE, 1981, p. 113] And despite an identity as a
Marxist, Leftist, liberal, or whatever else she thought she was, Rolphe
inevitably was drawn back to "this odd mystical connection to the Jewish
peoplehood, " [ROLPHE, 1981, p. 182] writing an entire volume about it
(subtitled A Jewish Journey in Christian America). "I thought,"
she wrote, "that ... I had asserted my ego as separate from the forced
march of Jewish history ... I had thought I had cut out the roots of the
tree that was causing too much shade in my garden ... [but] the tree
without roots had surprised me with its staying power." [ROLPHE, 1981,
p. 180]
Jewish communist Sam Carr was
released from a Canadian prison in 1951 for spying for Russia.
"Ironically," notes Erna Paris, "given the fact that he 'wasn't much of
a Jew,' he did become the leader of the Unified Jewish People's Order
after 1960." [PARIS, E., p. 176] In Argentina, Jewish publisher Jacobo
Timerman was imprisoned by the ruling military junta in 1977. It was
pointed out to him by his right-wing interrogators that he was a member
of a "registered affiliate organization of the Communist Party" in his
youth. Timerman denied that he joined it because of any interest in
communism, but, rather, for how it could serve his other ideological
interests: "I belonged to it as an anti-Fascist, a Jew, and a Zionist."
[TIMERMAN, J., 1981, p. 116]
"A number of Jewish socialists,
particularly in the later stages of the [German] Wilhelmine period,"
notes Adam Weisberger, "exhibited the phenomenon of returning to Judaism
... although admittedly often in secular or accentuated form. Joseph
Bloch, for example, originally an ardent assimilationist and German
nationalist, became perhaps the chief proponent of Zionism in the German
socialist movement." [WEISBERGER, A., 1997, p. 98]
In 1961, Jewish author Daniel Aaron
criticized the shallow attachment many in radical movements really had
to their left-wing postures: "Some writers joined or broke from the
[Communist] Movement because of their wives, or for careerist reasons,
or because they read their own inner disturbances into the realities of
social dislocation. To put it another way, the subject matter of
politics ... was often the vehicle for non-political emotions and
compulsions." [WALD, p. 14]
Sigmund Freud (although not a Marxist,
his areligious work is often joined to Marxist theory) insisted that his
psychological speculations applied to all people and tried to dismiss
any evidence of his own special Jewish particularism. But he was always
conflicted about it. As he once wrote about his connection to Jewish
identity, "When I felt an inclination to [Jewish] national enthusiasm I
strove to suppress it as being harmful and wrong, alarmed by the warning
examples of the people among whom we Jews live. But plenty of other
things remained to make the attraction of Jewry and Jews irresistible --
many obscure emotional forces, which were the more powerful the less
they could be expressed in words, as well as a clear consciousness of
inner identity, the safe privacy of a common mental connection."
[ROLPHE, 1981, p. 180] (The clique that runs, and enforces, the
psychoanalytic world, as we shall see later, remains overwhelmingly
Jewish).
Jewish messianic elitism in leftist
"universalist" circles endures to this day. In 1992, Michael Lerner,
prominent editor of the left-wing Jewish journal Tikkun,
suggested remedies for curing anti-Semitism in leftist organizations.
The cure? "Put[ting] self-affirming Jews in positions of leadership in
your organizations" [LERNER, Socialism, p. 115] and
indoctrination sessions to sensitize non-Jews to Jewish needs (Lerner's
term is: "internal education programs.")
Erna Paris notes the history of
Jewish communism in Canada:
"Although the Jewish left claimed to
be dedicated to perfect equality,
it also gave full-blown expression to
the strong velvet-gloved, ancient,
patriarchal traditions of Judaism. If
the ancestral prophets like Amos
were the Fathers of Israel, so the men
of UJPO [United Jewish
People's Order: a 'Jewish' branch of
communism] and the school of
the Jewish labour movement were the
'Fathers' of the women and
children in the movement. Without
question, they were the new
Hebrew prophets of a better world."
[PARIS, E., p. 152]
As Adam Weisberger notes this Jewish
identity root in the profound historical influence of Jews in
revolutionary communist and socialist movements that aimed to destroy
the existing social order:
"A messianic idea, derived from
traditional Judaism, persisted through
the process of secularization and
entered into the groundwork of
socialism ... Jewish socialists, even
when they were estranged from
Judaism and possessed little or no
formal Jewish education, remained
an essential part of the mission of
those Jews who believed they had
broken with tradition." [WEISBERGER,
A., 1997, p. 112]
"After being nurtured by a culture that saw itself superior by
virtue of its special relationship with God," note Jewish authors
Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter,
"many Jews must have experienced their contact with modern Europe
[with the birth of the Enlightenment] as traumatic. It was
difficult to
think Jewish life superior to the achievements of European
civilization
once the protective mantle of the shtetl was no longer
present. What
better way to reestablish claims to superiority than by adopting
the
most 'advanced' social position of the larger society and viewing
this adoption as a reflection of Jewish heritage? Thus many radical
Jewish intellectuals were able to continue to assert Jewish
superiority, even as they denied their Jewishness." [ROTHMAN/
LICHTER, 1982, p. 121]
Arnold Eisen, in a discussion of
Leslie Fiedler (who started out as a socialist) and other well-known
Jewish American "intellectuals," notes the transformative essence of
Jewish identity from traditional Judaism to modern political movements:
"Here the entire language of chosenness -- suffering, witness, mission,
reciprocity, exclusivity, covenant, and even repudiation of Christianity
and idol worship! -- has been appropriated and hollowed out in order to
endow the Jewish intellectual with the role of prophet to his own
community and the world." [EISEN, p. 136] Salo Baron goes back further
in time, but underscores the same Jewish identity foundation, which can,
however incongruously, simultaneously straddle both "universalistic"
communist movements and "particularist" Zionism:
"Under one guise or another, even the
antireligious movements in
19th century Judaism were unable to
cast off their messianic yearnings
for an ultimate redemption of their
people, or of mankind at large. The
growing secularization of modern
Jewry made the transition from
religious messianism to political
Zionism appear as but another link
in that long chain of evolution."
[BARON, 1964, p. 172]
David Horowitz recalls what it was
like growing up in a New York City household with his communist parents,
an environment still founded upon the Jewish religious myths of
redemption:
"In the radical romance of our
political lives, the world was said
to have begun in innocence, but to
have fallen afterwards under
an evil spell, afflicting the lives
of all with great suffering and
injustice. According to our myth, a
happy ending beckoned,
however. Through the efforts of
progressives like us, the spell
would one day be lifted, and mankind
would be freed from its
trials." [HOROWITZ, D., 1999, p. 284]
Even the founder of Hadassah (the
women's Zionist organization), Henrietta Szold, once wrote that "the
world has not progressed beyond the need of Jewish instruction, but the
Jew can be witness and a missionary only if he is permitted to interpret
the lessons of Judaism as his peculiar nature and his peculiar
discipline enable him to interpret them." [GAL, A., 1986, p. 371] How
Zionism, the modern secular expression of traditional Jewish
ethnocentrism, is supposed to "instruct the world that has not
progressed beyond the need of Jewish instruction" is never explained.
[Note Zionism's implicit racism and oppressive policies against non-Jews
in the later chapter about Israel].
With the erosion of the New Left in
America in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and Israel's 1967 victory in
its war with surrounding Arab states, distinctly Judeo-centric political
configurations arose out of the Jewish universalistic left-wing
community that, as Mordecai Chertoff notes, "affirm[ed] Zionism ... and
Judaism ... as socialists and radicals." [CHERTOFF, p. 192] Such
organizations included the Jewish Student Movement, the Jewish Action
Committee, Kadimah, the Jewish Student Union, the Maccabees, American
Students for Israel, the World Union of Jewish Students, Na'aseh, Jews
for Urban Justice, the New Jewish Committee, the Jewish Liberation
Project, the Youth Committee for Peace and Democracy in the Middle East,
and the Committee for Social Justice in the Middle East. Such
organizations produced between 20 and 40 periodicals with a combined
circulation of over 300,000. [GLAZER, NEW p. 192-193]
"The extreme radical groups of the
New Left came out officially in favor of the Arabs," notes James Yaffe,
"but it generally conceded that there was much opposition from Jews in
those groups. 'Jewish kids in the Movement,' one of them told me, 'have
a double standard on Israel. A non-Jewish leftist is much more likely to
condemn Israel than a Jewish leftist." [YAFFE, J., 1968, p. 193]
"There are still those [Jews] who
are impressed," wrote Nathan Glazer in 1971, "by what seems to be the
New Left concern for all of mankind, but more and more ... are
discovering ... that there is a limit to the number of trumpets one can
respond. [Jews] are responding, in greater numbers to their own."
[GLAZER, p. 196] "How many times," complained anti-Vietnam War activist
Gabriel Ende in the same year, "have committed Jews joined with others
in Vietnam and student power rallies, only to have their erstwhile
companions stab them in the back with boorish anti-Israel remarks on the
morrow?" [ENDE, G., 1971, p. 59]
Traditional Jewish tendency to
cluster and control is likewise evidenced in the opposite political
field -- American conservatism. Pat Buchanan -- the outspoken
conservative newspaper columnist and former candidate for the President
of the United States (widely despised in Jewish circles as an
"anti-Semite") -- has attacked the 'neo-conservative' movement of Irving
Kristol and others (many Jewish), who Buchanan likens to "fleas who
conclude they are steering the dog, their relationship to the
[conservative] movement has always been parasitical." [SHAPIRO, Pat,
p. 226]
In more recent history, reflecting
another popular angle of Jewish chauvinism under the guise of
universalism (in a theme to be discussed at length later), Eli Wiesel,
the well-known semi-official spokesman for Jewish suffering in the
Holocaust, wrote a formal report to the President of the United States
about what the proposed $168 million United States Holocaust Memorial
Museum in Washington DC would be. While up to six million Jews were
killed in the Nazi extermination programs (and over three times that
number of non-Jews may have been killed, [MILLER, p. 253] depending upon
how one defines "Holocaust," Wiesel, true to Jewish particularist/univeralist
form, noted that the museum would focus mainly on Jewish victims:
"The Holocaust was the systematic
bureaucratic extermination of six
million Jews by the Nazis and
their collaborators as a central act of state
during the Second World War; as
night descended, millions of other
peoples were swept into this net
of death ... The event is essentially
Jewish, yet its interpretation is
universal. The universality of the
Holocaust lies in its [Jewish]
uniqueness." [MILLER, p. 255]
A poignant -- and current -- example
of this worldview is the aforementioned Michael Lerner, a man who has
been provided precious moments in the national spotlight by an
influential admirer, Hillary Clinton. Incredibly, Lerner frames American
universalistic ideals themselves as oppressors of American
Jewry. "Jews have been forced," complains Lerner," to choose between a
loyalty to their own people and a loyalty to universal ideals." [LERNER,
p. 5] What moral person of any faith or ethnicity is not "forced to
choose" -- by his or her own conscience -- between what Lerner cannot
openly state: selfish, exclusionist self-interest club interests versus
sacrifice for the common good? That Lerner imagines only
Jews have faced such a dilemma in the American -- or any -- context is
but evidence of the blind depth of Judeo-centrism. Lerner is enraptured,
overwhelmed, by his own sense of Jewishness. True to form, "it is [a]
hidden vulnerability," insists Lerner, "that constitutes the uniqueness
of Jewish oppression." [LERNER, p. 65]
Leftist, rightist, Orthodox, atheist,
or anything else, the origins of Jewish incessant, undying obsession
with their "uniqueness," "exceptionality," "difference," "messianism,"
et al is to be found in the Judaic religious record. As Adam Garfinkle
sees it:
"The mission of Israel, as the
Prophets defined it, is to spread
monotheism and the moral code that
flows from it around the world,
but not to make everyone part of a
great Israelite tribe. .... The Jews
do not merge with the nations or
convert them. They are, said Balaam,
in Numbers 23:9, a people destined
to live alone. Although Jewish ideas
are universalistic, [?] traditional
Jews see themselves in exclusionist
terms, a self-perception that has
caused endless confusion and
resentment among non-Jews. Jewish
apologists like to emphasize the
special burdens of this role and
point to the costs it has extracted on the
Jewish people in history -- no
doubt all true. But that does not change
the basic fact, as even a casual
reading of central Jewish texts show,
that Jews have believed themselves
special, closer to the Divine than
other people." [GARFINKLE, p. 10]